*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 74620 ***
THE
TRIBES AND CASTES
OF THE
NORTH-WESTERN PROVINCES AND OUDH.
BY
W. CROOKE, B.A.,
BENGAL CIVIL SERVICE.
IN FOUR VOLUMES.
VOL. I.
CALCUTTA:
OFFICE OF THE SUPERINTENDENT OF GOVERNMENT PRINTING, INDIA.
1896.
PREFACE.
Much has been already written about the Tribes and Castes of the
North-Western Provinces and Oudh. The long series of such books begins
with the famous “Supplementary Glossary” of Sir H. M. Elliot. Then
comes Mr. Sherring’s valuable account of the people, principally based
on enquiries in Benares. For Oudh we have Sir C. A. Elliott’s
“Chronicles of Unâo,” Mr. Benett’s “Clans of Râê Bareli,” and Mr.
Carnegy’s “Notes.” Besides these there is a large body of literature on
the subject, such as Mr. Growse’s “Mathura,” Mr. Atkinson’s Chapters in
the “Himalayan Gazetteer,” General Cunningham’s “Archæological
Reports,” General Sleeman’s “Rambles and Recollections” and “Journey in
Oudh,” Mr. Greeven’s researches about sweepers, and a great mass of
miscellaneous memoirs included in the Settlement Reports, District
Gazetteers, “Indian Antiquary,” “Calcutta Review,” and other periodical
literature. The notes in the present book will show how much I am
indebted to the researches of my predecessors in the same line of
enquiry.
It is again fortunate that a long series of valuable books has been
devoted to the races on the boundaries of these Provinces; for it must
be remembered that these frontiers are purely geographical and not
ethnical. Thus we have a large mass of information collected by Mr.
Risley, Mr. O’Donnell and Dr. Buchanan Hamilton for Behâr, by Colonel
Dalton for Chota Nâgpur, by Mr. Hislop for the Central Indian tribes,
by Colonel Tod and Sir J. Malcolm for Râjputâna, and by Mr. Ibbetson
and Mr. Maclagan for the Panjab. Of all these authorities it will be
seen that I have made ample use.
This book so far differs from any previous account of the races of
these Provinces that it attempts to supply some more detailed
information regarding their manners, customs, marriage institutions and
religion. It is perhaps well that this task should be essayed now,
however imperfect and unsatisfactory the present venture may be. There
can be little doubt that caste is undergoing at present a process of
transition. The Dravidian races who skirt the great Ganges-Jumna
valleys are becoming rapidly Brâhmanized, and will probably in a few
years have lost much of what is peculiar to them and interesting to the
Ethnologist and student of the development of popular religion. Even
now our Kols, Kharwârs Cheros and Mânjhis are much less primitive
people than their brethren, whose manners and institutions have been
analysed by Colonel Dalton, Mr. Risley and Mr. Hislop. The improvement
of communications, the facility for visits to the sacred shrines of
Hinduism, the Brâhmanical propaganda preached by those most active of
all missionaries—the Panda and the Purohit, the Jogi and the
Sannyâsi—will before long obliterate much of the primitive ideas which
they still retain though in a modified form. A long service spent in
Mirzapur, the last refuge of the Dravidian races, has, I trust, enabled
me to supply some new facts regarding these interesting people.
For the races of the plains I have based my account of them on a series
of notes collected throughout the Provinces by a number of independent
enquirers, both official and non-official, whose services were made
available by the District Officers. The work could not have been even
attempted without much cordial co-operation on the part of District
Officers and a large body of native gentlemen to whose generosity in
devoting some of their scanty leisure to this investigation it is
impossible for me to do full justice. At the opening of each article I
have been careful to name the gentlemen to whose aid I am indebted.
There are some special causes which make an enquiry of this kind a work
of more than usual difficulty. There is, first, the reticence of the
lower castes which must be overcome before they can be induced to yield
the secrets of their tribal organisation and religious life. To the
average rustic the advent of a stranger, note-book in hand, who
interrogates them on such subjects, suggests a possibility that he may
have some ulterior objects in connection with a coming Revenue
Settlement or Income Tax assessment. It requires no ordinary amount of
tact and temper to overcome this barrier; and there is besides among
the lower castes an uneasy suspicion that rites and ritual, which in
the eyes of the average Brâhman are boorish and a survival of a
degraded savagery, are a matter to be ashamed of and concealed. Mr.
Greeven’s experiences in connection with the sweepers of the Eastern
Districts, whose sociology he has so carefully explored, are an ample
proof of this. In connection with this there is another source of
difficulty in the movement which has sprung up among many castes
towards claiming a higher status than is usually accorded to them. The
Shâstras and other religious literature of the Brâhmans have in recent
years been ransacked by a number of castes whose so-called Aryan origin
is more than doubtful to support a claim to kindred with races whose
descent is universally admitted. Lastly, as the local patois varies
from district to district, the manners and customs of the various
castes vary from one end of the Province to the other. Hence care has
been taken to guard as far as possible from general statements. A
custom or a mode of worship prevailing among a caste in Sahâranpur or
Ballia may or may not extend as far as Aligarh on one side or Allahâbâd
on the other. The exact habitat, so to speak, of these usages or
beliefs can be worked out only by the associated enquiries of a much
larger number of investigators. The Subject Index which has been
prepared may, it is hoped, be useful from this point of view.
I have specially to acknowledge the valuable work done by
Surgeon-Captain H. E. Drake-Brockman in connection with Anthropometry,
the results of which are given in the Introduction, where I have
endeavoured to sum up in a general way some of the more obvious facts
in connection with the origin of caste and some other sociological
problems.
No one can undertake with a light heart such an enquiry as this
connected with a population aggregating nearly forty-eight millions of
souls; and, at the outset had I been fully aware of the difficulty of
such a survey, I should have hesitated to undertake a work which has
been carried out all through side by side with the multifarious duties
of a District Officer. I shall be quite satisfied if the following
pages supply a useful basis for further investigation; and, as the most
satisfactory recognition of my work, I can only ask all interested in
the matter to favour me with any corrections and criticisms which may
tend to a greater degree of completeness and accuracy. I have avoided,
as far as possible, the discussion of topics which are likely only to
cause pain to sections of the people whose pretensions to a higher rank
or origin are, to say the least, disputed.
The illustrations are reproductions of photographs taken at Mirzapur by
Sergeant Wallace, R. E., of the Rurki College.
INTRODUCTION.
CHAPTER I.
THE ORIGIN OF CASTE.
There are few questions within the whole sphere of Indian sociology
which present more difficulty than those connected with the origin of
caste. If the native of the country has any idea whatever on the
subject, it is sufficient for him to refer to a mass of texts which
are, it is hardly necessary to say, of little or no scientific value.
They merely record the views of various priestly schools from whom
there is strong reason to believe that the system, as we now observe
it, originated. It is on lines quite different from these that any real
enquiry into the subject must proceed. It may be well here to give at
starting the religious form which the tradition has assumed.
[Caste in the Veda.] 2. To begin with the Veda. In the hymns, the most
ancient portion of it, we find the famous verse,—“When they divided
man, how many did they make him? What was his mouth? What his arms?
What are called his thighs and feet? The Brâhmana was his mouth, the
Râjanya was made his arms, the Vaisya became his thighs, the Sûdra was
born from his feet.” [1] “European critics,” says Professor Max Müller,
[2] “are able to show that even this verse is of later origin than the
great mass of the hymns, and that it contains modern words, such as
Sûdra and Râjanya, which are not found again in the other hymns of the
Rig Veda. Yet it belongs to the ancient collection of the Vedic hymns,
and if it contained anything in support of caste, as it is now
understood, the Brâhmans would be right in saying that caste formed
part of their religion and was sanctioned by their sacred writings.”
But he goes on to say:—“If, then, with all the documents before us, we
ask the question,—Does caste, as we find it in Manu and at the present
day, form part of the most ancient religious teaching of the Vedas? We
can answer with a decided ‘No.’ There is no authority whatever in the
hymns of the Veda for the complicated system of castes; no authority
for the offensive privileges claimed by the Brâhmans; no authority for
the degraded position of the Sûdras. There is no law to prohibit the
different classes of the people from living together, from eating and
drinking together; no law to prohibit the marriage of people belonging
to different castes: no law to brand the offspring of such marriages
with an indelible stigma.” [3]
3. We do read that men are said to be distinguished into five sorts or
classes, or literally five men or beings (Pancha Ksitayah). “The
commentator explains this to mean the four castes—Brâhman, Kshatriya,
Vaisya and Sûdra and the barbarous or Nishâda. But Sâyana, of course,
expresses the received impressions of his own age. We do not meet with
the denomination Kshatriya or Sûdra in any text of the first book, nor
with that of Vaisya, for vis, which does occur, is a synonym of man in
general. Brâhman is met with, but in what sense is questionable.” [4]
4. We do, of course, in the Veda meet with various trades and
handicrafts which had even in this early age become differentiated.
Thus in the ninth book of the Rig Veda we have the famous passage which
has been thus translated:—
“How various are the views which different men inspire!
How various are the ends which men of different craft desire!
The leech a patient seeks; the smith looks out for something cracked.
The priest seeks devotees from whom he may his fee extract.
With feathers, metal and the like, and sticks decayed and old,
The workman manufactures wares to coin the rich man’s gold.
A poet I, my sire a leech, and corn my mother grinds:
On gain intent we each pursue our trades of different kinds.” [5]
5. The present system of castes cannot, in fact, be dated before the
time of Manu’s “Institutes” which “was originally a local code,
embodying rules and precepts, perhaps by different authors, some of
whom may have lived in the 5th Century B.C., others in the 2nd Century
B.C., and others even later. It was at first current among a particular
tribe of Brâhmans, called Mânavas, who probably occupied part of the
North-Western regions between the rivers Sâraswati and Drishadvati, but
afterwards became generally adopted.” [6]
6. As to the effect of these laws it may be well again to quote
Professor Max Müller. [7] “After the victorious return of the Brâhmans
the old laws of caste were re-enacted more vigorously than ever, and
the Brâhmans became again what they had been before the rise of
Buddhism, the terrestrial gods of India. A change, however, had come
over the system of caste. Though the laws of Manu still spoke of four
castes—of Brâhmans, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas and Sûdras—the social confusion
during the long reign of Buddhism had left but one broad distinction:
on the one hand the pure caste of the Brâhmans: on the other the mixed
and impure castes of the people. In many places the pure castes of the
Kshatriyas and Vaisyas had become extinct, and those who could not
prove their Brâhmanic descent were all classed together as Sûdras. At
present we should look in vain for pure Kshatriyas or Vaisyas in India,
and the families which still claim these titles would find it difficult
to produce their pedigree, nay, there are few who could lay claim to
the pure blood of the Sûdra. Low as the Sûdra stood in the system of
Manu, he stood higher than most of the mixed castes, the Varnasankaras.
The son of a Sûdra by a Sûdra woman is purer than the son of a Sûdra by
a woman of the highest caste (Manu, X., 30). Manu calls the Chandâla
one of the lowest outcastes, because he is the son of a Sûdra father
and a Brâhmanic mother. He evidently considered the mésalliance of a
woman more degrading than that of a man. For the son of a Brâhman
father and a Sûdra mother may in the seventh generation raise his
father to the highest caste (Manu, X., 64), while the son of a Sûdra
father and a Brâhman mother belongs for ever to the Chandâlas.”
7. And the same writer goes on to say:—
“Manu represents, indeed, all the castes of Hindu society, and their
number is considerable, as the result of mixed marriages between the
four original castes. According to him the four primitive castes by
intermarrying in every possible way gave rise to sixteen mixed castes,
which by continuing their inter-marriages produced the long list of the
mixed castes. It is extremely doubtful, however, whether Manu meant to
say that at all times the offspring of a mixed marriage had to enter a
lower caste. He could not possibly maintain that the sons of a Brâhman
father and a Vaisya mother would always be a physician or Vaidya, this
being the name given by Manu to the offspring of these two castes. At
present the offspring of a Sûdra father and a Brâhman mother would find
no admission in any respectable caste. Their marriage would not be
considered marriage at all. The only rational explanation of Manu’s
words seems to be that originally the Vaidyas or physicians sprang from
the union of a Brâhman father and a Vaisya mother, though this, too, is
of course nothing but a fanciful theory. If we look more carefully we
shall find that most of these mixed castes are in reality the
professions, trades and guilds of a half-civilised society. They did
not wait for mixed marriages before they came into existence.
Professions, trades and handicrafts had grown up without any reference
to caste in the ethnological or political sense of the word. Some of
their names were derived from towns and countries where certain
professions were held in particular estimation. Servants who waited on
ladies were called Vaidehas, because they came from Videha, the Athens
of India, just as the French call the “porteur d’eau” a “Savoyard.” To
maintain that every member of the caste of the Vaidehas, in fact, every
lady’s maid, had to be begotten through the marriage of a Vaisya and a
Brâhmani, is simply absurd. In other cases the names of Manu’s castes
were derived from their occupations. The caste of musicians, for
instance, were called Venas from vîna, the lyre. Now, it was evidently
Manu’s object to bring these professional corporations in connection
with the old system of castes, assigning to each, according to its
higher or lower position, a more or less pure descent from the original
castes. The Vaidyas, for instance, or the physicians, evidently a
respectable corporation, were represented as the offspring of a Brâhman
father and a Vaisya mother, while the guild of the fishermen, or
Nishâdas, were put down as the descendants of a Brâhman father and a
Sûdra mother. Manu could hardly mean to say that every son of a Vaisya
father and Kshatriya mother was obliged to become a commercial
traveller, or to enter the caste of the Magadhas. How could that caste
have been supplied after the extinction in many places of the Kshatriya
and Vaisya castes? But having to assign to the Magadhas a certain
social position, Manu recognised them as the descendants of the second
and third castes, in the same way as the Herald’s office would settle
the number of quarters of an earl or a baron.”
8. Before leaving the consideration of caste as found in Manu’s
“Institutes,” it may be noted that we find side by side two discrepant
views as to the connubium of the orders. According to the milder, and
apparently the older view, caste is determined by descent from the
father, and a Dvija or twice-born man may take a wife from among
Brâhmans, Kshatriyas or Vaisyas. With a Sûdra woman alone he could not
intermarry. By the other view a man was advised to marry a virgin of
his own caste as his first wife, and after that he may proceed
according to the rank of the castes. There is some reason to believe
that under this rule he might take even a Sûdra woman as a second wife.
[8] This, it is needless to say, represents a very different state of
things from that which prevails under the modern rigid law of caste
endogamy.
[Caste subsequent to Manu.] 9. It was caste in or about the stage of
its development exhibited in the “Institutes” of Manu which
Megasthenes, first of all the barbarians, observed in his embassy to
the court of Sandrocottus or Chandragupta (306–298 B.C.). He found
seven, not four, castes—the philosophers, husbandmen, shepherds,
artizans, soldiers, inspectors and counsellors of the king. The
philosophers were the Brâhmans, and the traveller indicates the
prescribed stages of the Brâhmanical life. He distinguishes the
Brachmanes from the Sarmanai, the latter of whom are supposed to
represent the Buddhist Sramanas or monks, while the inspectors were the
Buddhist supervisors of morals, afterwards referred to in the sixth
edict of Asoka.
10. This hasty survey of the historical development of caste
sufficiently disposes of the popular theory that caste is a permanent
institution, transmitted unchanged from the dawn of Hindu history and
myth.
[Caste not peculiar to Hinduism.] 11. Another and even graver
misconception is to suppose that caste is peculiar to Hinduism and
connected in some peculiarly intimate way with the Hindu faith. It is
needless to say that caste as an institution is not confined to Indian
soil. The Zendavesta shows that the early Persian community was divided
into three castes or tribes, of which one lived by hunting, a second by
grazing flocks, and the third by agriculture. “In this respect also,”
says Herodotus, [9] “the Lacedaemonians resemble the Egyptians: their
heralds, musicians and cooks succeed to their fathers’ professions: so
that a musician is son to a musician, a cook, of a cook, and a herald,
of a herald: nor do others, on account of the clearness of their voice,
apply themselves to this profession and exclude others; but they
continue to practise it after their fathers.” This occupational or
hereditary guild system of caste, which, as will be seen, was the most
important factor in the development of this institution, prevailed and
still prevails, as a matter of fact, all the world over. Nor is caste
confined to votaries of the Hindu faith. On the contrary it is in its
nature much more social than religious. It has been one of the most
perplexing problems which beset the Christian Missionary to reconcile
the restrictions of caste with the perfect liberty of Christianity.
Islâm has boldly solved the difficulty by recognising and adopting
caste in its entirety. Not only does the converted Râjput, Gûjar or Jât
remain a member of his original sept or section; but he preserves most
of those restrictions on social intercourse, intermarriage and the
like, which make up the peasant’s conception of caste. As Mr. Ibbetson
remarks,—“Almost the only difference which the convert makes is to
shave his scalplock and the upper edge of his moustache, to repeat the
Muhammadan creed in a mosque, and to add the Muhammadan to the Hindu
marriage ceremony. As far as religion goes he worships Khuda instead of
Parameswar, keeps up his service in honor of Bhawâni, and regularly
makes the due oblation for the repose of the sainted dead.” On the
other hand, as will be seen everywhere in the course of the present
survey, the members of orthodox Hindu castes worship the quintette of
the Pânch Pîr, or famous local saints like Miyân or Mîrân Sâhib, Shâh
Madâr or Sakhi Sarwar.
[Caste not immutable.] 12. By another popular theory caste is eternal
and immutable. The ordinary Hindu will say that it has always existed,
that it is based on what he calls the Shâstras, a vague body of
religious literature of which he knows little more than the name. We
have already shown that the vague reference to caste in the Vedas
discloses the institution at a very different stage from what we see it
in the “Institutes” of Manu or at the present day. Even in an age so
comparatively recent as that of Manu, the rules of connubium and social
life were very different from those which prevail at present. The
modern Vaishnava, for instance, would shudder at the comparatively
liberal permission given in these days for the use of meat. [10] But in
addition to this we meet all through the range of Hindu history and
myth with numerous illustrations of the mutability of caste. Thus in
the Mahâbhârata Bhîma is married by his brother Yudhishthira to the
Asura woman Hidimbi, and the marriage rites are regularly performed:
while Draupadi, a Kshatriya girl, accepts as her husband at the
Swayamvara Arjuna who pretends to be a Brâhman. Viswamitra, a Kshatriya
by birth, compelled Brahma by the force of his austerities to admit him
to the Brâhmanical order, so that he might be on a level with
Vasishtha, with whom he had quarrelled. [11] It is even more
significant to learn from the Mahâbhârata [12] that all castes become
Brâhmans when they have crossed the Gomati on a visit to the hermitage
of Vasishtha, and we are told that the country of the five rivers is
contemptible because there a Bahîka or Panjâbi “born a Brâhman becomes
afterwards a Kshatriya, a Vaisya or a Sûdra, and eventually a barber.”
It would be easy to repeat examples of this kind almost indefinitely.
[13]
[Modern development of caste.] 13. As regards the castes of the present
day the case is similar. Instead of castes being a clearly-defined
entity, an association complete in themselves, a trade guild the doors
of which are rigidly barred against the admission of strangers, they
are in a constant state of flux and flow. New endogamous groups are
constantly being created, the process of fission is ever in operation,
and what is more important still the novus homo, like his brethren all
the world over, is constantly endeavouring to force his way into a
higher grade and acquire the privileges of the “twice-born.” This
process is specially observable among the Gonds and other Dravidian
races of the great hill country of Central India. Thus the Râj Gonds
who “in appearance obstinately retain the Turanian type, in aspiration
are Hindus of the Hindus, wearing the sacred cord and carrying
ceremonial refinements to the highest pitch of parvenu purism. Mr.
Hislop says that not content with purifying themselves, their houses,
and their food, they must even sprinkle their faggots with water before
using them for cooking. With all this exterior coating of the
fashionable faith they seem, however, to retain an ineradicable taint
of the old mountain superstitions. Some of these outwardly Brâhmanised
chiefs still try to pacify the gods of their fathers for their apparent
desertion of them by worshipping them in secret once every four or five
years and by placing cow’s flesh to their lips, wrapped in a cloth, so
as not to break too openly with the reigning Hindu divinities.” [14]
And Captain Forsyth writes:—“In Gondwâna numerous chiefs claim either a
pure descent from Râjput houses, or more frequently admit their remote
origin to have sprung from a union between some Râjput adventurer of
noble blood and one of the daughters of the aborigines. Few of them are
admitted to be pure Râjputs by the blue blooded chiefs of Rajasthân:
but all have their bards and genealogies.” [15]
14. The same process of elevation of the aboriginal races has been
going on for centuries throughout Northern India. To quote Mr. Nesfield
[16]:—“Local traditions in Oudh and the North-Western Provinces abound
in tales of Brâhmans being manufactured out of low caste men by Râjas
when they could not find a sufficient number of hereditary Brâhmans to
attend some sacrifice or feast. For example, the Kunda Brâhmans of
Partâbgarh are said to have been manufactured by Râja Mânik Chand,
because he was not able to collect the quorum of one hundred and
twenty-five thousand Brâhmans to whom he had vowed to make a feast: in
this way an Ahîr, a Kurmi or a Bhât found himself dubbed a Brâhman and
invested with the sacred thread, and their descendants are Brâhmans to
this day. [17] A similar tale is told of Tirgunait Brâhmans and Pâthaks
of Amtara: [18] of the Pândê Parwârs in the Hardoi District: of the
large clan called Sawalakhiyas in the Gorakhpur and Basti Districts,
who have nevertheless assumed the high-sounding titles of Dûbê,
Upâdhya, Tiwâri, Misra, Dikshit, Pândê, Awasthi and Pâthak. [19] Only
about a century-and-a-half ago a Luniya, or man of the salt-making
class, which ranks decidedly low, was made a Brâhman by Râja Bhagwant
Râê of Asothar, and this man is the ancestor of the Misra Brâhmans of
Aijhi.” [20]
[Brâhmans an occupational group.] 15. In fact there can be little doubt
that the Brâhmans, so far from forming a homogeneous group, have been
made up of very diverse elements, and this strongly confirms the
occupational theory of their origin, to which reference will be made
later on. There are grades of so-called Brâhmans which in appearance
and function present little analogy to the pure bred Pandit of Benares
or Mathura. Thus the Ojha Brâhman is the direct successor of the
Dravidian Baiga, and of similar menial origin are probably many of
those Brâhmans who live by begging, fortune-telling and the like, such
as the Dakaut, Joshi, Barua or Husaini, and the Mahâbrâhman or funeral
priest whose functions render him an abomination to all orthodox
Hindus. The Bhuînhârs and Tagas, if they are really of genuine
Brâhmanical descent, have in the same way differentiated themselves by
function, and having abandoned priestly duties are agriculturists and
landowners pure and simple. This separation of function must have
prevailed from very early times, because it was specially laid down
that each caste may adopt the occupation of another in case of
distress, and thus a Brâhman may do the work of a Kshatriya or Vaisya,
but not of a Sûdra. [21]
[Occupational origin of the Râjputs.] 16. Still less homogeneous is the
mass of septs grouped under the name of Kshatriyas or Râjputs. We have
already seen how the Dravidian Gond races have been in quite recent
times enrolled as Râjputs. The Râja of Singrauli, in Mirzapur, nearly a
pure Kharwâr, has within the last generation or two come to rank as a
Benbansi Chhatri. Colonel Sleeman gives the case of an Oudh Pâsi, who
within the memory of man became a Râjput by giving his daughter to a
man of the Puâr sept. [22] The names of many septs again, such as the
Baghel, Ahban, Kalhans, and Nâgbansi suggest a totemistic origin which
would bring them in line with the Chandrabansi, who are promoted
Dravidian Cheros and other similar septs of undoubtedly aboriginal
race. Mr. Carnegy went perhaps too far in assuming a similar
development of many of the Oudh septs; but the traditions of many of
these, which will be found in the special articles dealing with them,
such as the Bhâlê Sultân, Bisen, Chandel, Gaur, Kânhpuriya and
Bandhalgoti, afford significant evidence that their claims to blue
blood must be accepted with caution. The same inference arises from the
fact, of which evidence is given elsewhere, of the impossibility of
drawing the line between the Jât and Râjput of the Western Districts,
and the Bhuînhâr and Chhatri of the East: in fact many of the septs of
the latter claim indifferently to belong to both races, and some, like
the Bisen, have an admitted Kurmi branch.
17. Among the Râjputs, again, this process of assimilation of lower
races has been undoubtedly encouraged by the prevalence of female
infanticide which renders it impossible for the poorer members of the
race to obtain legitimately born brides. This has naturally led to
cohabitation with women of inferior castes and the creation of definite
classes of illegitimate Râjputs, such as the Gaurua of the Central and
the degraded Chauhâns of the Upper Ganges-Jumna Duâb. A recent report
on the outbreak of dacoity in the Agra and Rohilkhand Divisions shows
that many of the perpetrators of these outrages were half-bred Râjputs,
whose mothers were drawn from criminal or nomadic tribes like the Nat,
Beriya, Sânsiya and the like, and the association of Râjput youths with
women of this class has brought them into the companionship of their
gypsy male relatives and driven them into a life of crime.
18. It is needless to say that the records of our courts swarm with
examples of the association of men of the Râjput class with women of
the lower races, and in this stratum of village society there is not
even a pretence of moral continence. The effect of this state of things
is obvious and requires no further illustration.
[The occupational origin of the Vaisyas.] 19. The same remarks largely
apply to the so-called modern representatives of the Vaisya class, the
aggregate of tribes now grouped under the general name of Banya. Some
of these, such as the Agarwâlas and Oswâls, are in appearance perhaps
among the best bred races of Northern India. Others are obviously
occupational groups recruited from the lower races which have grouped
themselves under the generic title of Banya or Mahâjan. The Bohra
asserts Brâhmanical origin. Others again in name and function are in
all probability connected with various classes of artizans—the
Kasarwâni and Kasaundhan with the Kasera, the Lohiya with the Lohâr,
and the same inference may perhaps be drawn from the grades of Dasa and
Bîsa, “the tens” and “the twenties,” which appear among the Agarwâlas,
and can hardly indicate anything but a gradation in purity of descent.
[The Sûdra group.] 20. As to the congeries of castes known to the early
Hindus as Sûdras we find all the varying grades of social
respectability from industrious artisans and cultivators down to
vagrants like the Sânsya or Gandhîla and scavengers like the Dom or
Bhangi. The word Sûdra has now no determinate meaning; it is merely
used as a convenient term of abuse to designate persons who are, or are
assumed to be, of degraded caste. It is probably a term derived from
the languages of one of the inferior races. [23] As has been already
remarked, it is a comparatively modern word and appears only once in
the Rig Veda. It may have been a synonym for Dasyu, “those of the black
skin,” who represented the contrast between the aborigines and the
conquering Aryans. The stress that is laid in the old hymns on the
breadth of their noses would perhaps go to identify them with the
broad-nosed Dravidians. But the accounts of their forts and cities show
that when they came into contact with the writers of the Vedic hymns
they had already attained a considerable degree of culture.
[Anthropometry the only safe basis of enquiry.] 21. The only safe
criterion of the relation of these races to the so-called “twice-born”
tribes can be gained from the evidence of anthropometry, which must be
left for another chapter.
[Summary of theories of origin of caste.] 22. Meanwhile to sum up the
results of these remarks—
(a) The Vedas, as we possess them, give no clear indication of any
form of caste, except that of the occupational or trade guild
type.
(b) The first trace of modern caste is found in the “Institutes” of
Manu: but here the rules of food, connubium and intercourse
between the various castes are very different from what we find
at present.
(c) Caste so far from being eternal and changeless is constantly
subject to modification, and this has been the case through the
whole range of Hindu myth and history.
(d) Caste is not an institution peculiar to Indian soil; but in its
occupational form at least is widely prevalent elsewhere.
(e) Caste is in its nature rather a matter of sociology than of
religion.
(f) The primitive so-called division of the people into Brâhmans,
Kshatriyas, Vaisyas and Sûdras does not agree with existing
facts, and these terms do not now denote definite ethnological
groups.
(g) The only trustworthy basis for the ethnological survey of Upper
India must be based on anthropometry.
CHAPTER II.
ANTHROPOMETRY.
The following note on the subject of Anthropometry by Surgeon Captain
Drake-Brockman is printed in original.
[General Remarks.] “The following series of anthropometrical
measurements of the castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh was
taken and recorded by me under the auspices of the Local Government of
these Provinces, who were kind enough to place the services of a
competent clerk at my disposal to help in the work. In order to obtain
as large a number as possible of representative castes, long distances
have been travelled; only males of the age of 25 years and upwards have
been selected as subjects for measurement on account of their mature
physical development.
2. I have endeavoured, for purposes of classification, as well as for
comparison, to group the different castes under three main divisions,
viz., Aryan, Medium and Dravidian: the Medium group of which contains a
large number of castes which form, more or less, an intermediate type,
and are not capable of being classified strictly under either of the
other two main groups. The last group I have again sub-divided into
two—(a) an Hinduised and (b) an Aboriginal section, to indicate more
fully their status in the social scale. All the various sub-divisions
and sections of the several castes have been included and shown under
the head of the main caste to which they belong.
3. Altogether twenty-two measurements have been taken of each separate
individual, and although of that number only a few are recognized by
the most eminent authorities on the subject as being of any marked
value in the distinction of race, still I think it would be well to
generally compare all of the anthropometrical measurements before
forming an opinion on the subject. At the end of this article a table
will be found in which are given the averages and indices of each of
the several measurements separately for each caste, the total number of
subjects of all castes taken being 4,906.
4. A glance at the above-mentioned table will show the results, but I
think it will be as well to roughly analyze the most important data as
far as anthropometry is concerned, and then judge of the result of the
enquiry as regards the castes of these Provinces.
5. With this object in view I purpose to take the Nasal and Cephalic
indices and the Facial Angle (that of Cuvier being the one selected as
being the most reliable on the living subject); and I think that the
latter, which gives us more or less roughly the degree of prognathism,
taken together with the Nasal index, will give us the best test
possible.
[The Nasal Index.] 6. To commence then with the Nasal index, one of the
best tests for racial distinction, we find at the top of the list a
medium caste, the Jât, with a nasal index of 55, indicating a very
leptorhine nose, followed by the Brâhman with a nasal index of 59:
third on the list, strange to say, is the Dhânuk, a Dravidian caste,
with an average index of 61, the warlike Râjput being bracketed with
the Gadariya, Lohâr, and with an index of 64, and the cultivated
Kâyasth, many grades below, with an index of 67.
At the bottom of the list we find the Dravidian castes of the Korwa and
Musahar, with an index of 75, and the Agariya with one of 77, all true
Dravidians with more or less mesorhine noses.
TABLE OF NASAL INDICES.
===========+=========++============+=========
Caste. | Average || Caste. | Average
| Index. || | Index.
~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~++~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~
Jât | 55 || * * * |
Brâhman | 59 || * * * |
Dhânuk | 61 || * * * |
Gûjar | 62 || Kâyasth | 67
Banya } | || * * * |
Dhobi } | 63 || Korwa } |
Râjput } | || Musahar } | 75
Bâri } | || Agariya | 77
Gadariya } | || |
Lohâr } | || |
Mâli } | 64 || |
Teli } | || |
Khatîk } | || |
Koeri } | || |
Nat, etc.} | || |
===========+=========++============+=========
[The Cephalic Index.] 7. Next taking the cephalic indices—on glancing
the eye down the column containing these data, it will be seen that all
the castes have cephalic indices, showing the formation of the head to
be dolicho-cephalic without exception, those of the castes Dhânuk,
Arakh, Nat and Kewat being slightly sub-dolicho-cephalic, thus
presenting a very marked contrast to the head of the Burman, which is
decidedly brachy-cephalic, showing an index of of 83·1. The Burman,
however, belongs to the Mongolian type of race, and nothing further
need be said about him here. Out of four hundred and fifty adult males
of the Brâhman caste the average cephalic index is found to be 73·7, a
figure practically the same as that found by Mr. Risley, the lowest
index being that of the Bhât, and the highest (of course excluding the
Burman, who is Mongolian) that of the caste Kewat.
8. Again, if we take one representative caste out of each of the main
divisions and compare them thus:—
======================================
Division. | Caste. |Cephalic
| | Index.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
1. Aryan |Brâhman | 73·7
2. Medium |Kâyasth | 73·3
3. Dravidian } | |
(a) Hinduized } |Chamâr | 73·9
(b) Aboriginal |Kol | 73·8
====================+========+========
we cannot but be struck with the similarity of all, the heads of each
being markedly dolicho-cephalic.
TABLE OF CEPHALIC INDICES. [24]
==========+==========
Caste. | Average.
~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~
Bhât | 70·8
Mâli | 71·0
Halwâi | 71·1
Bauriya | 71·4
Kasera | 71·7
Bâri | 71.8
Kharwâr | 71·9
Korwa | 72·0
Faqîr | 72·1
Banya | 72·2
Kâchhi | 72·2
Dhângar | 72·2
* * * | * *
Brâhman | 73·7
Râjput | 73·8
* * * | * *
* * * | * *
Darzi } | 75·8
Arakh } |
==========+==========
[The Facial Angle.] 9. In the above investigation both the facial
angles of Camper and Cuvier have been invariably taken and recorded,
but as the latter is scientifically more accurate, at any rate on the
living subject, it will suffice to notice the results under the latter
measurement alone, as it gives us more accurately the true or sub-nasal
prognathism of the individual.
10. All the measurements of facial angles were taken with Broca’s
facial goniometer, by far the best instrument for the purpose. All
human beings, no matter to what race they belong, are, of course,
prognathous, the only difference being one of degree, the more acute
angle shown indicating naturally the greater degree of prognathism.
11. In looking at the table given at the end of this section it will be
seen that the Mânjhi, a true Dravidian (one hundred of whom were
selected for measurement), has the highest angle, viz., 70, closely
followed by the Dhângar, another caste of the same class, with one of
69, the aristocratic Brâhman and Râjput ranking sixth on the list with
the same average angle as the Dravidian Chamâr. The vermin-eating
Musahar comes at the bottom of the list with an average angle of 62.
12. Finally if we select a representative caste out of each of the main
divisions thus—
=======================+=========+========
Division. | Caste. | Facial
| | Angle.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
1. Aryan | Brâhman | 65
2. Medium | Kâyasth | 66
3. Dravidian } | |
(a) Hinduized } |Chamâr | 65
(b) Aboriginal | Kol | 67
=======================+=========+========
and compare them, we find that there is practically no difference
whatever.
TABLE OF FACIAL ANGLES.
================+=========++=================+=========
Caste. | Average || Caste. | Average
| Index. || | Index.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~++~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~
Mânjhi | 70 || Banjâra } |
Dhângar | 69 || Barhai } | 66
Arakh } | || Brâhman } |
Bauriya } | || Râjput } | 65
Agariya } | || Chamâr } |
Bhuiyâr } | || Etc., etc. } |
Bhurtiya } | 68 || Pâsi | ...
Chero } | || * * * | * * *
Kharwâr } | || Musahar | 62
Panka } | || |
Kahâr } | || |
Darzi } | || |
Mâli } | 67 || |
Kol } | || |
================+=========++=================+===========
[Summary.] 13. To finally sum up, I have, for purposes of easy
comparison, taken one hundred subjects from each of the main divisions
promiscuously, and irrespectively of caste, and at the end of this
paragraph will be found the averages of each measurement separately
under each division, in order to be able to compare finally the highest
with the lowest caste, the noblest born Aryan with the humblest born
Drâvir, and I think on looking at the table one cannot but be struck
with the result and notice the very slight material difference that
exists, a fact which tends to prove beyond doubt that the racial origin
of all must have been similar, and that the foundation upon which the
whole caste system in India is based, is that of function and not upon
any real or appreciable difference of blood.”
AVERAGES OF 100 SUBJECTS TAKEN PROMISCUOUSLY FROM CASTES UNDER THE MAIN DIVISIONS.
==================+===========+===========+=======+=======+========+===========+=======+===========+===========+=========+==================+====================+=================+=============+==========+=========+=========+========+========+==============+========
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 20 | 21 | 22
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Name of Type. | Height of | Height of | Span. | Left | L. M. | Right Ear | Round | Inion to | Tragus to | Vertex | Antero-Posterior | Maximum Transverse | Minimum Frontal | Bizygomatic | Cephalic | General | Frontal | Nasal | Nasal | Facial Angle | Nasal
| Vertex. | Trunk. | | Foot. |Finger. | Height. | Head. | Glabella. | Tragus. |to Chin. | Diameter. | Diameter. | Diameter. | Diameter. | Index. | Index. | Index. | Width. | Height.| (Cuvier). | Index.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Aryan | 1,676 | 851 | 1,714 | 255 | 114 | 60 | 543 | 349 | 347 | 207 | 186 | 136 | 106 | 131 | 73·1 | 158 | 77·9 | 36 | 57 | 66 | 63
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Medium | 1,656 | 840 | 1,695 | 250 | 112 | 59 | 542 | 346 | 346 | 204 | 186 | 136 | 106 | 131 | 73·1 | 156 | 77·9 | 36 | 53 | 64 | 68
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Dravidian~~ | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
(a) Hinduized | 1,632 | 832 | 1,663 | 248 | 111 | 58 | 539 | 346 | 346 | 202 | 184 | 135 | 106 | 130 | 73·4 | 155 | 78·5 | 35 | 54 | 65 | 65
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
(b) Aboriginal | 1,627 | 820 | 1,659 | 243 | 108 | 59 | 543 | 342 | 342 | 203 | 185 | 134 | 107 | 130 | 72·4 | 156 | 79·9 | 37 | 54 | 68 | 69
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Total Dravidian | 1,630 | 826 | 1,661 | 246 | 110 | 59 | 541 | 344 | 344 | 203 | 185 | 135 | 107 | 130 | 72·9 | 156 | 79·2 | 36 | 54 | 67 | 67
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Musalmân | 1,664 | 841 | 1,699 | 251 | 110 | 59 | 541 | 345 | 349 | 205 | 186 | 137 | 106 | 131 | 73·7 | 157 | 77·4 | 37 | 57 | 64 | 65
==================+===========+===========+=======+=======+========+===========+=======+===========+===========+=========+==================+====================+=================+=============+==========+=========+=========+========+========+==============+========
H. E. DRAKE-BROCKMAN, F.R.C.S., F.T.S., M.D.,
Surgeon Captain, I. M. S.
ANTHROPOMETRIC DATA.
SUMMARY OF MEASUREMENTS TAKEN, AVERAGES.
=========================+=======+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+======+=====+======+=====+=====+====+=====+====
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 20 | 21 | 22 | 23 | 24
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~
|Number.
| |Height of Vertex.
| | |Height of Trunk.
| | | |Span.
| | | | |Left Foot.
| | | | | |Left Middle Finger.
| | | | | | |Right Ear Height.
| | | | | | | |Round Head.
| | | | | | | | |Inion to Glabella.
| | | | | | | | | |Tragus to Tragus.
| | | | | | | | | | |Vertex to Chin.
Names of Type. | | | | | | | | | | | |Anteroposterior Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | |Maximum Transverse Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | |Minimum Frontal Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Bizygomatic Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Cephalic Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |General Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Frontal Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Nasal Width.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Nasal Height.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Facial Angle (Cuvier).
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Facial Angle (Camper).
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | Nasal Index.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
ARYAN. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
1. Banya | 86 | 1,655 | 846 | 1,688 | 248 | 112 | 59 | 542 | 351 | 349 | 204 | 187 | 135 | 106 | 130 | 72·2 | 157 | 78·5 | 35 | 56 | 64 | 68 | 63
2. Bhât | 18 | 1,654 | 839 | 1,693 | 250 | 110 | 59 | 538 | 343 | 345 | 204 | 185 | 131 | 106 | 131 | 70·8 | 156 | 80·9 | 36 | 55 | 65 | 67 | 65
3. Brâhman | 455 | 1,681 | 853 | 1,719 | 263 | 113 | 60 | 545 | 351 | 350 | 206 | 186 | 137 | 106 | 131 | 73·7 | 157 | 77·4 | 35 | 59 | 65 | 68 | 59
4. Râjput | 420 | 1,674 | 857 | 1,721 | 253 | 113 | 60 | 548 | 350 | 352 | 207 | 187 | 138 | 107 | 132 | 73·8 | 157 | 77·5 | 37 | 58 | 65 | 68 | 64
Aryan total Average | 979 | 1,666 | 849 | 1,705 | 254 | 112 | 60 | 543 | 349 | 349 | 205 | 186 | 135 | 106 | 131 | 72·6 | 157 | 78·6 | 36 | 57 | 65 | 68 | 63
Aryan average of 100 | 100 | 1,676 | 851 | 1,714 | 255 | 114 | 60 | 543 | 349 | 347 | 207 | 186 | 136 | 106 | 131 | 73·1 | 158 | 77·9 | 36 | 57 | 66 | 69 | 63
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
MEDIUM. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
1. Ahîr | 350 | 1,648 | 834 | 1,693 | 250 | 111 | 59 | 544 | 345 | 347 | 204 | 185 | 136 | 106 | 131 | 73·5 | 156 | 77·9 | ... | ... | 65 | 68 |...
2. Baheliya | 9 | 1,606 | 812 | 1,628 | 244 | 107 | 57 | 528 | 336 | 338 | 204 | 181 | 133 | 104 | 127 | 73·5 | 161 | 78·2 | ... | ... | 64 | 67 |...
3. Banjâra | 7 | 1,630 | 832 | 1,665 | 243 | 110 | 59 | 539 | 343 | 344 | 200 | 186 | 138 | 107 | 134 | 74·1 | 149 | 77·5 | 35 | 52 | 66 | 68 | 67
4. Barhai | 22 | 1,641 | 825 | 1,686 | 250 | 112 | 57 | 543 | 347 | 345 | 203 | 186 | 139 | 108 | 128 | 74·7 | 159 | 77·7 | 37 | 54 | 66 | 70 | 69
5. Bâri | 7 | 1,642 | 832 | 1,699 | 253 | 112 | 59 | 540 | 346 | 343 | 205 | 188 | 135 | 105 | 132 | 71·8 | 155 | 77·8 | 38 | 59 | 63 | 66 | 64
6. Bauriya | 24 | 1,636 | 830 | 1,679 | 251 | 110 | 58 | 546 | 348 | 345 | 204 | 189 | 135 | 106 | 130 | 71·4 | 157 | 78·5 | ... | ... | 68 | 70 | ...
7. Bhurji | 20 | 1,635 | 834 | 1,675 | 248 | 111 | 59 | 541 | 345 | 345 | 205 | 186 | 136 | 107 | 132 | 73·1 | 155 | 78·7 | 35 | 54 | 66 | 67 | 65
8. Darzi | 3 | 1,710 | 883 | 1,733 | 250 | 115 | 62 | 547 | 357 | 353 | 213 | 186 | 141 | 110 | 133 | 75·8 | 160 | 78·0 | ... | ... | 67 | 68 | ...
9. Faqîr | 68 | 1,620 | 836 | 1,675 | 247 | 110 | 60 | 541 | 343 | 344 | 203 | 186 | 134 | 107 | 131 | 72·1 | 155 | 79·9 | 35 | 54 | 67 | 69 | 65
10. Gadariya | 32 | 1,660 | 833 | 1,683 | 249 | 111 | 59 | 538 | 340 | 343 | 204 | 183 | 137 | 107 | 131 | 74·9 | 156 | 78·8 | 37 | 58 | 66 | 69 | 64
11. Gusâîn | 24 | 1,635 | 855 | 1,697 | 249 | 112 | 59 | 548 | 352 | 352 | 214 | 187 | 136 | 107 | 131 | 72·7 | 163 | 78·7 | ... | ... | 63 | 67 | ...
12. Gûjar | 14 | 1,707 | 853 | 1,744 | 256 | 114 | 60 | 544 | 347 | 346 | 209 | 186 | 137 | 106 | 132 | 73·7 | 158 | 77·4 | 36 | 58 | 66 | 67 | 62
13. Halwâi | 7 | 1,650 | 847 | 1,693 | 253 | 112 | 58 | 540 | 349 | 343 | 209 | 187 | 133 | 105 | 129 | 71·1 | 162 | 78·9 | 37 | 54 | 66 | 68 | 69
14. Jât | 13 | 1,694 | 860 | 1,740 | 259 | 116 | 61 | 543 | 349 | 349 | 216 | 187 | 136 | 108 | 133 | 75·4 | 162 | 79·4 | 33 | 60 | 66 | 70 | 55
15. Kâchhi | 58 | 1,652 | 834 | 1,703 | 252 | 113 | 59 | 541 | 344 | 343 | 206 | 187 | 135 | 106 | 131 | 72·2 | 156 | 78·3 | 36 | 52 | 66 | 68 | 69
16. Kahâr | 80 | 1,636 | 816 | 1,672 | 247 | 109 | 59 | 538 | 342 | 341 | 205 | 184 | 135 | 106 | 130 | 73·4 | 158 | 78·5 | 35 | 54 | 67 | 67 | 65
17. Kalwâr | 50 | 1,657 | 838 | 1,693 | 253 | 111 | 70 | 549 | 349 | 350 | 208 | 188 | 137 | 107 | 131 | 72·9 | 159 | 78·8 | 35 | 56 | 65 | 68 | 63
18. Kasera | 7 | 1,621 | 836 | 1,664 | 248 | 110 | 58 | 543 | 344 | 343 | 199 | 187 | 134 | 107 | 131 | 71·7 | 152 | 79·9 | ... |... | 63 | 66 | ...
19. Kâyasth | 40 | 1,650 | 844 | 1,687 | 248 | 112 | 60 | 547 | 349 | 350 | 206 | 187 | 137 | 107 | 131 | 73·3 | 157 | 78·1 | 36 | 54 | 66 | 67 | 67
20. Kewat | 28 | 1,641 | 830 | 1,675 | 248 | 115 | 58 | 533 | 342 | 344 | 203 | 182 | 134 | 105 | 130 | 76·8 | 156 | 75·5 | 37 | 51 | 66 | 68 | 73
21. Khatri | 8 | 1,656 | 841 | 1,693 | 255 | 114 | 61 | 549 | 349 | 353 | 205 | 185 | 138 | 107 | 133 | 74·6 | 154 | 77·5 | ... | ... | 65 | 65 | ...
22. Lohâr | 37 | 1,645 | 836 | 1,683 | 246 | 111 | 59 | 543 | 344 | 344 | 204 | 187 | 139 | 103 | 130 | 74·4 | 157 | 74·1 | 35 | 55 | 64 | 67 | 64
23. Luniya | 50 | 1,634 | 833 | 1,669 | 245 | 109 | 59 | 538 | 343 | 344 | 211 | 185 | 135 | 106 | 130 | 73·0 | 162 | 78·5 | 35 | 53 | 66 | 68 | 66
24. Mâli | 3 | 1,648 | 822 | 1,677 | 245 | 111 | 58 | 537 | 343 | 340 | 208 | 186 | 132 | 104 | 129 | 71·0 | 161 | 78·8 | 35 | 55 | 67 | 65 | 64
25. Mallâh | 38 | 1,638 | 836 | 1,671 | 246 | 109 | 59 | 539 | 343 | 344 | 208 | 186 | 135 | 107 | 130 | 72·6 | 160 | 79·3 | 35 | 53 | 64 | 70 | 66
26. Nâi | 25 | 1,618 | 818 | 1,644 | 247 | 111 | 59 | 542 | 344 | 343 | 205 | 186 | 135 | 107 | 130 | 72·6 | 158 | 79·3 | 36 | 53 | 65 | 66 | 68
27. Sunâr | 40 | 1,640 | 845 | 1,680 | 247 | 111 | 60 | 548 | 348 | 349 | 206 | 187 | 137 | 106 | 133 | 73·3 | 155 | 77·4 | 36 | 54 | 64 | 67 | 67
28. Tamoli | 13 | 1,633 | 837 | 1,664 | 239 | 110 | 58 | 539 | 336 | 338 | 205 | 184 | 134 | 104 | 129 | 72·8 | 159 | 77·6 | 34 | 52 | 66 | 67 | 65
29. Teli | 50 | 1,627 | 827 | 1,662 | 245 | 109 | 59 | 539 | 340 | 340 | 202 | 183 | 134 | 105 | 129 | 73·2 | 157 | 78·4 | 35 | 55 | 65 | 67 | 64
Total Medium Average | 1,127 | 1,646 | 837 | 1,684 | 245 | 111 | 59 | 542 | 345 | 345 | 206 | 186 | 136 | 106 | 131 | 73·3 | 158 | 78·2 | 36 | 55 | 65 | 68 | 66
Medium average of 100 | 100 | 1,656 | 840 | 1,695 | 250 | 112 | 59 | 542 | 346 | 346 | 204 | 186 | 136 | 106 | 131 | 73·1 | 156 | 77·9 | 36 | 53 | 64 | 67 | 68
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
DRAVIDIAN. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
(a) Hinduized. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
1. Arakh | 5 | 1,618 | 816 | 1,680 | 253 | 114 | 59 | 544 | 340 | 344 | 199 | 182 | 138 | 104 | 129 | 75·8 | 154 | 75·4 | ... | ... | 68 | 70 | ...
2. Bhangi | 100 | 1,654 | 835 | 1,685 | 249 | 110 | 57 | 543 | 347 | 346 | 210 | 184 | 136 | 109 | 131 | 73·9 | 160 | 80·1 | 36 | 56 | 66 | 68 | 64
3. Bhar | 151 | 1,626 | 831 | 1,641 | 245 | 108 | 58 | 548 | 346 | 347 | 202 | 186 | 136 | 104 | 131 | 73·2 | 155 | 76·5 | ... | ... | 66 | 69 | ...
4. Bind | 18 | 1,629 | 827 | 1,661 | 249 | 110 | 57 | 546 | 347 | 349 | 203 | 186 | 137 | 106 | 131 | 73·7 | 155 | 77·4 | 35 | 52 | 65 | 67 | 67
5. Biyâr | 14 | 1,613 | 817 | 1,651 | 243 | 107 | 58 | 542 | 344 | 344 | 204 | 185 | 136 | 106 | 130 | 73·1 | 157 | 77·2 | 36 | 53 | 64 | 67 | 67
6. Chamâr | 333 | 1,648 | 832 | 1,677 | 248 | 110 | 59 | 541 | 344 | 345 | 204 | 184 | 136 | 106 | 131 | 73·9 | 156 | 77·9 | ... | ... | 65 | 68 | ...
7. Dhânuk | 3 | 1,647 | 830 | 1,667 | 253 | 113 | 56 | 527 | 337 | 340 | 204 | 180 | 136 | 105 | 135 | 75·6 | 151 | 77·2 | 35 | 57 | 65 | 69 | 61
8. Dharkâr | 16 | 1,632 | 819 | 1,656 | 244 | 108 | 57 | 541 | 343 | 343 | 199 | 184 | 136 | 105 | 129 | 73·9 | 154 | 77·2 | 36 | 53 | 65 | 69 | 68
9. Dhobi | 45 | 1,632 | 831 | 1,668 | 248 | 111 | 59 | 540 | 342 | 343 | 204 | 183 | 137 | 106 | 130 | 74·8 | 157 | 77·4 | 34 | 54 | 66 | 68 | 63
10. Dusâdh | 25 | 1,628 | 836 | 1,644 | 246 | 109 | 58 | 544 | 347 | 347 | 208 | 186 | 136 | 105 | 130 | 73·1 | 160 | 77·2 | 37 | 51 | 67 | 69 | 73
11. Khangâr | 28 | 1,646 | 842 | 1,673 | 248 | 113 | 58 | 536 | 346 | 345 | 205 | 183 | 137 | 106 | 130 | 74·9 | 157 | 77·4 | ... | ... | 65 | 68 | ...
12. Khatîk | 35 | 1,646 | 829 | 1,677 | 249 | 111 | 59 | 543 | 346 | 345 | 204 | 187 | 137 | 107 | 130 | 73·3 | 157 | 78·1 | 35 | 55 | 67 | 66 | 64
13. Koeri | 65 | 1,639 | 832 | 1,687 | 247 | 113 | 58 | 542 | 344 | 343 | 205 | 184 | 135 | 107 | 130 | 73·4 | 158 | 79·3 | 35 | 55 | 65 | 68 | 64
14. Kumhâr | 20 | 1,624 | 830 | 1,658 | 246 | 110 | 60 | 534 | 339 | 340 | 202 | 185 | 134 | 106 | 130 | 72·4 | 155 | 79·1 | 36 | 53 | 67 | 70 | 68
15. Kurmi | 100 | 1,635 | 831 | 1,674 | 249 | 111 | 58 | 540 | 345 | 346 | 206 | 184 | 135 | 106 | 130 | 73·3 | 158 | 78·5 | 36 | 54 | 65 | 68 | 67
16. Lodhi | 85 | 1,647 | 834 | 1,681 | 249 | 111 | 59 | 539 | 345 | 343 | 206 | 186 | 135 | 106 | 129 | 72·6 | 160 | 78·5 | 35 | 52 | 67 | 70 | 66
17. Musahar | 13 | 1,602 | 809 | 1,612 | 242 | 106 | 59 | 537 | 336 | 338 | 200 | 184 | 133 | 102 | 129 | 72·3 | 155 | 76·7 | 38 | 51 | 62 | 67 | 75
18. Nat | 17 | 1,655 | 840 | 1,685 | 247 | 111 | 57 | 542 | 344 | 342 | 202 | 184 | 139 | 108 | 131 | 75·5 | 154 | 77·7 | 35 | 55 | 65 | 68 | 64
19. Pâsi | 370 | 1,634 | 833 | 1,665 | 247 | 110 | 58 | 537 | 343 | 344 | 202 | 184 | 136 | 105 | 130 | 73·9 | 155 | 77·2 | 36 | 53 | 64 | 69 | ...
Total Dravidian | 1,443 | 1,634 | 829 | 1,665 | 247 | 110 | 58 | 540 | 343 | 343 | 204 | 184 | 136 | 106 | 130 | 73·8 | 156 | 77·7 | 36 | 54 | 65 | 68 | 67
(Hinduized average) | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
Dravidian | 100 | 1,632 | 832 | 1,663 | 248 | 111 | 58 | 539 | 346 | 346 | 202 | 184 | 135 | 106 | 130 | 73·4 | 155 | 78·5 | 35 | 54 | 65 | 68 | 65
(Hinduized) average | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
of 100 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
(b) Aboriginal. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
1. Agariya | 10 | 1,632 | 816 | 1,663 | 245 | 106 | 58 | 531 | 332 | 335 | 197 | 184 | 134 | 107 | 129 | 72·8 | 153 | 79·9 | 40 | 52 | 68 | ... | 77
2. Bhuiyâr | 50 | 1,618 | 817 | 1,633 | 245 | 109 | 58 | 539 | 340 | 341 | 203 | 185 | 134 | 107 | 128 | 73·4 | 158 | 78·7 | 36 | 55 | 68 | ... | 65
3. Bhuiya | 70 | 1,622 | 819 | 1,657 | 246 | 109 | 59 | 549 | 346 | 344 | 204 | 186 | 136 | 107 | 130 | 73·1 | 157 | 78·7 | 38 | 53 | 68 | ... | 74
4. Chero | 90 | 1,626 | 819 | 1,664 | 248 | 110 | 59 | 545 | 344 | 342 | 205 | 186 | 135 | 108 | 130 | 72·6 | 157 | 80·0 | 37 | 53 | 68 | ... | 70
5. Dhângar | 10 | 1,632 | 827 | 1,664 | 242 | 107 | 59 | 546 | 345 | 343 | 205 | 187 | 135 | 110 | 131 | 72·2 | 156 | 81·5 | 37 | 52 | 69 | ... | 71
6. Ghasiya | 15 | 1,655 | 834 | 1,694 | 253 | 113 | 61 | 545 | 344 | 344 | 202 | 186 | 135 | 106 | 131 | 72·6 | 154 | 78·5 | 37 | 55 | 66 | ... | 67
Gond (vide No. 10) | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
7. Kharwâr | 100 | 1,617 | 816 | 1,617 | 248 | 110 | 59 | 545 | 346 | 342 | 205 | 185 | 133 | 108 | 130 | 71·0 | 158 | 81·2 | 37 | 52 | 68 | ... | 71
8. Kol | 80 | 1,626 | 810 | 1,665 | 247 | 110 | 57 | 538 | 341 | 339 | 204 | 183 | 135 | 105 | 130 | 73·8 | 157 | 77·8 | 37 | 53 | 67 | 67 | 70
9. Korwa | 25 | 1,594 | 816 | 1,640 | 245 | 110 | 60 | 546 | 346 | 344 | 203 | 186 | 134 | 107 | 131 | 72·0 | 155 | 79·5 | 39 | 52 | 66 | ... | 75
10. Mânjhi (Gond) | 100 | 1,639 | 817 | 1,681 | 250 | 111 | 59 | 547 | 349 | 344 | 207 | 185 | 135 | 108 | 130 | 73·0 | 159 | 80·0 | 38 | 52 | 70 | ... | 73
11. Panka | 90 | 1,603 | 811 | 1,633 | 243 | 108 | 58 | 545 | 344 | 342 | 201 | 185 | 134 | 107 | 129 | 72·4 | 159 | 79·9 | 36 | 53 | 68 | ... | 66
12. Patâri | 45 | 1,648 | 815 | 1,676 | 243 | 109 | 59 | 541 | 341 | 341 | 203 | 185 | 135 | 107 | 128 | 73·0 | 159 | 79·2 | 36 | 54 | 67 | ... | 67
Total Dravidian | 685 | 1,634 | 818 | 1,657 | 246 | 109 | 59 | 543 | 343 | 342 | 203 | 185 | 135 | 107 | 130 | 72·7 | 157 | 79·6 | 37 | 53 | 68 | 67 | 71
(aboriginal) AVERAGE | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
Dravidian | 100 | 1,627 | 820 | 1,659 | 243 | 108 | 59 | 543 | 342 | 342 | 203 | 185 | 134 | 107 | 130 | 72·4 | 156 | 79·9 | 37 | 54 | 68 | ... | 69
(Aboriginal) average | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
of 100 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
Complete Total | 100 | 1,630 | 826 | 1,661 | 246 | 110 | 59 | 541 | 344 | 344 | 203 | 185 | 135 | 107 | 130 | 72·9 | 156 | 79·2 | 36 | 54 | 67 | 68 | 67
Dravidian Average of 100 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
MUHAMMADAN Types. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
1. Mewâti | 5 | 1,673 | 851 | 1,724 | 250 | 115 | 59 | 528 | 336 | 342 | 210 | 182 | 135 | 107 | 129 | 74·1 | 163 | 79·3 |. | ... | 65 | 69 | ...
2. Mughal | 30 | 1,654 | 817 | 1,711 | 252 | 112 | 59 | 540 | 347 | 348 | 210 | 187 | 138 | 109 | 132 | 73·8 | 159 | 79·0 | 35 | 56 | 65 | 66 | 63
3. Pathân | 108 | 1,664 | 848 | 1,690 | 250 | 112 | 59 | 544 | 347 | 349 | 208 | 184 | 138 | 107 | 131 | 75·0 | 159 | 77·6 | 38 | 56 | 64 | 68 | 68
4. Sayyid | 60 | 1,656 | 844 | 1,684 | 250 | 108 | 60 | 542 | 346 | 348 | 206 | 185 | 137 | 106 | 131 | 73·3 | 157 | 77·4 | 37 | 57 | 65 | 68 | 64
5. Shaikh | 238 | 1,654 | 844 | 1,681 | 263 | 111 | 59 | 540 | 345 | 346 | 208 | 185 | 136 | 106 | 130 | 73·5 | 160 | 77·9 | 36 | 56 | 65 | 68 | 64
Total Muhammadan | 441 | 1,660 | 841 | 1,698 | 253 | 112 | 59 | 539 | 344 | 347 | 209 | 185 | 137 | 107 | 131 | 73·9 | 160 | 78·2 | 37 | 57 | 65 | 68 | 65
Average | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
Muhammadan average | 100 | 1,664 | 841 | 1,699 | 251 | 110 | 59 | 541 | 345 | 349 | 205 | 186 | 137 | 106 | 131 | 73·7 | 157 | 77·4 | 37 | 57 | 64 | 67 | 65
of 100 | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
MONGOLOID. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
1. Burman (average | 231 | 1,649 | 865 | 1,661 | 244 | 113 | 60 | 542 | 343 | 356 | 208 | 178 | 148 | 115 | 138 | 83·1 | 151 | 77·7 | ... | ... | 62 | 64 | ...
of total) | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
Burman average of 100 | 100 | 1,656 | 870 | 1,660 | 244 | 113 | 61 | 543 | 346 | 356 | 206 | 177 | 148 | 113 | 138 | 83·6 | 149 | 76·4 | ... | ... | 63 | 68 | ...
=========================+=======+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+======+=====+======+=====+=====+====+=====+====
H. E. DRAKE-BROCKMAN,
Surgeon Captain, I. M. S.
14. As a supplement to Surgeon Captain Brockman’s note the following
tables of measurements carried out under the superintendence of Mr. E.
J. Kitts, C. S., are republished from the Proceedings of the
Anthropological Society of Bombay. It is to be regretted that owing to
his absence on furlough in England Mr. Kitts has been unable to
summarise the results.
NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—JÂT.
===========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+=====+=====+===========+========+=====+=====+=====+=====+========+======+=====+=====
Number. |Height of Vertex.
| |Height of Trunk.
| | |Span.
| | | |Left Foot.
| | | | |Left Middle Finger.
| | | | | |Right Ear Height.
| | | | | | |Round Head.
| | | | | | | |Inion to Glabella.
| | | | | | | | |Tragus to Tragus.
| | | | | | | | | |Vertex to Chin.
| | | | | | | | | | |Anteroposterior Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | |Maximum Transverse Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | |Minimum Frontal Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | |Bizygomatic Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Cephalic Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |General Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Frontal Index.
~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18
~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
1 | 1,617 | 833 | 1,653 | 254 | 104 | 66 | 536 | 333 | 348 | 213 | 187 | 140 | ... | ... | 74·7 | ... | ...
2 | 1,658 | 820 | 1,714 | 257 | 104 | 58 | 538 | 335 | 335 | 218 | 190 | 137 | ... | ... | 72·1 | ... | ...
3 | 1,659 | 845 | 1,720 | 247 | 106 | 66 | 548 | 337 | 365 | 214 | 190 | 144 | 114 | 141 | 75·8 | 1 | 79·2
4 | 1,657 | 808 | 1,735 | 246 | 113 | 63 | 537 | 337 | 335 | 210 | 185 | 141 | 116 | 134 | 76·2 | 1 | 82·3
5 | 1,541 | 786 | 1,585 | 238 | 103 | 64 | 527 | 322 | 330 | 223 | 184 | 141 | 106 | 134 | 76·7 | 1 | 75·2
6 | 1,655 | 800 | 1,727 | 254 | 114 | 67 | 543 | 335 | 335 | 215 | 184 | 144 | 109 | 128 | 78·3 | 1 | 75·7
7 | 1,700 | 874 | 1,780 | 255 | 119 | 63 | 528 | 325 | 340 | 200 | 183 | 141 | 112 | 135 | 77·0 | 1 | 79·4
8 | 1,637 | 787 | 1,730 | 258 | 112 | 61 | 522 | 330 | 343 | 220 | 174 | 147 | 108 | 133 | 84·5 | 1 | 73·5
9 | 1,675 | 858 | 1,725 | 247 | 107 | 59 | 538 | 342 | 345 | 198 | 188 | 143 | 107 | 130 | 76·1 | 1 | 74·8
10 | 1,611 | 816 | 1,600 | 250 | 114 | 61 | 533 | 348 | 343 | 216 | 187 | 143 | 109 | 134 | 76·5 | 1 | 76·2
11 | 1,630 | 828 | 1,736 | 243 | 116 | 58 | 535 | 320 | 340 | 213 | 185 | 146 | 115 | 144 | 78·8 | 1 | 78·8
12 | 1,780 | 862 | 1,880 | 279 | 120 | 60 | 550 | 328 | 357 | 212 | 188 | 146 | 116 | 139 | 77·7 | 1 | 79·5
13 | 1,719 | 839 | 1,812 | 251 | 104 | 65 | 528 | 320 | 333 | 209 | 187 | 133 | 109 | 134 | 71·1 | 1 | 82·0
14 | 1,689 | 871 | 1,732 | 262 | 104 | 62 | 549 | 330 | 361 | 224 | 189 | 150 | 120 | 137 | 79·4 | 1 | 80·0
15 | 1,704 | | 1,737 | 267 | 104 | ... | 536 | 335 | 335 | ... | 188 | 136 | ... | ... | 72·3 | ... | ...
16 | 1,739 | | 1,800 | 272 | 107 | ... | 543 | 325 | 348 | ... | 189 | 154 | ... | ... | 81·5 | ... | ...
17 | 1,651 | ... | 1,711 | 259 | 104 | ... | 554 | 343 | 345 | ... | 196 | 147 | ... | ... | 75·0 | ... | ...
18 | 1,694 | ... | 1,777 | 284 | 114 | ... | 554 | 320 | 345 | ... | 197 | 140 | ... | ... | 71·1 | ... | ...
19 | 1,744 | ... | 1,820 | 274 | 104 | ... | 536 | 330 | 328 | ... | 185 | 138 | ... | ... | 74·6 | ... | ...
20 | 1,772 | 871 | 1,770 | 259 | 114 | 64 | 551 | 358 | 328 | 226 | 198 | 138 | ... | ... | 69·7 | ... | ...
21 | 1,744 | 861 | 1,866 | 269 | 119 | 66 | 531 | 343 | 353 | 208 | 184 | 144 | ... | ... | 78·3 | ... | ...
22 | 1,843 | 922 | 1,904 | 277 | 117 | 71 | 549 | 356 | 353 | 218 | 198 | 141 | ... | ... | 71·2 | ... | ...
23 | 1,651 | 815 | 1,711 | 259 | 110 | 58 | 533 | 340 | 343 | 224 | 191 | 137 | ... | ... | 71·7 | ... | ...
24 | 1,661 | 813 | 1,765 | 244 | 110 | 61 | 554 | 343 | 345 | 208 | 195 | 141 | ... | ... | 72·3 | ... | ...
25 | 1,706 | 841 | 1,884 | 282 | 119 | 66 | 543 | 348 | 356 | 203 | 196 | 141 | ... | ... | 71·9 | ... | ...
26 | 1,676 | 842 | 1,755 | 253 | 108 | 59 | 545 | 350 | 348 | 225 | 190 | 140 | 103 | 133 | 73·7 | 169 | 73·6
27 | 1,726 | 860 | 1,715 | 257 | 112 | 65 | ... | ... | ... | 218 | 200 | 144 | 105 | 135 | 72·0 | 161 | 72·9
28 | 1,626 | 826 | 1,682 | 245 | 110 | 67 | 565 | 355 | 355 | 226 | 197 | 142 | 102 | 141 | 72·1 | 160 | 71·8
29 | 1,584 | 810 | 1,588 | 250 | 113 | 58 | 548 | 353 | 348 | 229 | 199 | 138 | 100 | 128 | 69·3 | 179 | 73·2
30 | 1,757 | 880 | 1,918 | 270 | 127 | 67 | 557 | 345 | 325 | 218 | 193 | 130 | 99 | 135 | 67·4 | 161 | 76·2
31 | 1,688 | 875 | 1,735 | 257 | 112 | 60 | 543 | 342 | 362 | 216 | 188 | 143 | 109 | 136 | 76·1 | 159 | 76·2
32 | 1,755 | 910 | 1,875 | 279 | 121 | 64 | 557 | 363 | 365 | 215 | 200 | 140 | 105 | 134 | 70·0 | 160 | 75·0
33 | 1,655 | 820 | 1,770 | 255 | 112 | 63 | 532 | 325 | 353 | 207 | 183 | 135 | 115 | 138 | 73·8 | 150 | 85·2
34 | 1,735 | 875 | 1,825 | 275 | 120 | 69 | 545 | 340 | 345 | 200 | 193 | 135 | 110 | 135 | 69·9 | 148 | 81·5
35 | 1,695 | 855 | 1,762 | 266 | 113 | 62 | 535 | 345 | 350 | 210 | 179 | 145 | 115 | 142 | 81·0 | 148 | 79·3
36 | 1,690 | 865 | 1,716 | 243 | 102 | 58 | 560 | 355 | 355 | 208 | 191 | 146 | 116 | 137 | 76·4 | 152 | 79·5
37 | 1,675 | 848 | 1,695 | 260 | 109 | 61 | 550 | 330 | 325 | 199 | 196 | 140 | 112 | 142 | 71·4 | 140 | 80·0
38 | 1,675 | 880 | 1,755 | 268 | 116 | 65 | 530 | 333 | 347 | 211 | 186 | 142 | 100 | 130 | 76·3 | 162 | 70·4
39 | 1,795 | 885 | 1,820 | 274 | 133 | 52 | 553 | 375 | 354 | 203 | 181 | 140 | 108 | 125 | 77·3 | 162 | 77·3
40 | 1,755 | 900 | 1,825 | 263 | 110 | 61 | 542 | 350 | 355 | 210 | 182 | 144 | 114 | 138 | 79·1 | 152 | 79·2
41 | 1,645 | 855 | 1,755 | 244 | 107 | 63 | 541 | 340 | 333 | 201 | 189 | 144 | 115 | 140 | 76·2 | 144 | 79·9
42 | 1,735 | 935 | 1,727 | 251 | 104 | 70 | 555 | 370 | 355 | 218 | 198 | 138 | 109 | 135 | 69·7 | 161 | 79·0
43 | 1,610 | 820 | 1,712 | 252 | 112 | 73 | 540 | 340 | 348 | 206 | 192 | 139 | 104 | 139 | 72·4 | 148 | 74·8
44 | 1,770 | 910 | 1,878 | 269 | 112 | 71 | 525 | 352 | 346 | 219 | 192 | 140 | 105 | 137 | 72·9 | 160 | 75·0
45 | 1,640 | 845 | 1,740 | 252 | 103 | 62 | 567 | 373 | 353 | 205 | 201 | 139 | 115 | 133 | 69·2 | 154 | 82·7
46 | 1,735 | 880 | 1,852 | 261 | 122 | 66 | 543 | 354 | 343 | 215 | 195 | 132 | 111 | 133 | 67·7 | 162 | 83·3
47 | 1,760 | 890 | 1,795 | 254 | 110 | 71 | 550 | 355 | 369 | 208 | 196 | 143 | 115 | 139 | 73·0 | 150 | 80·4
48 | 1,710 | 853 | 1,805 | 259 | 120 | 62 | 548 | 345 | 359 | 211 | 190 | 138 | 100 | 135 | 72·6 | 156 | 72·5
49 | 1,743 | 875 | 1,756 | 258 | 110 | 60 | 516 | 334 | 360 | 192 | 172 | 138 | 102 | 129 | 80·2 | 149 | 75·6
50 | 1,764 | 896 | 1,863 | 277 | 117 | 57 | 530 | 332 | 330 | 209 | 181 | 137 | 105 | 133 | 75·7 | 157 | 76·6
51 | 1,770 | 872 | 1,843 | 260 | 119 | 59 | 554 | 362 | 350 | 205 | 187 | 132 | 98 | 125 | 70·6 | 164 | 74·2
52 | 1,690 | 850 | 1,813 | 259 | 116 | 62 | 542 | 324 | 350 | 175 | 175 | 141 | 104 | 130 | 80·6 | 135 | 73·8
Variation. SUMMARY.
From | 1,541 | 786 | 1,585 | 238 | 102 | 52 | 516 | 320 | 325 | 175 | 172 | 130 | 98 | 125 | 67·4 | 135 | 70·4
No. | 5 | 5 | 5 | 5 | 36 | 39 | 49 | 1, 13, 18 | 30, 37 | 52 | 49 | 30 | 51 | 39, 51 | 30 | 52 | 38
To | 1,843 | 935 | 1,918 | 284 | 133 | 73 | 567 | 375 | 369 | 229 | 201 | 154 | 120 | 144 | 84·5 | 179 | 85·2
No. | 22 | 42 | 30 | 18 | 39 | 43 | 45 | 39 | 47 | 29 | 45 | 16 | 14 | 11 | 8 | 29 | 33
Mean | 1,690 | 855 | 1,755 | 258 | 112 | 63 | 543 | 342 | 347 | 211 | 189 | 141 | 109 | 135 | 74·3 | 157 | 77·3
Average | 1,696 | 850 | 1,768 | 259 | 112 | 63 | 543 | 342 | 347 | 211 | 187 | 141 | 109 | 135 | 74·4 | 157 | 77·3
===========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+=====+=====+===========+========+=====+=====+=====+=====+========+======+=====+=====
NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—BHANGI.
===========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+=====+=====+========+=====+=====+============+=====+=====+=====+======+=====+=====
Number. |Height of Vertex.
| |Height of Trunk.
| | |Span.
| | | |Left Foot.
| | | | |Left Middle Finger.
| | | | | |Right Ear Height.
| | | | | | |Round Head.
| | | | | | | |Inion to Glabella.
| | | | | | | | |Tragus to Tragus.
| | | | | | | | | |Vertex to Chin.
| | | | | | | | | | |Anteroposterior Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | |Maximum Transverse Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | |Minimum Frontal Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | |Bizygomatic Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Cephalic Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |General Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Frontal Index.
~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18
~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
1 | 1,706 | 846 | 1,841 | 272 | 117 | 66 | 523 | 345 | 340 | 216 | 191 | 134 | ... | ... | 70·1 | ... | ...
2 | 1,633 | 820 | 1,701 | 244 | 107 | 64 | 513 | 343 | 335 | 221 | 183 | 140 | ... | ... | 76·5 | ... | ...
3 | 1,579 | 787 | 1,645 | 241 | 110 | 64 | 533 | 343 | 333 | 224 | 190 | 139 | ... | ... | 73·2 | ... | ...
4 | 1,701 | 884 | 1,711 | 264 | 107 | 69 | 546 | 358 | 371 | 249 | 191 | 142 | ... | ... | 74·3 | ... | ...
5 | 1,635 | 833 | 1,732 | 257 | 114 | 58 | 538 | 312 | 315 | 198 | 188 | 140 | 116 | 129 | 74·5 | 1 | 82·9
6 | 1,633 | 843 | 1,640 | 239 | 102 | 64 | 541 | 345 | 335 | 203 | 192 | 140 | 119 | 134 | 72·9 | 1 | 95·0
7 | 1,562 | 797 | 1,600 | 221 | 96 | 58 | 513 | 330 | 315 | 203 | 185 | 131 | 108 | 128 | 70·8 | 1 | 82·4
8 | 1,722 | 838 | 1,838 | 264 | 117 | 58 | 554 | 356 | 330 | 213 | 199 | 133 | 108 | 133 | 66·8 | 1 | 81·2
9 | 1,648 | 815 | 1,752 | 264 | 114 | 64 | 528 | 338 | 335 | 203 | 185 | 133 | 107 | 136 | 71·9 | 1 | 80·5
10 | 1,691 | 848 | 1,790 | 259 | 112 | 58 | 528 | 330 | 348 | 206 | 184 | 142 | 118 | 133 | 77·2 | 1 | 83·1
11 | 1,625 | 846 | 1,737 | 249 | 110 | 58 | 528 | 323 | 323 | 203 | 186 | 134 | 112 | 135 | 72·0 | 1 | 83·6
12 | 1,762 | 853 | 1,765 | 262 | 112 | 69 | 531 | 348 | 361 | 208 | 193 | 136 | 105 | 135 | 70·5 | 1 | 77·2
13 | 1,652 | 785 | 1,733 | 247 | 107 | 61 | 537 | 340 | 333 | 210 | 188 | 131 | 108 | 135 | 69·7 | 1 | 82·4
14 | 1,650 | 830 | ... | 245 | | 56 | 530 | 325 | 325 | 205 | 182 | 138 | 107 | 131 | 75·8 | 1 | 77·5
15 | 1,672 | 832 | 1,740 | 265 | 120 | 63 | 547 | 350 | 360 | 220 | 192 | 140 | 110 | 139 | 72·9 | 1 | 78·6
16 | 1,667 | 797 | 1,785 | 255 | 120 | 58 | 515 | 325 | 317 | 195 | 180 | 134 | 100 | 131 | 74·4 | 1 | 74·7
17 | 1,602 | 812 | 1,608 | 241 | 104 | 59 | 525 | 343 | 340 | 217 | 184 | 133 | 103 | 135 | 72·3 | 1 | 77·4
18 | 1,703 | 828 | 1,788 | 255 | 119 | 70 | 546 | 365 | 358 | 217 | 190 | 144 | 112 | 136 | 75·8 | 1 | 77·8
19 | 1,695 | 858 | 1,696 | 253 | 104 | 63 | 536 | 370 | 370 | 224 | 189 | 140 | 115 | 130 | 74·1 | 1 | 82·1
20 | 1,740 | 880 | 1,812 | 273 | 121 | 61 | 544 | 344 | 343 | 217 | 193 | 133 | 97 | 133 | 68·9 | 1 | 72·9
21 | 1,696 | 890 | 1,774 | 267 | 117 | 66 | 543 | 345 | 358 | 222 | 193 | 140 | 115 | 140 | 72·0 | 1 | 82·1
22 | 1,700 | 892 | 1,733 | 266 | 119 | 60 | 524 | 330 | 350 | 220 | 187 | 134 | 104 | 135 | 71·1 | 1 | 77·6
23 | 1,671 | 846 | 1,768 | 261 | 110 | 63 | 558 | 360 | 345 | 210 | 202 | 138 | 115 | 133 | 68·3 | 1 | 83·3
24 | 1,665 | 857 | 1,725 | 260 | 111 | 59 | 538 | 335 | 338 | 205 | 184 | 142 | 117 | 136 | 77·2 | 1 | 82·4
25 | 1,698 | 876 | 1,745 | 260 | 110 | 61 | 530 | 345 | 345 | 212 | 185 | 140 | 110 | 133 | 75·7 | 1 | 78·6
26 | 1,648 | 828 | 1,727 | 259 | 120 | 61 | 552 | 343 | 343 | 203 | 200 | 135 | 116 | 142 | 67·5 | 143 | 85·9
27 | 1,663 | 850 | 1,705 | 260 | 112 | 67 | 525 | 335 | 350 | 193 | 180 | 140 | 108 | 134 | 77·7 | 144 | 77·1
28 | 1,675 | 870 | 1,721 | 273 | 110 | 58 | 546 | 370 | 356 | 210 | 183 | 138 | 113 | 139 | 75·4 | 151 | 81·9
29 | 1,637 | 820 | 1,747 | 252 | 114 | 59 | 530 | 332 | 341 | 211 | 177 | 138 | 107 | 134 | 78·0 | 157 | 77·5
30 | 1,693 | 805 | 1,770 | 259 | 110 | 57 | 523 | 339 | 332 | 204 | 179 | 132 | 90 | 126 | 73·2 | 162 | 68·2
31 | 1,690 | 870 | 1,695 | 255 | 102 | 63 | 535 | 343 | 359 | 227 | 189 | 140 | 115 | 129 | 74·1 | 176 | 82·1
32 | 1,720 | 850 | 1,820 | 262 | 112 | 57 | 545 | 340 | 330 | 209 | 200 | 132 | 110 | 129 | 66·0 | 162 | 83·3
33 | 1,730 | 875 | 1,745 | 263 | 111 | 61 | 555 | 350 | 338 | 211 | 197 | 138 | 117 | 136 | 70·1 | 155 | 84·8
34 | 1,748 | 865 | 1,825 | 277 | 113 | 68 | 555 | 352 | 355 | 226 | 200 | 138 | 109 | 131 | 69·0 | 173 | 79·0
35 | 1,640 | 825 | 1,702 | 246 | 111 | 56 | 522 | 335 | 310 | 199 | 186 | 126 | 98 | 130 | 67·7 | 153 | 77·8
36 | 1,490 | 770 | 1,495 | 227 | 102 | 59 | 521 | 339 | 333 | 195 | 183 | 133 | 92 | 124 | 72·7 | 157 | 69·2
37 | 1,619 | 830 | 1,682 | 249 | 110 | 58 | 511 | 325 | 337 | 205 | 177 | 131 | 99 | 126 | 74·0 | 163 | 75·6
38 | 1,621 | 820 | 1,711 | 250 | 112 | 62 | 501 | 310 | 330 | 202 | 178 | 132 | 94 | 126 | 74·2 | 160 | 71·2
39 | 1,600 | 830 | 1,605 | 232 | 104 | 62 | 532 | 363 | 360 | 206 | 186 | 139 | 103 | 134 | 74·5 | 154 | 74·1
40 | 1,628 | 845 | 1,654 | 255 | 109 | 56 | 535 | 352 | 340 | 199 | 183 | 138 | 105 | 129 | 75·4 | 154 | 76·1
41 | 1,614 | 825 | 1,647 | 245 | 107 | 56 | 527 | 352 | 339 | 202 | 187 | 135 | 97 | 129 | 72·2 | 157 | 71·8
42 | 1,622 | 835 | 1,711 | 250 | 111 | 57 | 538 | 345 | 349 | 201 | 186 | 140 | 101 | 132 | 75·3 | 152 | 72·1
43 | 1,693 | 855 | 1,730 | 247 | 107 | 65 | 530 | 359 | 352 | 198 | 188 | 135 | 102 | 131 | 71·8 | 151 | 75·6
44 | 1,649 | 830 | 1,672 | 248 | 103 | 59 | 537 | 347 | 322 | 200 | 190 | 130 | 93 | 121 | 68·4 | 165 | 71·5
45 | 1,605 | 819 | 1,679 | 256 | 110 | 63 | 531 | 337 | 330 | 205 | 178 | 138 | 107 | 131 | 77·5 | 156 | 77·6
46 | 1,650 | 830 | 1,749 | 260 | 112 | 57 | 535 | 340 | 349 | 206 | 180 | 137 | 105 | 133 | 76·1 | 155 | 76·6
47 | 1,690 | 860 | 1,765 | 254 | 105 | 63 | 530 | 352 | 341 | 204 | 185 | 132 | 96 | 127 | 71·4 | 161 | 72·7
48 | 1,595 | 805 | 1,619 | 250 | 104 | 60 | 520 | 340 | 332 | 193 | 177 | 137 | 104 | 130 | 77·4 | 148 | 75·9
49 | 1,609 | 816 | 1,585 | 251 | 103 | 59 | 524 | 350 | 340 | 190 | 180 | 136 | 100 | 129 | 75·6 | 147 | 73·5
50 | 1,649 | 800 | 1,697 | 257 | 108 | 53 | 515 | 333 | 330 | 185 | 176 | 137 | 103 | 131 | 77·8 | 141 | 75·2
Variation. SUMMARY.
From | 1,490 | 770 | 1,495 | 221 | 96 | 53 | 501 | 310 | 310 | 190 | 177 | 126 | 90 | 121 | 66·0 | 139 | 68·2
No. | 36 | 36 | 36 | 7 | 7 | 50 | 38 | 38 | 35 | 49 | 29, 37, 48 | 35 | 30 | 44 | 32 | 14 | 30
To | 1,762 | 892 | 1,841 | 277 | 121 | 70 | 558 | 370 | 371 | 249 | 202 | 144 | 119 | 142 | 78·0 | 176 | 95·0
No. | 12 | 22 | 1 | 34 | 20 | 18 | 23 | 19, 28 | 4 | 4 | 23 | 18 | 6 | 26 | 29 | 31 | 6
Mean | 1,650 | 833 | 1,727 | 255 | 110 | 60 | 531 | 343 | 340 | 206 | 186 | 137 | 103 | 125 | 73·0 | 156 | 78·0
Average | 1,65 | 836 | 1,716 | 254 | 110 | 61 | 535 | 343 | 340 | 210 | 187 | 136 | 98 | 121 | 73·0 | 156 | 78·2
===========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+=====+=====+========+=====+=====+============+=====+=====+=====+======+=====+=====
NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—PATHÂN
===========+=======+=====+=======+========+=======+====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+========+=====+============+======+=====+=====
Number. |Height of Vertex.
| |Height of Trunk.
| | |Span.
| | | |Left Foot.
| | | | |Left Middle Finger.
| | | | | |Right Ear Height.
| | | | | | |Round Head.
| | | | | | | |Inion to Glabella.
| | | | | | | | |Tragus to Tragus.
| | | | | | | | | |Vertex to Chin.
| | | | | | | | | | |Anteroposterior Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | |Maximum Transverse Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | |Minimum Frontal Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | |Bizygomatic Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Cephalic Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |General Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Frontal Index.
~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18
~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
1 | 1,656 | 838 | 1,752 | 259 | 114 | 61 | 559 | 356 | 353 | 220 | 198 | 143 | 114 | 134 | 72·2 | 164 | 79·7
2 | 1,572 | 825 | 1,635 | 267 | 112 | 64 | 520 | 330 | 356 | 208 | 179 | 141 | 111 | 128 | 78·8 | 163 | 78·7
3 | 1,625 | 846 | 1,686 | 251 | 102 | 66 | 518 | 338 | 350 | 216 | 181 | 136 | 108 | 128 | 75·1 | 169 | 79·4
4 | 1,612 | 797 | 1,681 | 254 | 110 | 56 | 538 | 338 | 343 | 230 | 190 | 141 | 113 | 131 | 74·2 | 176 | 80·1
5 | 1,668 | 846 | 1,711 | 259 | 112 | 64 | 520 | 325 | 345 | 211 | 188 | 137 | 117 | 132 | 72·9 | 160 | 85·4
6 | 1,700 | 863 | 1,777 | 272 | 114 | 61 | 561 | 360 | 360 | 240 | 201 | 143 | 123 | 136 | 71·1 | 176 | 86·0
7 | 1,675 | 862 | 1,647 | 247 | 102 | 65 | 545 | 350 | 360 | 209 | 193 | 142 | 110 | 136 | 73·6 | 154 | 77·5
8 | 1,687 | 890 | 1,695 | 256 | 104 | 60 | 538 | 352 | 342 | 211 | 187 | 135 | 110 | 131 | 72·2 | 161 | 81·5
9 | 1,555 | 840 | 1,560 | 240 | 102 | 67 | 525 | 325 | 318 | 198 | 185 | 135 | 114 | 132 | 72·9 | 150 | 84·4
10 | 1,618 | 830 | 1,662 | 250 | 109 | 63 | 535 | 325 | 322 | 206 | 187 | 138 | 110 | 130 | 73·8 | 158 | 79·7
11 | 1,720 | 882 | 1,705 | 257 | 110 | 68 | 543 | 333 | 367 | 213 | 193 | 145 | 116 | 139 | 75·1 | 158 | 80·0
12 | 1,670 | 848 | 1,705 | 259 | 112 | 63 | 550 | 354 | 362 | 209 | 187 | 141 | 99 | 134 | 75·4 | 156 | 70·2
13 | 1,729 | 890 | 1,812 | 264 | 118 | 60 | 539 | 345 | 353 | 203 | 191 | 141 | 97 | 130 | 73·8 | 156 | 68·8
14 | 1,880 | 950 | 1,905 | 2 | 127 | 62 | 540 | 338 | 351 | 210 | 187 | 140 | 106 | 135 | 74·9 | 156 | 75·9
15 | 1,605 | 848 | 1,680 | 2 | 105 | 57 | 534 | 344 | 340 | 190 | 187 | 139 | 99 | 128 | 74·3 | 148 | 71·2
16 | 1,640 | 833 | 1,670 | 2 | 111 | 65 | 544 | 340 | 353 | 218 | 187 | 140 | 104 | 135 | 74·9 | 161 | 74·3
17 | 1,710 | 859 | 1,767 | 2 | 120 | 65 | 544 | 346 | 350 | 223 | 195 | 135 | 100 | 134 | 69·2 | 166 | 74·4
18 | 1,670 | 860 | 1,695 | 2 | 113 | 56 | 543 | 360 | 368 | 220 | 190 | 146 | 108 | 137 | 76·8 | 161 | 74·0
19 | 1,755 | 924 | 1,760 | 2 | 121 | 66 | 553 | 365 | 357 | 223 | 191 | 140 | 102 | 125 | 73·3 | 178 | 72·9
20 | 1,566 | 812 | 1,582 | 2 | 102 | 69 | 528 | 340 | 328 | 200 | 182 | 129 | 100 | 127 | 70·9 | 157 | 77·6
21 | 1,745 | 905 | 1,732 | 2 | 125 | 67 | 534 | 334 | 345 | 202 | 185 | 140 | 110 | 136 | 75·7 | 148 | 78·6
22 | 1,590 | 840 | 1,627 | 2 | 107 | 56 | 518 | 322 | 346 | 217 | 183 | 134 | 100 | 134 | 73·2 | 162 | 74·6
23 | 1,665 | 858 | 1,742 | 2 | 118 | 55 | 529 | 327 | 250 | 205 | 176 | 141 | 110 | 128 | 80·1 | 160 | 78·0
24 | 1,755 | 903 | 1,793 | 2 | 120 | 60 | 529 | 350 | 352 | 220 | 181 | 137 | 98 | 138 | 75·7 | 159 | 71·5
25 | 1,735 | 901 | 1,839 | 2 | 121 | 61 | 541 | 359 | 360 | 225 | 185 | 137 | 105 | 130 | 74·1 | 173 | 76·6
26 | 1,729 | 840 | 1,835 | 274 | 113 | 61 | 529 | 348 | 350 | 226 | 177 | 132 | 100 | 125 | 74·6 | 181 | 75·0
27 | 1,710 | 885 | 1,805 | 270 | 108 | 59 | 552 | 360 | 365 | 235 | 187 | 141 | 103 | 132 | 75·4 | 178 | 73·0
28 | 1,700 | 880 | 1,725 | 251 | 105 | 60 | 532 | 359 | 350 | 217 | 184 | 136 | 105 | 129 | 73·9 | 168 | 77·2
29 | 1,775 | 905 | 1,867 | 277 | 115 | 67 | 840 | 363 | 360 | 226 | 192 | 140 | 105 | 132 | 72·9 | 171 | 75·0
30 | 1,650 | 845 | 1,749 | 261 | 110 | 63 | 546 | 363 | 340 | 215 | 188 | 142 | 107 | 137 | 75·5 | 157 | 75·4
31 | 1,810 | 865 | 1,909 | 270 | 114 | 64 | 556 | 350 | 360 | 226 | 187 | 143 | 100 | 128 | 76·5 | 177 | 69·9
32 | 1,770 | 895 | 1,865 | 283 | 120 | 59 | 549 | 356 | 359 | 189 | 191 | 140 | 97 | 135 | 73·3 | 140 | 69·3
33 | 1,725 | 880 | 1,768 | 254 | 110 | 63 | 544 | 353 | 350 | 197 | 184 | 140 | 109 | 133 | 76·1 | 148 | 77·9
34 | 1,635 | 840 | 1,730 | 250 | 111 | 60 | 550 | 340 | 360 | 209 | 184 | 138 | 102 | 128 | 74·5 | 163 | 73·9
35 | 1,590 | 845 | 1,610 | 248 | 107 | 60 | 550 | 360 | 352 | 193 | 180 | 139 | 102 | 130 | 77·2 | 148 | 72·7
36 | 1,610 | 780 | 1,670 | 248 | 110 | 54 | 521 | 336 | 350 | 176 | 177 | 135 | 101 | 127 | 76·3 | 139 | 74·8
37 | 1,635 | 820 | 1,699 | 247 | 109 | 52 | 530 | 320 | 340 | 195 | 180 | 130 | 95 | 129 | 72·2 | 151 | 72·3
38 | 1,715 | 870 | 1,784 | 251 | 110 | 59 | 537 | 330 | 347 | 196 | 187 | 137 | 103 | 130 | 73·3 | 151 | 75·2
39 | 1,721 | 860 | 1,841 | 260 | 109 | 63 | 540 | 319 | 330 | 201 | 183 | 140 | 110 | 132 | 76·5 | 152 | 78·6
40 | 1,665 | 840 | 1,720 | 252 | 111 | 61 | 551 | 345 | 360 | 179 | 190 | 139 | 105 | 132 | 73·1 | 136 | 75·6
41 | 1,715 | 885 | 1,710 | 256 | 107 | 59 | 525 | 339 | 350 | 196 | 177 | 133 | 96 | 129 | 75·1 | 152 | 72·2
42 | 1,640 | 865 | 1,710 | 255 | 103 | 61 | 549 | 352 | 350 | 187 | 186 | 147 | 107 | 140 | 79·0 | 134 | 72·8
43 | 1,700 | 860 | 1,780 | 274 | 120 | 66 | 572 | 352 | 370 | 200 | 193 | 147 | 113 | 139 | 76·2 | 144 | 76·9
44 | 1,685 | 865 | 1,782 | 255 | 112 | 56 | 535 | 325 | 343 | 207 | 179 | 133 | 110 | 142 | 74·3 | 146 | 82·7
45 | 1,665 | 823 | 1,750 | 242 | 107 | 59 | 532 | 347 | 340 | 215 | 184 | 139 | 99 | 135 | 75·5 | 159 | 71·2
46 | 1,600 | 825 | 1,651 | 245 | 105 | 61 | 500 | 310 | 345 | 189 | 178 | 137 | 109 | 133 | 77·6 | 142 | 80·0
47 | 1,615 | 820 | 1,710 | 252 | 108 | 60 | 522 | 320 | 320 | 190 | 186 | 133 | 100 | 130 | 71·5 | 146 | 75·2
48 | 1,720 | 884 | 1,790 | 249 | 112 | 59 | 518 | 350 | 350 | 210 | 189 | 133 | 104 | 127 | 70·4 | 165 | 78·2
49 | 1,765 | 865 | 1,820 | 271 | 115 | 60 | 563 | 350 | 360 | 216 | 191 | 137 | 105 | 130 | 71·7 | 166 | 76·6
50 | 1,660 | 820 | 1,705 | 257 | 107 | 61 | 562 | 370 | 350 | 208 | 187 | 140 | 107 | 139 | 74·9 | 150 | 76·4
Variation. SUMMARY.
From | 1,555 | 780 | 1,560 | 238 | 102 | 52 | 500 | 310 | 318 | 176 | 176 | 1 | 95 | 125 | 69·2 | 134 | 68·8
No. | 0 | 36 | 9 | 20, 22 | 3, 79 | 37 | 46 | 46 | 9 | 36 | 23 | 20 | 37 | 19, 26 | 17 | 42 | 13
To | 1,880 | 950 | 1,909 | 283 | 127 | 69 | 572 | 370 | 370 | 240 | 201 | 1 | 123 | 139 | 80·1 | 181 | 86·0
No. | 14 | 14 | 31 | 32 | 14 | 20 | 43 | 50 | 43 | 6 | 6 | 42, 43 | 6 | 11, 43, 50 | 23 | 26 | 6
Mean | 1,680 | 859 | 1,735 | 255 | 111 | 61 | 539 | 341 | 350 | 208 | 187 | 1 | 105 | 131 | 74·4 | 158 | 75·2
Average | 1,680 | 858 | 1,736 | 254 | 111 | 60 | 539 | 337 | 350 | 208 | 186 | 1 | 106 | 132 | 74·4 | 158 | 75·2
===========+=======+=====+=======+========+=======+====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+========+=====+============+======+=====+=====
NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—MURÂO.
===========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+====+=====+========+========+=====+============+========+=====+========+======+=====+=====
Number. |Height of Vertex.
| |Height of Trunk.
| | |Span.
| | | |Left Foot.
| | | | |Left Middle Finger.
| | | | | |Right Ear Height.
| | | | | | |Round Head.
| | | | | | | |Inion to Glabella.
| | | | | | | | |Tragus to Tragus.
| | | | | | | | | |Vertex to Chin.
| | | | | | | | | | |Anteroposterior Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | |Maximum Transverse Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | |Minimum Frontal Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | |Bizygomatic Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Cephalic Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |General Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Frontal Index.
~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18
~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
1 | 1,709 | 835 | 1,820 | 249 | 112 | 61 | 549 | 356 | 338 | 203 | 191 | 140 | ... | ... | 73·3 | ... | ...
2 | 1,633 | 795 | 1,742 | 267 | 114 | 64 | 543 | 361 | 333 | 198 | 190 | 140 | ... | ... | 73·7 | ... | ...
3 | 1,607 | 795 | 1,643 | 241 | 107 | 56 | 536 | 348 | 338 | 190 | 184 | 140 | ... | ... | 76·1 | ... | ...
4 | 1,620 | 838 | 1,661 | 259 | 107 | 61 | 531 | 350 | 340 | 198 | 191 | 139 | ... | ... | 72·8 | ... | ...
5 | 1,678 | 820 | 1,722 | 251 | 104 | 58 | 521 | 333 | 333 | 198 | 182 | 139 | ... | ... | 76·4 | ... | ...
6 | 1,676 | 813 | 1,742 | 259 | 107 | 66 | 538 | 340 | 335 | 190 | 191 | 138 | ... | ... | 72·3 | ... | ...
7 | 1,658 | 848 | 1,706 | 241 | 110 | 64 | 533 | 356 | 350 | 211 | 190 | 138 | ... | ... | 72·6 | ... | ...
8 | 1,658 | 835 | 1,815 | 269 | 117 | 58 | 554 | 345 | 330 | 203 | 199 | 141 | ... | ... | 70·9 | ... | ...
9 | 1,615 | 790 | 1,651 | 236 | 107 | 66 | 526 | 338 | 335 | 200 | 182 | 134 | ... | ... | 73·6 | ... | ...
10 | 1,656 | 856 | 1,704 | 251 | 112 | 61 | 526 | 338 | 350 | 206 | 182 | 138 | ... | ... | 75·8 | ... | ...
11 | 1,645 | 820 | 1,717 | 251 | 112 | 64 | 546 | 366 | 356 | 216 | 192 | 139 | ... | ... | 72·4 | ... | ...
12 | 1,617 | 792 | 1,625 | 257 | 104 | 66 | 559 | 356 | 356 | 208 | 194 | 142 | ... | ... | 73·7 | ... | ...
13 | 1,618 | 833 | 1,625 | 250 | 106 | 63 | 532 | 337 | 355 | 214 | 189 | 136 | 109 | 131 | 72·0 | 163 | 80·1
14 | 1,657 | 820 | 1,755 | 259 | 115 | 63 | 535 | 340 | 335 | 204 | 193 | 138 | 105 | 135 | 71·5 | 151 | 76·8
15 | 1,612 | 800 | 1,727 | 263 | 117 | 67 | 548 | 345 | 350 | 220 | 192 | 139 | 116 | 140 | 72·4 | 157 | 83·5
16 | 1,640 | 845 | 1,670 | 247 | 110 | 60 | 530 | 340 | 350 | 210 | 183 | 143 | 109 | 138 | 78·1 | 152 | 76·2
17 | 1,665 | 837 | 1,727 | 247 | 112 | 60 | 530 | 340 | 335 | 203 | 189 | 132 | 100 | 121 | 69·8 | 168 | 75·8
18 | 1,587 | 810 | 1,665 | 241 | 112 | 60 | 533 | 330 | 350 | 207 | 189 | 140 | 108 | 132 | 74·1 | 157 | 77·1
19 | 1,650 | 833 | 1,783 | 250 | 117 | 65 | 550 | 352 | 358 | 230 | 198 | 138 | 104 | 129 | 69·7 | 178 | 75·4
20 | 1,593 | 833 | 1,578 | 241 | 103 | 60 | 545 | 336 | 348 | 223 | 180 | 140 | 110 | 130 | 77·8 | 172 | 77·8
21 | 1,602 | 820 | 1,655 | 233 | 101 | 59 | 535 | 330 | 333 | 205 | 189 | 134 | 103 | 132 | 70·9 | 155 | 76·9
22 | 1,986 | 835 | 1,770 | 240 | 115 | 65 | 525 | 330 | 337 | 206 | 185 | 132 | 107 | 127 | 71·4 | 162 | 73·5
23 | 1,586 | 827 | 1,685 | 252 | 112 | 66 | 520 | 329 | 335 | 185 | 181 | 133 | 98 | 133 | 73·5 | 139 | 73·5
24 | 1,631 | 850 | 1,725 | 245 | 110 | 60 | 545 | 340 | 345 | 213 | 192 | 143 | 110 | 131 | 74·5 | 163 | 76·9
25 | 1,658 | 855 | 1,820 | 262 | 118 | 58 | 555 | 340 | 335 | 204 | 197 | 139 | 115 | 138 | 70·6 | 148 | 82·7
26 | 1,705 | 850 | 1,825 | 266 | 118 | 55 | 528 | 335 | 338 | 211 | 192 | 132 | 105 | 130 | 68·8 | 162 | 79·5
27 | 1,680 | 845 | 1,730 | 245 | 110 | 58 | 520 | 330 | 332 | 200 | 183 | 138 | 112 | 135 | 75·4 | 148 | 81·2
28 | 1,682 | 843 | 1,786 | 260 | 114 | 62 | 514 | 338 | 322 | 200 | 184 | 128 | ... | 121 | 69·6 | 165 | ...
29 | 1,570 | 845 | 1,745 | 256 | 111 | 62 | 533 | 340 | 350 | 200 | 177 | 140 | 101 | 136 | 79·1 | 147 | 72·1
30 | 1,645 | 825 | 1,680 | 249 | 103 | 55 | 540 | 333 | 339 | 195 | 180 | 139 | 100 | 127 | 77·2 | 154 | 71·9
31 | 1,645 | 847 | 1,685 | 254 | 102 | 63 | 532 | 335 | 345 | 198 | 181 | 143 | 113 | 140 | 79·0 | 141 | 79·0
32 | 1,625 | 822 | 1,700 | 247 | 108 | 54 | 520 | 332 | 330 | 203 | 182 | 138 | 112 | 127 | 75·8 | 160 | 81·2
33 | 1,535 | 795 | 1,565 | 241 | 104 | 55 | 535 | 330 | 325 | 217 | 186 | 137 | 107 | 131 | 73·7 | 166 | 78·1
34 | 1,605 | 815 | 1,700 | 243 | 107 | 56 | 515 | 328 | 320 | 207 | 178 | 135 | 110 | 133 | 75·8 | 156 | 81·5
35 | 1,576 | 870 | 1,625 | 227 | 107 | 60 | 520 | 324 | 339 | 200 | 183 | 137 | 101 | 125 | 74·9 | 160 | 73·8
36 | 1,610 | 786 | 1,712 | 250 | 105 | 58 | 515 | 349 | 350 | 200 | 178 | 133 | 91 | 121 | 75·3 | 165 | 68·4
37 | 1,530 | 780 | 1,587 | 240 | 104 | 51 | 523 | 345 | 345 | 190 | 179 | 135 | 102 | 127 | 75·4 | 150 | 75·6
38 | 1,630 | 830 | 1,725 | 254 | 117 | 59 | 536 | 340 | 350 | 199 | 186 | 142 | 94 | 130 | 76·3 | 153 | 66·2
39 | 1,632 | 800 | 1,750 | 253 | 110 | 62 | 535 | 350 | 360 | 206 | 182 | 135 | 100 | 131 | 74·2 | 157 | 74·1
40 | 1,600 | 830 | 1,688 | 252 | 110 | 53 | 519 | 360 | 345 | 210 | ... | 139 | 96 | 127 | ... | 165 | 69·1
41 | 1,555 | 805 | 1,570 | 246 | 105 | 56 | 525 | 330 | 331 | 209 | 175 | 130 | 96 | 120 | 74·3 | 174 | 73·9
42 | 1,644 | 835 | 1,624 | 244 | 104 | 66 | 554 | 370 | 360 | 220 | 184 | 137 | 100 | 125 | 74·5 | 176 | 73·0
43 | 1,670 | 830 | 1,692 | 249 | 110 | 56 | 525 | 344 | 350 | 207 | 175 | 130 | 98 | 122 | 74·3 | 170 | 75·4
44 | 1,653 | 835 | 1,687 | 270 | 115 | 62 | 520 | 331 | 334 | 191 | 185 | 137 | 99 | 132 | 74·1 | 145 | 72·3
45 | 1,625 | 820 | 1,715 | 250 | 99 | 54 | 530 | 344 | 344 | 206 | 175 | 140 | 105 | 134 | 80·1 | 154 | 82·1
46 | 1,672 | 830 | 1,660 | 244 | 115 | 60 | 520 | 330 | 330 | 186 | 177 | 135 | 108 | 130 | 77·5 | 143 | 80·0
47 | 1,640 | 840 | 1,725 | 265 | 115 | 53 | 540 | 335 | 320 | ... | 176 | 134 | 100 | 126 | 76·1 | ... | 74·6
48 | 1,732 | 865 | 1,800 | 279 | 120 | 53 | 570 | 350 | 350 | ... | 190 | 135 | 110 | 125 | 71·1 | ... | 81·5
49 | 1,600 | 815 | 1,655 | 244 | 115 | 64 | 560 | 370 | 360 | 187 | 193 | 132 | 105 | 130 | 68·4 | 144 | 79·5
50 | 1,620 | 820 | 1,705 | 254 | 115 | 53 | 540 | 330 | 340 | ... | 183 | 130 | 110 | 134 | 71·0 | ... | 84·6
Variation. SUMMARY.
From | 1,530 | 780 | 1,565 | 227 | 101 | 51 | 514 | 324 | 320 | 185 | 175 | 128 | 91 | 120 | 68·4 | 139 | 66·2
No. | 37 | 37 | 33 | 35 | 21 | 37 | 28 | 35 | 34, 47 | 23 | 41, 43, 45 | 28 | 36 | 41 | 49 | 23 | 38
To | 1,732 | 870 | 1,825 | 279 | 120 | 67 | 570 | 370 | 360 | 230 | 199 | 143 | 116 | 140 | 80·1 | 178 | 83·5
No. | 48 | 35 | 26 | 48 | 48 | 15 | 48 | 42, 49 | 39, 42 | 19 | 8 | 16, 24 | 15 | 15, 31 | 45 | 19 | 15
Mean | 1,632 | 830 | 1,704 | 250 | 110 | 60 | 534 | 340 | 340 | 204 | 185 | 138 | 105 | 130 | 74·3 | 157 | 76·6
Average | 1,633 | 826 | 1,701 | 251 | 110 | 60 | 534 | 342 | 341 | 204 | 185 | 137 | 105 | 133 | 75·3 | 158 | 76·6
===========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+====+=====+========+========+=====+============+========+=====+========+======+=====+=====
NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—GÛJAR.
===========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+=======+=====+=====+========+=====+=====+===============+=====+=====+======+=====+=====
Number. |Height of Vertex.
| |Height of Trunk.
| | |Span.
| | | |Left Foot.
| | | | |Left Middle Finger.
| | | | | |Right Ear Height.
| | | | | | |Round Head.
| | | | | | | |Inion to Glabella.
| | | | | | | | |Tragus to Tragus.
| | | | | | | | | |Vertex to Chin.
| | | | | | | | | | |Anteroposterior Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | |Maximum Transverse Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | |Minimum Frontal Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | |Bizygomatic Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Cephalic Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |General Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Frontal Index.
~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18
~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
1 | 1,653 | 841 | 1,750 | 241 | 112 | 76 | 538 | 356 | 348 | 213 | 199 | 134 | 110 | 133 | 67·3 | 160 | 82·1
2 | 1,638 | 782 | 1,696 | 251 | 102 | 66 | 526 | 330 | 345 | 213 | 180 | 141 | ... | ... | 78·3 | ... | ...
3 | 1,673 | 820 | 1,691 | 244 | 104 | 64 | 543 | 343 | 350 | 206 | 186 | 143 | ... | ... | 77·2 | ... | ...
4 | 1,734 | 881 | 1,767 | 267 | 110 | 69 | 543 | 358 | 353 | 221 | 191 | 137 | ... | ... | 71·7 | ... | ...
5 | 1,656 | 818 | 1,722 | 257 | 107 | 69 | 531 | 343 | 325 | 178 | 181 | 130 | ... | ... | 71·8 | ... | ...
6 | 1,838 | 922 | 1,930 | 284 | 124 | 71 | 584 | 381 | 376 | 188 | 209 | 146 | ... | ... | 69·9 | ... | ...
7 | 1,663 | 823 | 1,711 | 269 | 114 | 63 | 551 | 320 | 330 | 226 | 190 | 145 | 114 | 140 | 76·3 | 161 | 78·6
8 | 1,620 | 818 | 1,671 | 254 | 102 | 63 | 513 | 302 | 328 | 215 | 175 | 140 | 115 | 131 | 80·0 | 164 | 82·1
9 | 1,755 | ... | 1,869 | 267 | 117 | ... | 554 | 348 | 353 | ... | 195 | 147 | ... | ... | 74·4 | ... | ...
10 | 1,813 | 890 | 1,927 | 274 | 122 | 62 | 564 | 348 | 345 | 239 | 201 | 148 | 111 | 142 | 70·0 | 168 | 75·0
11 | 1,678 | 818 | 1,807 | 264 | 117 | 62 | 541 | 320 | 340 | 228 | 190 | 141 | 115 | 130 | 74·1 | 175 | 81·6
12 | 2,638 | ... | 1,635 | 249 | 102 | ... | 564 | 350 | 356 | ... | 201 | 149 | ... | ... | 70·1 | ... | ...
13 | 1,722 | 871 | 1,770 | 254 | 112 | 69 | 564 | 361 | 348 | 216 | 205 | 139 | ... | ... | 67·8 | ... | ...
14 | 1,744 | 828 | 1,823 | 272 | 114 | 69 | 516 | 338 | 317 | 216 | 181 | 132 | ... | ... | 72·9 | ... | ...
15 | 1,658 | 823 | 1,734 | 254 | 114 | 71 | 538 | 338 | 317 | 208 | 192 | 130 | ... | ... | 67·8 | ... | ...
16 | 1,569 | 805 | 1,673 | 249 | 107 | 76 | 556 | 345 | 333 | 211 | 194 | 141 | ... | ... | 72·7 | ... | ...
17 | 1,770 | 894 | 1,900 | 254 | 112 | 69 | 551 | 350 | 343 | 216 | 194 | 143 | ... | ... | 73·7 | ... | ...
18 | 1,676 | 843 | 1,719 | 249 | 99 | 64 | 559 | 356 | 345 | 221 | 193 | 140 | ... | ... | 72·5 | ... | ...
19 | 1,833 | 862 | 1,867 | 285 | 122 | 66 | 586 | 363 | 370 | 215 | 204 | 147 | 119 | 139 | 72·1 | 155 | 81·0
20 | 1,674 | 850 | 1,757 | 250 | 113 | 72 | 550 | 337 | 378 | 221 | 186 | 147 | 119 | 145 | 79·0 | 152 | 81·0
21 | 1,676 | 797 | 1,753 | 261 | 112 | 65 | 533 | 348 | 338 | 211 | 191 | 136 | 99 | 127 | 71·2 | 166 | 72·8
22 | 1,774 | 850 | 1,905 | 276 | 127 | 70 | 545 | 333 | 353 | 213 | 196 | 141 | 109 | 139 | 71·9 | 153 | 77·3
23 | 1,610 | 799 | 1,688 | 244 | 106 | 71 | 543 | 352 | 345 | 213 | 191 | 143 | 106 | 140 | 74·9 | 152 | 74·1
24 | 1,560 | 800 | 1,627 | 237 | 103 | 65 | 527 | 330 | 345 | 225 | 184 | 137 | 102 | 135 | 74·5 | 167 | 74·5
25 | 1,647 | 820 | 1,703 | 256 | 109 | 70 | 546 | 340 | 344 | 222 | 192 | 139 | 111 | 141 | 72·4 | 157 | 79·9
26 | 1,612 | 820 | 1,677 | 240 | 105 | 63 | 543 | 350 | 350 | 226 | 191 | 139 | 114 | 135 | 72·8 | 167 | 82·0
27 | 1,687 | 870 | 1,755 | 247 | 108 | 62 | 537 | 345 | 340 | 221 | 187 | 140 | 113 | 137 | 74·9 | 161 | 80·7
28 | 1,661 | 833 | 1,725 | 248 | 108 | 62 | 540 | 342 | 348 | 218 | 185 | 144 | 108 | 134 | 77·8 | 163 | 75·0
29 | 1,646 | 820 | 1,755 | 257 | 113 | 63 | 530 | 330 | 360 | 206 | 183 | 145 | 106 | 135 | 79·2 | 153 | 73·1
30 | 1,662 | 875 | 1,727 | 2 | 112 | 70 | 541 | 340 | 350 | 218 | 192 | 133 | 110 | 133 | 69·3 | 164 | 82·7
31 | 1,715 | 865 | 1,765 | 2 | 117 | 60 | 550 | 345 | 345 | 215 | 190 | 140 | 104 | 139 | 73·7 | 155 | 74·3
32 | 1,685 | 882 | 1,740 | 2 | 111 | 65 | 555 | 355 | 365 | 225 | 194 | 135 | 103 | 135 | 69·6 | 167 | 76·2
33 | 1,692 | 827 | 1,770 | 2 | 110 | 61 | 535 | 328 | 386 | 206 | 188 | 139 | 115 | 136 | 74·0 | 151 | 82·7
34 | 1,625 | 850 | 1,677 | 2 | 100 | 69 | 636 | 340 | 345 | 201 | 193 | 144 | 113 | 130 | 74·6 | 155 | 78·5
35 | 1,715 | 850 | 1,820 | 2 | 104 | 69 | 539 | 330 | 350 | 208 | 186 | 146 | 120 | 134 | 78·5 | 155 | 82·2
36 | 1,710 | 875 | 1,725 | 2 | ... | 61 | 567 | 370 | 337 | 200 | 196 | 139 | 115 | 131 | 71·0 | 153 | 82·7
37 | 1,755 | 886 | 1,810 | 2 | 102 | 56 | 552 | 352 | 362 | 206 | 188 | 134 | 103 | 130 | 71·3 | 158 | 76·9
38 | 1,801 | 925 | 1,855 | 2 | 118 | 62 | 542 | 330 | 340 | 186 | 189 | 133 | 105 | 132 | 70·0 | 141 | 78·9
39 | 1,770 | 870 | 1,856 | 2 | 115 | 57 | 555 | 367 | 365 | 210 | 195 | 145 | 101 | 131 | 74·4 | 160 | 69·7
40 | 1,780 | 890 | 1,877 | 2 | 110 | 64 | 545 | 360 | 353 | 219 | 195 | 139 | 100 | 131 | 71·9 | 167 | 71·9
41 | 1,710 | 880 | 1,714 | 2 | 109 | 60 | 547 | 368 | 351 | 214 | 191 | 136 | 103 | 130 | 71·3 | 165 | 75·7
42 | 1,703 | 860 | 1,752 | 2 | 114 | 58 | 533 | 338 | 330 | 196 | 181 | 135 | 97 | 133 | 74·6 | 147 | 71·9
43 | 1,720 | 850 | 1,824 | 2 | 122 | 59 | 519 | 323 | 335 | 184 | 175 | 130 | 105 | 131 | 74·3 | 140 | 80·8
44 | 1,770 | 900 | 1,835 | 2 | 123 | 65 | 549 | 343 | 330 | 190 | 187 | 138 | 107 | 127 | 73·8 | 150 | 77·5
45 | 1,745 | 840 | 1,805 | 2 | 115 | 61 | 530 | 320 | 328 | 208 | 186 | 130 | 101 | 128 | 69·9 | 163 | 77·7
46 | 1,765 | 872 | 1,850 | 2 | 120 | 59 | 535 | 350 | 340 | 230 | 194 | 134 | 100 | 130 | 69·1 | 177 | 74·7
47 | 1,701 | 865 | 1,750 | 2 | 114 | 55 | 560 | 350 | 355 | 211 | 187 | 143 | 108 | 140 | 76·4 | 143 | 75·5
48 | 1,700 | 852 | 1,800 | 2 | 110 | 61 | 564 | 375 | 355 | 223 | 194 | 140 | 99 | 133 | 72·2 | 168 | 70·7
49 | 1,633 | 837 | 1,700 | 2 | 105 | 61 | 535 | 330 | 335 | 215 | 183 | 138 | 111 | 130 | 75·4 | 165 | 80·4
50 | 1,720 | 832 | 1,807 | 2 | 120 | 56 | 550 | 325 | 335 | 203 | 180 | 143 | 108 | 123 | 79·4 | 165 | 75·5
Variation. SUMMARY.
From | 1,560 | 782 | 1,627 | 2 | 99 | 55 | 513 | 202 | 317 | 178 | 175 | 130 | 97 | 123 | 67·3 | 140 | 69·7
No. | 24 | 2 | 24 | 24 | 18 | 47 | 8 | 8 | 14, 15 | 5 | 843 | 5, 15, 43, 45 | 42 | 50 | 1 | 43 | 39
To | 1,838 | 925 | 1,930 | 2 | 124 | 76 | 586 | 381 | 378 | 239 | 209 | 149 | 120 | 145 | 80·0 | 177 | 82·7
No. | 6 | 38 | 6 | 19 | 6 | 1, 16 | 19 | 6 | 20 | 10 | 6 | 12 | 35 | 20 | 8 | 46 | 30, 33, 36
Mean | 1,700 | 833 | 1,767 | 2 | 112 | 64 | 544 | 354 | 345 | 213 | 191 | 140 | 108 | 133 | 73·5 | 160 | 78·5
Average | 1,698 | 832 | 1,767 | 2 | 113 | 65 | 545 | 358 | 345 | 210 | 189 | 140 | 108 | 134 | 73·5 | 159 | 77·6
===========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+=======+=====+=====+========+=====+=====+===============+=====+=====+======+=====+=====
NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—CHAUHÂN RÂJPUT.
===========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+====+=====+=====+=====+===============+=======+=====+========+=====+======+========+=====
Number. |Height of Vertex.
| |Height of Trunk.
| | |Span.
| | | |Left Foot.
| | | | |Left Middle Finger.
| | | | | |Right Ear Height.
| | | | | | |Round Head.
| | | | | | | |Inion to Glabella.
| | | | | | | | |Tragus to Tragus.
| | | | | | | | | |Vertex to Chin.
| | | | | | | | | | |Anteroposterior Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | |Maximum Transverse Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | |Minimum Frontal Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | |Bizygomatic Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Cephalic Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |General Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Frontal Index.
~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18
~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
1 | 1,617 | ... | 1,689 | 257 | 107 | 64 | 526 | 305 | 330 | ... | 180 | 140 | ... | ... | 77·8 | ... | ...
2 | 1,663 | 833 | 1,671 | 262 | 102 | 59 | 546 | 315 | 350 | 230 | 190 | 157 | 114 | 139 | 82·7 | 165 | 72·6
3 | 1,694 | ... | 1,747 | 269 | 112 | 64 | 556 | 325 | 343 | ... | 195 | 145 | ... | ... | 73·3 | ... | ...
4 | 1,605 | ... | 1,666 | 246 | 107 | 64 | 513 | 312 | 330 | ... | 180 | 138 | ... | ... | 76·7 | ... | ...
5 | 1,671 | ... | 1,760 | 267 | 112 | 64 | 546 | 338 | 323 | ... | 194 | 142 | ... | ... | 73·2 | ... | ...
6 | 1,597 | ... | 1,658 | 246 | 107 | 69 | 531 | 315 | 338 | ... | 183 | 146 | ... | ... | 79·2 | ... | ...
7 | 1,684 | ... | 1,800 | 262 | 117 | 69 | 556 | 335 | 345 | ... | 200 | 135 | ... | ... | 67·5 | ... | ...
8 | 1,717 | 856 | 1,787 | 269 | 119 | 71 | 549 | 340 | 343 | 221 | 202 | 135 | ... | ... | 66·8 | ... | ...
9 | 1,816 | 890 | 1,885 | 270 | 119 | 61 | 530 | 348 | 380 | 217 | 182 | 111 | 105 | 132 | 77·5 | 164 | 74·5
10 | 1,680 | 885 | 1,737 | 247 | 110 | 60 | 551 | 330 | 379 | 218 | 193 | 143 | 114 | 134 | 74·1 | 163 | 79·7
11 | 1,725 | 868 | 1,715 | 255 | 110 | 59 | 537 | 330 | 340 | 210 | 190 | 131 | 117 | 136 | 68·9 | 154 | 89·3
12 | 1,658 | 842 | 1,765 | 264 | 119 | 63 | 530 | 315 | 338 | 208 | 177 | 143 | 117 | 131 | 86·4 | 159 | 81·9
13 | 1,600 | 832 | 1,632 | 240 | 105 | 64 | 547 | 358 | 354 | 224 | 195 | 137 | 111 | 133 | 70·3 | 169 | 81·0
14 | 1,700 | 875 | 1,825 | 252 | 111 | 60 | 545 | 335 | 355 | 209 | 189 | 142 | 116 | 137 | 75·1 | 145 | 81·7
15 | 1,590 | 835 | 1,600 | 236 | 98 | 61 | 500 | 310 | 334 | 205 | 178 | 129 | 100 | 130 | 73·0 | 158 | 77·5
16 | 1,570 | 845 | 1,602 | 240 | 110 | 62 | 525 | 345 | 345 | 206 | 191 | 131 | 102 | 127 | 68·6 | 161 | 78·3
17 | 1,610 | 840 | 1,657 | 247 | 111 | 61 | 552 | 358 | 352 | 217 | 194 | 139 | 106 | 129 | 71·6 | 168 | 76·3
18 | 1,638 | 845 | 1,690 | 248 | 103 | 64 | 536 | 340 | 345 | 220 | 193 | 137 | 112 | 135 | 71·0 | 163 | 81·8
19 | 1,605 | 815 | 1,630 | 239 | 103 | 58 | 542 | 332 | 350 | 217 | 186 | 132 | 102 | 132 | 70·9 | 164 | 77·3
20 | 1,620 | 848 | 1,720 | 240 | 108 | 67 | 533 | 345 | 355 | 215 | 189 | 139 | 112 | 130 | 73·5 | 145 | 80·6
21 | 1,585 | 832 | ... | ... | ... | 73 | 523 | 332 | 345 | 199 | 182 | 134 | 99 | 127 | 73·6 | 157 | 73·9
22 | 1,668 | 830 | 1,757 | 250 | 115 | 65 | 525 | 330 | 320 | 200 | 188 | 134 | 109 | 137 | 71·3 | 146 | 81·3
23 | 1,700 | 859 | 1,775 | 269 | 110 | 67 | 548 | 345 | 353 | 220 | 194 | 137 | 114 | 134 | 70·7 | 164 | 83·2
24 | 1,601 | 810 | 1,650 | 228 | 106 | 54 | 510 | 334 | 328 | 199 | 171 | 123 | 96 | 119 | 72·0 | 167 | 78·1
25 | 1,657 | 852 | 1,745 | 259 | 110 | 60 | 520 | 333 | 330 | 199 | 170 | 130 | 105 | 126 | 76·4 | 158 | 80·8
26 | 1,705 | 870 | 1,820 | 259 | 120 | 68 | 549 | 370 | 331 | 218 | 187 | 139 | 108 | 133 | 74·3 | 164 | 74·3
27 | 1,670 | 830 | 1,756 | 240 | 115 | 52 | 550 | 350 | 359 | 212 | 183 | 140 | 96 | 125 | 76·5 | 170 | 68·6
28 | 1,695 | 835 | 1,749 | 257 | 112 | 64 | 535 | 344 | 351 | 197 | 180 | 132 | 103 | 126 | 73·3 | 156 | 78·0
29 | 1,640 | 818 | 1,722 | 258 | 110 | 64 | 510 | 320 | 340 | 216 | 174 | 136 | 99 | 132 | 78·1 | 164 | 72·8
30 | 1,650 | 845 | 1,749 | 247 | 114 | 55 | 534 | 330 | 350 | 206 | 179 | 140 | 103 | 123 | 78·2 | 167 | 73·6
31 | 1,712 | 855 | 1,816 | 256 | 111 | 63 | 575 | 357 | 362 | 219 | 202 | 148 | 108 | 140 | 73·3 | 156 | 73·0
32 | 1,618 | 820 | 1,692 | 248 | 110 | 62 | 540 | 343 | 365 | 226 | 188 | 140 | 108 | 129 | 74·5 | 175 | 77·1
33 | 1,716 | 855 | 1,845 | 264 | 122 | 63 | 553 | 340 | 358 | 224 | 194 | 148 | 117 | 146 | 76·8 | 153 | 79·1
34 | 1,750 | 845 | 1,785 | 258 | 114 | 68 | 520 | 335 | 357 | 230 | 181 | 143 | 109 | 134 | 79·0 | 172 | 76·2
35 | 1,605 | 793 | 1,695 | 242 | 100 | 65 | 552 | 345 | 337 | 221 | 199 | 139 | 110 | 136 | 69·8 | 163 | 79·1
36 | 1,610 | 820 | 1,690 | 244 | 112 | 60 | 548 | 348 | 355 | 230 | 190 | 147 | 111 | 134 | 77·4 | 172 | 75·5
37 | 1,638 | 833 | 1,748 | 240 | 110 | 69 | 562 | 352 | 355 | 218 | 200 | 145 | 112 | 141 | 72·5 | 155 | 77·2
38 | 1,612 | 812 | 1,688 | 238 | 108 | 64 | 545 | 325 | 338 | 225 | 178 | 138 | 106 | 130 | 77·5 | 173 | 76·8
39 | 1,627 | 825 | 1,650 | 235 | 104 | 63 | 528 | 335 | 355 | 217 | 183 | 143 | 109 | 133 | 78·1 | 163 | 76·6
40 | 1,605 | 790 | 1,630 | 236 | 106 | 59 | 530 | 330 | 335 | 218 | 184 | 140 | 106 | 131 | 76·1 | 166 | 75·5
41 | 1,630 | 870 | 1,700 | 260 | 113 | 71 | 525 | 340 | 345 | 212 | 183 | 130 | 94 | 132 | 71·0 | 161 | 72·3
42 | 1,703 | 880 | 1,760 | 270 | 117 | 63 | 561 | 360 | 346 | 230 | 196 | 139 | 104 | 135 | 70·9 | 170 | 74·8
43 | 1,720 | 810 | 1,821 | 275 | 112 | 64 | 525 | 335 | 338 | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ...
44 | 1,586 | 810 | 1,740 | 245 | 113 | 62 | 534 | 334 | 325 | 213 | 185 | 130 | 100 | 120 | 75·7 | 178 | 76·9
45 | 1,735 | 867 | 1,838 | 266 | 116 | 59 | 528 | 305 | 325 | 223 | 178 | 130 | 115 | 124 | 72·5 | 180 | 88·5
46 | 1,603 | 820 | 1,710 | 253 | 111 | 64 | 543 | 331 | 338 | 214 | 190 | 135 | 100 | 131 | 71·1 | 163 | 74·1
47 | 1,532 | 765 | 1,615 | 234 | 111 | 59 | 512 | 324 | 341 | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ...
48 | 1,603 | 810 | 1,665 | 240 | 107 | 63 | 550 | 360 | 350 | 224 | 187 | 140 | 109 | 130 | 74·9 | 172 | 77·9
49 | 1,620 | 820 | 1,690 | 251 | 108 | 60 | 509 | 325 | 335 | 220 | 176 | 130 | 106 | 127 | 73·9 | 174 | 81·5
50 | 1,680 | 845 | 1,770 | 250 | 109 | 60 | 518 | 325 | 335 | 223 | 175 | 138 | 97 | 127 | 78·9 | 176 | 70·2
Variation. SUMMARY.
From | 1,532 | 765 | 1,600 | 234 | 100 | 52 | 500 | 305 | 320 | 197 | 170 | 123 | 94 | 119 | 66·8 | 145 | 68·6
No. | 47 | 47 | 15 | 47 | 35 | 27 | 15 | 145 | 22 | 28 | 25 | 24 | 41 | 24 | 8 | 14, 20 | 27
To | 1,816 | 890 | 1,885 | 275 | 122 | 73 | 575 | 370 | 380 | 230 | 202 | 157 | 117 | 146 | 86·4 | 180 | 88·5
No. | 9 | 9 | 9 | 43 | 33 | 21 | 31 | 26 | 9 | 2, 34, 36, 42 | 8, 31 | 2 | 11, 12 | 33 | 12 | 45 | 45
Mean | 1,650 | 818 | 1,740 | 252 | 111 | 63 | 535 | 335 | 345 | 211 | 187 | 139 | 107 | 132 | 73·4 | 164 | 77·4
Average | 1,651 | 818 | 1,743 | 256 | 113 | 63 | 536 | 336 | 345 | 211 | 188 | 139 | 108 | 131 | 74·4 | 162 | 77·4
===========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+====+=====+=====+=====+===============+=======+=====+========+=====+======+========+=====
NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—SHAIKH (QURAISHI).
===========+=======+=====+=======+=====+========+====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=============+=====+========+=====+======+=====+=====
Number. |Height of Vertex.
| |Height of Trunk.
| | |Span.
| | | |Left Foot.
| | | | |Left Middle Finger.
| | | | | |Right Ear Height.
| | | | | | |Round Head.
| | | | | | | |Inion to Glabella.
| | | | | | | | |Tragus to Tragus.
| | | | | | | | | |Vertex to Chin.
| | | | | | | | | | |Anteroposterior Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | |Maximum Transverse Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | |Minimum Frontal Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | |Bizygomatic Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Cephalic Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |General Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Frontal Index.
~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18
~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
1 | 1,633 | 805 | 1,671 | 244 | 104 | 76 | 541 | 338 | 343 | 211 | 190 | 138 | ... | ... | 72·6 | ... | ...
2 | 1,668 | 851 | 1,694 | 262 | 107 | 66 | 566 | 366 | 381 | 236 | 206 | 140 | ... | ... | 68·0 | ... | ...
3 | 1,661 | ... | 1,739 | 262 | 107 | 58 | 543 | 333 | 333 | ... | 190 | 144 | ... | ... | 75·8 | ... | ...
4 | 1,617 | ... | 1,623 | 264 | 107 | 69 | 543 | 343 | 345 | ... | 194 | 135 | ... | ... | 69·6 | ... | ...
5 | 1,656 | ... | 1,671 | 254 | 110 | 56 | 536 | 340 | 340 | ... | 188 | 138 | ... | ... | 72·9 | ... | ...
6 | 1,700 | ... | 1,818 | 272 | 119 | 61 | 569 | 338 | 353 | ... | 198 | 150 | ... | ... | 75·8 | ... | ...
7 | 1,706 | 913 | 1,735 | 250 | 107 | 60 | 545 | 353 | 360 | 202 | 192 | 137 | 101 | 129 | 71·4 | 157 | 73·8
8 | 1,721 | 870 | 1,794 | 273 | 110 | 64 | 519 | 345 | 350 | 212 | 179 | 135 | 105 | 133 | 75·4 | 159 | 77·8
9 | 1,665 | 871 | 1,710 | 263 | 111 | 62 | 550 | 346 | 349 | 211 | 190 | 140 | 108 | 132 | 73·7 | 160 | 77·1
10 | 1,630 | 840 | 1,715 | 256 | 107 | 59 | 549 | 352 | 344 | 227 | 192 | 142 | 107 | 136 | 74·0 | 167 | 75·4
11 | 1,624 | 800 | 1,700 | 248 | 106 | 61 | 530 | 345 | 342 | 202 | 188 | 138 | 105 | 133 | 73·4 | 151 | 76·1
12 | 1,617 | 845 | 1,675 | 250 | 113 | 67 | 553 | 350 | 357 | 230 | 189 | 144 | 109 | 137 | 75·7 | 168 | 75·7
13 | 1,744 | 877 | 1,867 | 259 | 110 | 66 | 580 | 370 | 377 | 228 | 203 | 154 | 113 | 140 | 75·9 | 163 | 73·4
14 | 1,765 | 895 | 1,781 | 263 | 118 | 61 | 544 | 340 | 355 | 217 | 186 | 144 | 116 | 137 | 77·4 | 158 | 80·6
15 | 1,752 | 895 | 1,808 | 257 | 112 | 64 | 528 | 345 | 353 | 213 | 180 | 142 | 108 | 133 | 78·9 | 168 | 76·1
16 | 1,725 | 860 | 1,840 | 273 | 128 | 65 | 542 | 337 | 353 | 213 | 193 | 138 | 105 | 135 | 71·5 | 158 | 76·1
17 | 1,687 | 872 | 1,730 | 250 | 109 | 66 | 552 | 345 | 360 | 215 | 189 | 147 | 113 | 134 | 77·8 | 160 | 76·9
18 | 1,639 | 840 | 1,636 | 237 | 104 | 65 | 525 | 342 | 349 | 200 | 185 | 138 | 107 | 137 | 74·6 | 146 | 77·5
19 | 1,755 | 867 | 1,860 | 278 | 123 | 66 | 537 | 345 | 347 | 225 | 188 | 142 | 110 | 133 | 75·6 | 169 | 77·5
20 | 1,800 | 915 | 1,852 | 272 | 125 | 64 | 530 | 340 | 342 | 214 | 180 | 134 | 103 | 127 | 74·4 | 169 | 76·9
21 | 1,604 | 855 | 1,621 | 249 | 114 | 53 | 533 | 345 | 353 | 204 | 185 | 139 | 97 | 130 | 75·1 | 157 | 69·8
22 | 1,705 | 905 | 1,746 | 254 | 120 | 60 | 538 | 344 | 342 | 209 | 192 | 138 | 103 | 131 | 71·9 | 159 | 74·6
23 | 1,690 | 840 | 1,734 | 260 | 113 | 52 | 553 | 360 | 350 | 207 | 194 | 144 | 99 | 130 | 74·2 | 159 | 68·7
24 | 1,627 | 867 | 1,653 | 247 | 107 | 63 | 538 | 345 | 352 | 210 | 186 | 134 | 97 | 130 | 72·0 | 162 | 72·4
25 | 1,755 | 870 | 1,840 | 274 | 125 | 66 | 505 | 335 | 335 | 199 | 175 | 135 | 90 | 131 | 77·1 | 151 | 66·7
26 | 1,582 | 814 | 1,605 | 237 | 103 | 51 | 549 | 317 | 334 | 188 | 171 | 130 | 90 | 115 | 76·0 | 163 | 69·2
27 | 1,625 | 870 | 1,657 | 253 | 103 | 69 | 562 | 373 | 358 | 218 | 194 | 143 | 107 | 131 | 74·2 | 166 | 74·8
28 | 1,680 | 820 | 1,758 | 260 | 104 | 67 | 530 | 344 | 355 | 215 | 195 | 141 | 106 | 134 | 72·1 | 160 | 74·5
29 | 1,705 | 875 | 1,769 | 258 | 109 | 70 | 568 | 350 | 360 | 210 | 189 | 146 | 98 | 136 | 77·2 | 154 | 67·1
30 | 1,715 | 895 | 1,716 | 264 | 105 | 55 | 540 | 365 | 350 | 199 | 185 | 136 | 100 | 125 | 73·5 | 159 | 76·5
31 | 1,730 | 896 | 1,769 | 263 | 104 | 63 | 536 | 369 | 375 | 219 | 189 | 138 | 105 | 127 | 73·1 | 172 | 76·1
32 | 1,785 | 905 | 1,811 | 266 | 114 | 69 | 510 | 335 | 360 | 210 | 179 | 135 | 97 | 130 | 74·2 | 155 | 71·1
33 | 1,730 | 845 | 1,740 | 270 | 110 | 63 | 527 | 370 | 359 | 216 | 179 | 135 | 100 | 128 | 75·4 | 169 | 74·1
34 | 1,660 | 840 | 1,729 | 240 | 103 | 56 | 539 | 340 | 350 | 205 | 182 | 140 | 105 | 129 | 76·9 | 159 | 75·0
35 | 1,620 | 823 | 1,690 | 257 | 110 | 54 | 520 | 332 | 330 | 195 | 176 | 129 | 103 | 130 | 73·7 | 150 | 79·8
NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—SHAIKH (SADÎQI).
36 | 1,767 | 881 | 1,823 | 267 | 117 | 69 | 561 | 353 | 350 | 218 | 200 | 140 | ... | ... | 70·0 | ... | ...
37 | 1,704 | 830 | 1,790 | 282 | 117 | 66 | 533 | 335 | 348 | 213 | 182 | 146 | ... | ... | 80·2 | ... | ...
38 | 1,678 | 841 | 1,729 | 257 | 110 | 56 | 526 | 335 | 323 | 229 | 185 | 132 | ... | ... | 71·3 | ... | ...
39 | 1,686 | ... | 1,750 | 244 | 112 | 66 | 554 | 338 | 340 | ... | 197 | 140 | ... | ... | 71·3 | ... | ...
40 | 1,656 | 823 | 1,744 | 264 | 110 | 66 | 531 | 333 | 345 | 200 | 188 | 142 | ... | ... | 75·5 | ... | ...
41 | 1,638 | 853 | 1,681 | 257 | 112 | 71 | 541 | 348 | 350 | 208 | 190 | 139 | ... | ... | 73·2 | ... | ...
42 | 1,668 | 815 | 1,797 | 262 | 112 | 64 | 526 | 335 | 333 | 216 | 184 | 139 | ... | ... | 75·5 | ... | ...
43 | 1,683 | 863 | 1,740 | 264 | 114 | 67 | 550 | 345 | 350 | 213 | 192 | 141 | 107 | 135 | 73·4 | 158 | 75·9
44 | 1,630 | 836 | 1,728 | 257 | 111 | 65 | 517 | 323 | 340 | 206 | 181 | 134 | 106 | 128 | 74·0 | 161 | 79·1
45 | 1,670 | 870 | 1,727 | 243 | 113 | 67 | 529 | 330 | 345 | 219 | 182 | 140 | 102 | 135 | 76·9 | 154 | 72·9
46 | 1,805 | 890 | 1,900 | 267 | 120 | 61 | 566 | 369 | 358 | 220 | 196 | 146 | 109 | 145 | 74·5 | 152 | 74·7
47 | 1,754 | 866 | 1,715 | 257 | 107 | 72 | 547 | 345 | 357 | 198 | 197 | 139 | 100 | 128 | 70·6 | 155 | 71·9
48 | 1,790 | 906 | 1,890 | 262 | 110 | 65 | 555 | 363 | 360 | 200 | 192 | 136 | 96 | 128 | 70·8 | 156 | 70·6
49 | 1,600 | 830 | 1,700 | 251 | 114 | 54 | 527 | 329 | 342 | 200 | 182 | 131 | 95 | 127 | 72·0 | 157 | 72·5
50 | 1,725 | 920 | 1,734 | 264 | 112 | 63 | 519 | 336 | 339 | 197 | 174 | 138 | 104 | 135 | 79·3 | 146 | 75·4
51 | 1,627 | 865 | 1,656 | 260 | 110 | 73 | 522 | 336 | 349 | 199 | 185 | 131 | 103 | 132 | 70·8 | 151 | 78·6
52 | 1,725 | 890 | 1,770 | 259 | 120 | 63 | 530 | 337 | 340 | 205 | 190 | 137 | 106 | 132 | 72·1 | 155 | 77·4
53 | 1,635 | 834 | 1,719 | 237 | 105 | 58 | 534 | 326 | 332 | 194 | 194 | 132 | 95 | 127 | 62·8 | 153 | 71·2
54 | 1,625 | 845 | 1,644 | 246 | 109 | 57 | 540 | 327 | 323 | 204 | 187 | 133 | 103 | 132 | 71·1 | 155 | 77·4
55 | 1,764 | 920 | 1,830 | 278 | 123 | 62 | 546 | 358 | 372 | 205 | 186 | 143 | 108 | 137 | 76·9 | 150 | 75·5
56 | 1,662 | 865 | 1,744 | 260 | 114 | 61 | 543 | 345 | 351 | 200 | 187 | 133 | 103 | 138 | 71·1 | 145 | 77·4
57 | 1,615 | 825 | 1,661 | 251 | 110 | 57 | 533 | 323 | 321 | 205 | 186 | 132 | 104 | 131 | 70·9 | 156 | 78·8
58 | 1,655 | 826 | 1,748 | 243 | 112 | 54 | 522 | 320 | 347 | 201 | 178 | 140 | 110 | 141 | 78·7 | 143 | 78·6
59 | 1,575 | 813 | 1,606 | 232 | 109 | 59 | 525 | 350 | 345 | 195 | 186 | 135 | 100 | 130 | 72·6 | 150 | 74·1
60 | 1,679 | 875 | 1,753 | 260 | 110 | 52 | 521 | 330 | 345 | 191 | 177 | 140 | 103 | 133 | 79·1 | 144 | 73·6
61 | 1,650 | 822 | 1,695 | 250 | 113 | 59 | 543 | 330 | 345 | 203 | 182 | 144 | 101 | 130 | 79·1 | 156 | 70·1
62 | 1,648 | 807 | 1,730 | 234 | 110 | 61 | 530 | 335 | 334 | 193 | 184 | 139 | 103 | 129 | 75·5 | 150 | 74·1
63 | 1,670 | 832 | 1,764 | 254 | 107 | 57 | 540 | 358 | 353 | 194 | 190 | 140 | 104 | 128 | 73·7 | 152 | 74·3
64 | 1,674 | 855 | 1,790 | 259 | 113 | 60 | 520 | 340 | 345 | 200 | 175 | 139 | 103 | 131 | 78·9 | 153 | 74·1
65 | 1,614 | 820 | 1,615 | 240 | 101 | 61 | 519 | 345 | 350 | 212 | 177 | 135 | 105 | 127 | 76·3 | 167 | 77·8
66 | 1,708 | 865 | 1,726 | 262 | 103 | 55 | 510 | 340 | 352 | 217 | 177 | 142 | 106 | 132 | 80·0 | 164 | 74·6
67 | 1,720 | 866 | 1,770 | 255 | 105 | 59 | 540 | 357 | 360 | 197 | 186 | 135 | 99 | 126 | 72·6 | 156 | 73·3
68 | 1,665 | 945 | 1,799 | 259 | 112 | 59 | 538 | 340 | 350 | 227 | 179 | 140 | 100 | 132 | 78·2 | 172 | 71·4
69 | 1,655 | 820 | 1,718 | 245 | 107 | 60 | 530 | 350 | 330 | 221 | 182 | 136 | 95 | 127 | 69·8 | 174 | 69·1
70 | 1,625 | 940 | 1,700 | 261 | 103 | 52 | 518 | 319 | 340 | 185 | 176 | 142 | 102 | 128 | 80·5 | 133 | 71·1
NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—SHAIKH.
71 | 1,775 | 886 | 1,848 | 274 | 119 | 61 | 551 | 350 | 358 | 218 | 195 | 137 | ... | ... | 70·3 | ... | ...
72 | 1,584 | 863 | 1,582 | 249 | 107 | 64 | 559 | 366 | 361 | 221 | 192 | 141 | ... | ... | 73·4 | ... | ...
73 | 1,663 | 830 | 1,651 | 241 | 99 | 58 | 526 | 343 | 330 | 216 | 183 | 145 | ... | ... | 79·2 | ... | ...
74 | 1,544 | 764 | 1,663 | 259 | 107 | 61 | 516 | 325 | 323 | 193 | 181 | 136 | ... | ... | 75·1 | ... | ...
75 | 1,767 | 886 | 1,747 | 269 | 117 | 69 | 546 | 345 | 361 | 226 | 190 | 140 | ... | ... | 73·7 | ... | ...
76 | 1,663 | 825 | 1,704 | 254 | 110 | 64 | 566 | 361 | 361 | 221 | 200 | 143 | ... | ... | 71·5 | ... | ...
77 | 1,734 | 871 | 1,752 | 269 | 117 | 61 | 564 | 361 | 361 | 211 | 194 | 150 | ... | ... | 77·3 | ... | ...
78 | 1,541 | 818 | 1,592 | 231 | 99 | 53 | 518 | 333 | 338 | 211 | 182 | 138 | ... | ... | 75·8 | ... | ...
79 | 1,648 | 848 | 1,709 | 254 | 112 | 61 | 546 | 323 | 330 | 213 | 192 | 140 | ... | ... | 72·9 | ... | ...
80 | 1,645 | 838 | 1,681 | 262 | 107 | 53 | 538 | 330 | 348 | 213 | 191 | 138 | ... | ... | 73·3 | ... | ...
81 | 1,633 | 846 | 1,757 | 259 | 110 | 61 | 546 | 330 | 350 | 200 | 185 | 148 | ... | ... | 80·0 | ... | ...
82 | 1,651 | 823 | 1,724 | 257 | 104 | 64 | 538 | 333 | 340 | 216 | 189 | 137 | ... | ... | 72·5 | ... | ...
83 | 1,602 | 833 | 1,722 | 257 | 107 | 66 | 526 | 345 | 330 | 231 | 185 | 141 | ... | ... | 76·2 | ... | ...
84 | 1,696 | 858 | 1,750 | 269 | 117 | 64 | 521 | 343 | 348 | 203 | 189 | 134 | ... | ... | 70·9 | ... | ...
85 | 1,564 | 795 | 1,607 | 241 | 104 | 61 | 516 | 330 | 323 | 213 | 180 | 133 | ... | ... | 73·9 | ... | ...
86 | 1,694 | 863 | 1,739 | 259 | 107 | 58 | 538 | 358 | 338 | 206 | 193 | 133 | ... | ... | 68·9 | ... | ...
87 | 1,690 | 846 | 1,759 | 260 | 111 | 61 | 528 | 326 | 359 | 202 | 177 | 140 | 103 | 131 | 79·1 | 154 | 73·6
88 | 1,715 | 864 | 1,780 | 261 | 120 | 66 | 529 | 339 | 332 | 195 | 180 | 137 | 102 | 132 | 76·1 | 148 | 74·5
89 | 1,770 | 875 | 1,820 | 262 | 122 | 60 | 519 | 349 | 352 | 192 | 181 | 135 | 94 | 128 | 74·6 | 150 | 69·6
90 | 1,603 | 815 | 1,680 | 260 | 115 | 58 | 518 | 325 | 333 | 200 | 178 | 131 | 100 | 126 | 73·6 | 159 | 76·3
91 | 1,635 | 855 | 1,710 | 245 | 116 | 63 | 539 | 367 | 345 | 205 | 186 | 137 | 97 | 126 | 73·7 | 163 | 70·9
92 | 1,631 | 865 | 1,620 | 236 | 107 | 68 | 519 | 315 | 319 | 180 | 176 | 130 | 100 | 130 | 73·9 | 138 | 76·9
93 | 1,830 | 835 | 1,895 | 267 | 122 | 57 | 546 | 338 | 359 | 215 | 186 | 139 | 96 | 131 | 74·8 | 164 | 69·1
94 | 1,693 | 840 | 1,750 | 249 | 112 | 61 | 544 | 350 | 365 | | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ...
95 | 1,580 | 810 | 1,640 | 256 | 110 | 60 | 516 | 330 | 340 | 194 | 178 | 136 | 94 | 130 | 76·0 | 149 | 69·1
96 | 1,690 | 855 | 1,790 | 264 | 115 | 64 | 538 | 340 | 350 | 193 | 179 | 144 | 109 | 134 | 80·8 | 144 | 75·7
97 | 1,709 | 845 | 1,835 | 270 | 117 | 56 | 526 | 344 | 352 | 216 | 180 | 135 | 98 | 129 | 75·0 | 167 | 72·6
98 | 1,605 | 810 | 1,670 | 243 | 110 | 52 | 540 | 350 | 340 | 218 | 179 | 135 | 105 | 124 | 75·4 | 144 | 77·8
99 | 1,670 | 870 | 1,725 | 261 | 110 | 60 | 540 | 350 | 340 | 314 | 188 | 134 | 110 | 127 | 71·3 | 169 | 82·1
100 | 1,620 | 810 | 1,750 | 238 | 105 | 57 | 520 | 320 | 330 | 197 | 176 | 128 | 100 | 124 | 75·3 | 159 | 78·1
101 | 1,620 | 810 | 1,665 | 250 | 110 | 62 | 550 | 340 | 350 | 210 | 182 | 138 | 107 | 127 | 75·8 | 165 | 77·5
102 | 1,670 | 805 | 1,725 | 253 | 110 | 63 | 530 | 340 | 340 | 206 | 179 | 133 | 105 | 124 | 74·3 | 141 | 78·9
103 | 1,660 | 800 | 1,775 | 253 | 110 | 57 | 540 | 340 | 340 | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ...
104 | 1,695 | 850 | 1,750 | 261 | 120 | 61 | 520 | 330 | 334 | 200 | 181 | 132 | 96 | 127 | 72·9 | 157 | 72·7
105 | 1,680 | 830 | 1,765 | 260 | 120 | 54 | 520 | 340 | 340 | 195 | 176 | 133 | 104 | 128 | 75·2 | 152 | 78·2
Variation. SUMMARY.
From | 1,541 | 764 | 1,582 | 231 | 99 | 51 | 505 | 315 | 319 | 180 | 176 | 128 | 90 | 115 | 62·8 | 133 | 66·7
No. | 78 | 74 | 72 | 78 | 73, 78 | 26 | 25 | 92 | 92 | 92 | 35, 70, 92, | 100 | 25, 26 | 26 | 53 | 70 | 25
| | | | | | | | | | | 100, 105 | | | | | |
To | 1,830 | 945 | 1,900 | 282 | 128 | 76 | 580 | 373 | 381 | 236 | 206 | 154 | 116 | 145 | 80·8 | 174 | 82·1
No. | 93 | 68 | 46 | 37 | 16 | 1 | 13 | 27 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 13 | 14 | 46 | 96 | 69 | 99
Mean | 1,670 | 860 | 1,730 | 258 | 110 | 62 | 538 | 341 | 348 | 208 | 184 | 138 | 103 | 130 | 74·9 | 156 | 74·7
Average | 1,672 | 860 | 1,729 | 256 | 111 | 61 | 536 | 342 | 351 | 206 | 182 | 137 | 107 | 130 | 72·9 | 156 | 74·7
FOR QURAISHI.
Do. | 1,684 | 862 | 1,736 | 258 | 111 | 62 | 541 | 345 | 350 | 211 | 187 | 140 | 101 | 131 | 75·1 | 160 | 74·5
FOR SADÎQI.
Do. | 1,670 | 878 | 1,725 | 255 | 111 | 61 | 534 | 342 | 345 | 205 | 176 | 138 | 103 | 132 | 74·4 | 154 | 74·5
FOR OTHERS.
Do. | 1,662 | 841 | 1,727 | 256 | 112 | 61 | 534 | 340 | 343 | 204 | 184 | 132 | 102 | 129 | 69·3 | 154 | 75·1
===========+=======+=====+=======+=====+========+====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=============+=====+========+=====+======+=====+=====
NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—BHÂNTU.
========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+======+=====+=====
Number. |Height of Vertex.
| |Height of Trunk.
| | |Span.
| | | |Left Foot.
| | | | |Left Middle Finger.
| | | | | |Right Ear Height.
| | | | | | |Round Head.
| | | | | | | |Inion to Glabella.
| | | | | | | | |Tragus to Tragus.
| | | | | | | | | |Vertex to Chin.
| | | | | | | | | | |Anteroposterior Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | |Maximum Transverse Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | |Minimum Frontal Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | |Bizygomatic Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Cephalic Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |General Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Frontal Index.
~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18
~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
1 | 1,722 | 856 | 1,887 | 269 | 122 | 61 | 546 | 356 | 363 | 211 | 185 | 143 | 116 | 128 | 73·0 | 165 | 81·1
2 | 1,635 | 858 | 1,878 | 254 | 110 | 61 | 538 | 333 | 348 | 198 | 184 | 140 | 114 | 131 | 70·7 | 151 | 81·4
3 | 1,648 | 820 | 1,701 | 269 | 114 | 61 | 531 | 315 | 333 | 211 | 186 | 146 | 123 | 134 | 78·5 | 157 | 84·2
4 | 1,661 | 846 | 1,734 | 254 | 112 | 64 | 528 | 330 | 345 | 196 | 184 | 146 | 124 | 140 | 79·3 | 140 | 84·9
5 | 1,706 | 834 | 1,775 | 257 | 110 | 64 | 521 | 323 | 330 | 206 | 185 | 140 | 115 | 140 | 75·7 | 147 | 82·1
6 | 1,623 | 808 | 1,678 | 239 | 110 | 56 | 528 | 305 | 328 | 208 | 182 | 142 | 121 | 134 | 78·0 | 155 | 85·2
7 | 1,666 | 820 | 1,729 | 251 | 112 | 58 | 533 | 333 | 335 | 224 | 187 | 136 | 113 | 132 | 72·7 | 169 | 83·1
8 | 1,592 | 843 | 1,623 | 241 | 104 | 64 | 495 | 317 | 330 | 216 | 173 | 129 | 112 | 132 | 74·6 | 163 | 86·8
9 | 1,498 | 797 | 1,587 | 224 | 102 | 64 | 531 | 305 | 330 | 208 | 185 | 140 | 122 | 134 | 75·7 | 155 | 87·1
10 | 1,656 | 858 | 1,729 | 262 | 114 | 64 | 546 | 333 | 338 | 216 | 194 | 141 | 120 | 135 | 72·7 | 160 | 85·1
11 | 1,727 | 871 | 1,807 | 266 | 119 | 66 | 528 | 333 | 335 | 216 | 184 | 135 | 111 | 131 | 37·4 | 165 | 82·2
12 | 1,536 | 808 | 1,582 | 239 | 107 | 56 | 531 | 330 | 335 | 196 | 186 | 141 | 108 | 127 | 75·8 | 154 | 76·6
13 | 1,579 | 838 | 1,676 | 249 | 114 | 64 | 528 | 320 | 353 | 188 | 182 | 143 | 121 | 136 | 78·6 | 138 | 84·6
14 | 1,628 | 820 | 1,678 | 241 | 102 | 66 | 520 | 312 | 335 | 190 | 182 | 136 | 115 | 132 | 74·7 | 144 | 84·6
15 | 1,714 | 868 | 1,825 | 262 | 114 | 64 | 538 | 343 | 345 | 208 | 195 | 139 | 125 | 143 | 71·3 | 145 | 89·6
16 | 1,569 | 780 | 1,676 | 251 | 102 | 69 | 521 | 330 | 312 | 193 | 184 | 137 | ... | ... | 74·5 | ... | ...
17 | 1,706 | 886 | 1,722 | 264 | 114 | 61 | 518 | 330 | 323 | 226 | 186 | 132 | ... | ... | 71·0 | ... | ...
18 | 1,557 | 825 | 1,551 | 246 | 102 | 61 | 516 | 312 | 330 | ... | 172 | 141 | ... | ... | 82·0 | ... | ...
19 | 1,725 | 875 | 1,810 | 267 | 116 | 62 | 523 | 320 | 323 | 220 | 180 | 136 | 102 | 132 | 75·6 | 167 | 75·0
20 | 1,715 | 835 | 1,885 | 264 | 116 | 59 | 539 | 349 | 350 | 215 | 181 | 138 | 100 | 129 | 76·2 | 167 | 72·5
21 | 1,617 | 840 | 1,675 | 240 | 113 | 54 | 531 | 327 | 321 | 200 | 186 | 139 | 97 | 130 | 74·7 | 154 | 69·8
22 | 1,655 | 858 | 1,757 | 250 | 112 | 59 | 525 | 331 | 339 | 204 | 180 | 137 | 102 | 126 | 76·1 | 162 | 75·2
23 | 1,705 | 868 | 1,783 | 252 | 111 | 62 | 518 | 326 | 338 | 199 | 176 | 128 | 105 | 135 | 72·7 | 147 | 78·2
24 | 1,652 | 854 | 1,726 | 267 | 98 | 58 | 544 | 335 | 333 | 207 | 194 | 139 | 105 | 128 | 71·6 | 162 | 75·5
25 | 1,615 | 825 | 1,652 | 251 | 110 | 62 | 508 | 310 | 330 | 199 | 185 | 129 | 100 | 128 | 69·7 | 155 | 77·5
26 | 1,654 | 850 | 1,737 | 254 | 99 | 62 | 519 | 325 | 340 | 203 | 179 | 139 | 105 | 130 | 77·7 | 156 | 75·5
27 | 1,569 | 838 | 1,604 | 251 | 106 | 57 | 532 | 330 | 342 | 205 | 182 | 141 | 112 | 127 | 77·4 | 161 | 79·4
28 | 1,555 | 808 | 1,619 | 250 | 111 | 61 | 528 | 349 | 359 | 205 | 182 | 135 | 104 | 131 | 74·2 | 156 | 77·7
29 | 1,632 | 862 | 1,665 | 245 | 115 | 62 | 526 | 336 | 339 | 201 | 180 | 136 | 103 | 125 | 75·6 | 161 | 75·7
30 | 1,682 | 856 | 1,768 | 234 | 109 | 60 | 529 | 328 | 329 | 195 | 183 | 135 | 108 | 128 | 73·8 | 152 | 80·0
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
Average | 1,640 | 841 | 1,711 | 252 | 110 | 65 | 527 | 327 | 336 | 199 | 184 | 138 | 97 | 128 | 75·3 | 140 | 72·5
========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+======+=====+=====
NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—BRÂHMAN (GAUR.)
========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+======+=====+=====
Number. |Height of Vertex.
| |Height of Trunk.
| | |Span.
| | | |Left Foot.
| | | | |Left Middle Finger.
| | | | | |Right Ear Height.
| | | | | | |Round Head.
| | | | | | | |Inion to Glabella.
| | | | | | | | |Tragus to Tragus.
| | | | | | | | | |Vertex to Chin.
| | | | | | | | | | |Anteroposterior Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | |Maximum Transverse Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | |Minimum Frontal Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | |Bizygomatic Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Cephalic Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |General Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Frontal Index.
~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18
~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
1 | 1,584 | 797 | 1,691 | 246 | 110 | 69 | 533 | 345 | 345 | 213 | 181 | 141 | ... | ... | 77·9 | ... | ...
2 | 1,648 | 841 | 1,704 | 267 | 114 | 69 | 546 | 348 | 343 | 244 | 198 | 143 | ... | ... | 72·2 | ... | ...
3 | 1,584 | 818 | 1,582 | 246 | 99 | 66 | 541 | 343 | 340 | 231 | 192 | 139 | ... | ... | 72·4 | ... | ...
4 | 1,722 | 874 | 1,750 | 257 | 114 | 58 | 564 | 368 | 368 | 224 | 198 | 142 | ... | ... | 71·7 | ... | ...
5 | 1,582 | 838 | 1,696 | 244 | 104 | 66 | 561 | 358 | 350 | 211 | 198 | 141 | ... | ... | 71·2 | ... | ...
6 | 1,653 | 846 | 1,661 | 264 | 107 | 61 | 538 | 350 | 340 | 213 | 187 | 138 | ... | ... | 73·8 | ... | ...
7 | 1,617 | 810 | 1,633 | 262 | 107 | 66 | 538 | 338 | 353 | 229 | 194 | 141 | ... | ... | 72·7 | ... | ...
8 | 1,663 | ... | 1,711 | 257 | 112 | ... | 579 | 353 | 356 | ... | 193 | 152 | ... | ... | 78·8 | ... | ...
9 | 1,607 | ... | 1,584 | 257 | 110 | ... | 541 | 328 | 345 | ... | 191 | 141 | ... | ... | 73·8 | ... | ...
10 | 1,742 | ... | 1,823 | 274 | 110 | ... | 559 | 335 | 353 | ... | 195 | 151 | ... | ... | 77·4 | ... | ...
11 | 1,747 | ... | 1,772 | 279 | 119 | ... | 546 | 325 | 343 | ... | 192 | 146 | ... | ... | 76·0 | ... | ...
12 | 1,549 | ... | 1,656 | 244 | 99 | ... | 526 | 312 | 325 | ... | 183 | 140 | ... | ... | 76·5 | ... | ...
13 | 1,689 | ... | 1,739 | 269 | 110 | ... | 554 | 340 | 325 | ... | 194 | 141 | ... | ... | 72·7 | ... | ...
14 | 1,643 | ... | 1,648 | 246 | 104 | 64 | 541 | 358 | 350 | ... | 190 | 145 | ... | ... | 76·3 | ... | ...
15 | 1,651 | ... | 1,691 | 246 | 110 | 64 | 546 | 353 | 343 | ... | 186 | 142 | ... | ... | 76·4 | ... | ...
16 | 1,658 | ... | 1,643 | 236 | 107 | 64 | 536 | 356 | 348 | ... | 187 | 142 | ... | ... | 75·9 | ... | ...
17 | 1,615 | ... | 1,709 | 267 | 114 | 66 | 541 | 353 | 340 | ... | 189 | 140 | ... | ... | 74·1 | ... | ...
18 | 1,668 | ... | 1,744 | 269 | 119 | 69 | 541 | 350 | 343 | ... | 195 | 141 | ... | ... | 72·3 | ... | ...
19 | 1,694 | ... | 1,818 | 274 | 114 | 71 | 564 | 381 | 356 | ... | 200 | 147 | ... | ... | 73·5 | ... | ...
20 | 1,668 | 892 | 1,745 | 258 | 111 | 63 | 543 | 347 | 347 | 215 | 190 | 143 | 120 | 137 | 75·3 | 157 | 83·9
21 | 1,655 | 867 | 1,752 | 254 | 117 | 58 | 548 | 330 | 352 | 209 | 188 | 141 | 102 | 133 | 75·0 | 157 | 72·3
22 | 1,580 | 777 | 1,657 | 242 | 113 | 66 | 519 | 324 | 326 | 195 | 181 | 126 | 96 | 122 | 69·6 | 160 | 76·1
23 | 1,540 | 808 | 1,735 | 232 | 109 | 59 | 534 | 335 | 332 | 194 | 181 | 135 | 105 | 125 | 74·6 | 155 | 77·7
24 | 1,615 | 818 | 1,660 | 230 | 114 | 60 | 536 | 341 | 339 | 205 | 187 | 133 | 103 | 126 | 71·1 | 163 | 77·4
25 | 1,555 | 782 | 1,680 | 230 | 104 | 66 | 527 | 330 | 342 | 198 | 176 | 131 | 108 | 125 | 74·8 | 158 | 82·4
26 | 1,705 | 891 | 1,730 | 249 | 112 | 68 | 526 | 338 | 342 | 210 | 189 | 131 | 95 | 131 | 69·3 | 160 | 72·5
27 | 1,615 | 835 | 1,702 | 256 | 111 | 69 | 544 | 350 | 343 | 203 | 187 | 134 | 100 | 135 | 71·7 | 150 | 74·6
28 | 1,635 | 846 | 1,635 | 234 | 103 | 58 | 534 | 344 | 345 | 209 | 180 | 135 | 102 | 125 | 75·0 | 167 | 75·6
29 | 1,647 | 860 | 1,687 | 239 | 107 | 60 | 546 | 340 | 350 | 211 | 183 | 145 | 101 | 135 | 79·2 | 156 | 69·6
30 | 1,720 | 870 | 1,739 | 263 | 117 | 59 | 510 | 325 | 334 | 198 | 183 | 124 | 96 | 124 | 67·8 | 160 | 77·4
31 | 1,715 | 860 | 1,825 | 251 | 117 | 56 | 522 | 312 | 332 | 197 | 178 | 132 | 96 | 127 | 74·8 | 155 | 74·2
32 | 1,692 | 845 | 1,798 | 257 | 115 | 62 | 535 | 331 | 345 | 216 | 190 | 130 | 110 | 126 | 68·4 | 171 | 84·6
33 | 1,691 | 849 | 1,823 | 269 | 116 | 60 | 551 | 334 | 333 | 228 | 195 | 133 | 103 | 132 | 68·2 | 173 | 77·4
34 | 1,519 | 780 | 1,714 | 235 | 108 | 62 | 537 | 331 | 340 | 208 | 185 | 135 | 98 | 125 | 72·9 | 166 | 72·6
35 | 1,651 | 840 | 1,740 | 264 | 117 | 71 | 537 | 342 | 330 | 218 | 190 | 130 | 104 | 128 | 68·4 | 172 | 80·0
36 | 1,625 | 825 | 1,683 | 255 | 112 | 54 | 539 | 340 | 333 | 230 | 188 | 130 | 100 | 130 | 69·1 | 177 | 76·9
87 | 1,710 | 865 | 1,753 | 256 | 108 | 58 | 564 | 368 | 345 | 229 | 195 | 140 | 104 | 135 | 71·8 | 170 | 74·3
88 | 1,625 | 833 | 1,702 | 250 | 110 | 60 | 522 | 322 | 330 | 203 | 179 | 129 | 99 | 128 | 72·1 | 159 | 76·7
89 | 1,645 | 853 | 1,724 | 251 | 110 | 62 | 533 | 345 | 362 | 226 | 189 | 140 | 98 | 130 | 74·1 | 174 | 70·0
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
Average | 1,660 | 837 | 1,735 | 2 | 113 | 63 | 528 | 336 | 335 | 213 | 191 | 138 | 102 | 128 | 73·3 | 163 | 75·8
========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+======+=====+=====
NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—DHÎMAR.
========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+======+=====+=====
Number. |Height of Vertex.
| |Height of Trunk.
| | |Span.
| | | |Left Foot.
| | | | |Left Middle Finger.
| | | | | |Right Ear Height.
| | | | | | |Round Head.
| | | | | | | |Inion to Glabella.
| | | | | | | | |Tragus to Tragus.
| | | | | | | | | |Vertex to Chin.
| | | | | | | | | | |Anteroposterior Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | |Maximum Transverse Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | |Minimum Frontal Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | |Bizygomatic Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Cephalic Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |General Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Frontal Index.
~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18
~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
1 | 1,630 | 828 | 1,695 | 246 | 102 | 59 | 548 | 360 | 350 | 201 | 195 | 138 | 108 | 136 | 70·8 | 148 | 78·3
2 | 1,696 | 855 | 1,815 | 266 | 113 | 68 | 542 | 335 | 347 | 203 | 195 | 138 | 116 | 143 | 70·8 | 142 | 84·1
3 | 1,588 | 845 | 1,585 | 251 | 105 | 59 | 260 | 365 | 355 | 209 | 198 | 139 | 106 | 131 | 70·2 | 160 | 76·3
4 | 1,602 | 835 | 1,700 | 255 | 112 | 62 | 535 | 335 | 338 | 205 | 191 | 133 | 103 | 132 | 69·6 | 155 | 77·4
5 | 1,667 | 825 | 1,685 | 245 | 104 | 58 | 528 | 330 | 330 | 207 | 186 | 134 | 90 | 127 | 72·0 | 163 | 67·2
6 | 1,705 | 852 | 1,845 | 276 | 112 | 59 | 545 | 350 | 358 | 215 | 192 | 138 | 108 | 136 | 71·9 | 158 | 78·3
7 | 1,618 | 833 | 1,705 | 253 | 110 | 67 | 545 | 350 | 355 | 205 | 190 | 140 | 105 | 137 | 73·7 | 150 | 75·0
8 | 1,640 | 842 | 1,700 | 260 | 103 | 67 | 543 | 353 | 350 | 220 | 196 | 142 | 108 | 134 | 72·4 | 164 | 76·1
9 | 1,695 | 865 | 1,775 | 266 | 111 | 60 | 530 | 355 | 345 | 220 | 192 | 143 | 107 | 133 | 74·5 | 165 | 74·1
10 | 1,545 | 813 | 1,565 | 235 | 110 | 62 | 538 | 345 | 340 | 203 | 188 | 133 | 110 | 128 | 70·7 | 159 | 82·7
11 | 1,625 | 830 | 1,675 | 245 | 110 | 63 | 560 | 352 | 359 | 210 | 195 | 141 | 116 | 133 | 72·3 | 158 | 82·8
12 | 1,560 | 800 | 1,645 | 238 | 104 | 63 | 538 | 335 | 338 | 212 | 195 | 133 | 106 | 131 | 68·2 | 162 | 79·7
13 | 1,610 | 835 | 1,600 | 230 | 99 | 69 | 533 | 325 | 340 | 201 | 189 | 143 | 120 | 139 | 76·2 | 145 | 83·9
14 | 1,635 | 875 | 1,675 | 246 | 108 | 65 | 550 | 352 | 355 | 220 | 194 | 138 | 107 | 133 | 71·1 | 165 | 77·8
15 | 1,656 | 855 | 1,700 | 260 | 112 | 60 | 527 | 343 | 345 | 220 | 184 | 138 | 110 | 133 | 75·0 | 165 | 79·6
16 | 1,682 | 861 | 1,805 | 265 | 98 | 60 | 574 | 375 | 375 | 240 | 208 | 142 | 115 | 142 | 68·3 | 169 | 81·0
17 | 1,678 | 856 | 1,765 | 258 | 120 | 62 | 545 | 358 | 350 | 203 | 190 | 139 | 110 | 133 | 73·2 | 153 | 79·1
18 | 1,625 | 830 | 1,650 | 249 | 105 | 60 | 532 | 350 | 345 | 208 | 187 | 135 | 103 | 131 | 72·2 | 159 | 76·3
19 | 1,637 | 835 | 1,715 | 246 | 101 | 59 | 535 | 345 | 354 | 204 | 192 | 134 | 109 | 135 | 69·8 | 151 | 81·3
20 | 1,635 | 810 | 1,700 | 254 | 119 | 62 | 533 | 344 | 347 | 215 | 185 | 135 | 101 | 125 | 73·0 | 171 | 74·8
21 | 1,620 | 815 | 1,750 | 250 | 111 | 60 | 517 | 322 | 339 | 200 | 181 | 135 | 97 | 127 | 74·6 | 157 | 71·9
22 | 1,720 | 884 | 1,750 | 270 | 116 | 60 | 530 | 334 | 345 | 199 | 185 | 133 | 97 | 127 | 71·9 | 157 | 72·9
23 | 1,621 | 810 | 1,689 | 251 | 115 | 60 | 540 | 334 | 340 | 198 | 187 | 136 | 105 | 129 | 72·7 | 153 | 77·2
24 | 1,620 | 800 | 1,702 | 250 | 112 | 57 | 539 | 334 | 350 | 192 | 182 | 131 | 96 | 125 | 72·0 | 154 | 73·3
25 | 1,680 | 847 | 1,785 | 267 | 110 | 56 | 539 | 344 | 340 | 196 | 187 | 140 | 98 | 125 | 74·9 | 157 | 70·0
26 | 1,623 | 802 | 1,705 | 243 | 106 | 62 | 540 | 320 | 330 | 194 | 186 | 135 | 106 | 130 | 72·6 | 149 | 78·5
27 | 1,658 | 810 | 1,770 | 263 | 111 | 60 | 535 | 330 | 330 | 208 | 190 | 138 | 103 | 128 | 72·6 | 163 | 74·6
28 | 1,675 | 822 | 1,730 | 254 | 111 | 56 | 503 | 310 | 315 | 196 | 179 | 136 | 100 | 125 | 75·4 | 157 | 73·5
29 | 1,720 | 874 | 1,723 | 249 | 101 | 58 | 530 | 327 | 335 | 220 | 188 | 136 | 105 | 130 | 72·3 | 170 | 77·3
30 | 1,671 | 890 | 1,755 | 262 | 111 | 61 | 534 | 315 | 324 | 198 | 178 | 139 | 110 | 135 | 78·1 | 147 | 79·1
31 | 1,665 | 850 | 1,760 | 254 | 111 | 61 | 543 | 343 | 345 | 205 | 192 | 145 | 109 | 128 | 75·5 | 190 | 75·1
32 | 1,692 | 832 | 1,730 | 251 | 105 | 61 | 520 | 338 | 340 | 210 | 178 | 136 | 105 | 132 | 76·4 | 151 | 77·2
33 | 1,580 | 822 | 1,638 | 234 | 103 | 65 | 530 | 310 | 310 | 199 | 187 | 130 | 97 | 125 | 96·5 | 159 | 74·6
34 | 1,610 | 820 | 1,723 | 253 | 103 | 60 | 528 | 330 | 335 | 207 | 184 | 140 | 95 | 126 | 76·1 | 164 | 67·9
35 | 1,725 | 915 | 1,815 | 279 | 110 | 69 | 534 | 335 | 335 | 215 | 186 | 135 | 105 | 130 | 72·6 | 165 | 77·8
36 | 1,660 | 852 | 1,723 | 249 | 105 | 66 | 538 | 330 | 324 | 212 | 185 | 135 | 100 | 129 | 73·0 | 164 | 74·1
37 | 1,655 | 820 | 1,750 | 252 | 100 | 64 | 510 | 304 | 310 | 198 | 177 | 135 | 105 | 130 | 76·3 | 152 | 77·8
38 | 1,670 | 855 | 1,750 | 270 | 110 | 64 | 525 | 320 | 330 | 221 | 194 | 133 | 97 | 130 | 68·6 | 170 | 72·9
39 | 1,665 | 855 | 1,700 | 251 | 110 | 59 | 505 | 318 | 330 | 205 | 177 | 138 | 97 | 125 | 78·0 | 164 | 70·3
40 | 1,655 | 825 | 1,700 | 245 | 105 | 62 | 526 | 315 | 325 | 202 | 183 | 133 | 100 | 130 | 72·7 | 155 | 75·2
41 | 1,685 | 850 | 1,735 | 255 | 111 | 63 | 543 | 329 | 332 | 212 | 180 | 135 | 113 | 135 | 75·0 | 157 | 83·7
42 | 1,565 | 785 | 1,673 | 246 | 109 | 66 | 528 | 340 | 325 | 203 | 185 | 130 | 100 | 128 | 70·3 | 159 | 76·6
43 | 1,630 | 810 | 1,756 | 255 | 110 | 56 | 530 | 330 | 328 | 221 | 195 | 130 | 100 | 129 | 66·7 | 171 | 76·6
44 | 1,560 | 755 | 1,610 | 234 | 110 | 56 | 530 | 330 | 326 | 203 | 188 | 132 | 105 | 126 | 70·2 | 161 | 79·7
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
Average | 1,644 | 838 | 1,655 | 253 | 108 | 61 | 535 | 336 | 332 | 203 | 187 | 136 | 106 | 131 | 73·5 | 158 | 76·6
========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+======+=====+=====
NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—GADARIYA.
========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+======+=====+=====
Number. |Height of Vertex.
| |Height of Trunk.
| | |Span.
| | | |Left Foot.
| | | | |Left Middle Finger.
| | | | | |Right Ear Height.
| | | | | | |Round Head.
| | | | | | | |Inion to Glabella.
| | | | | | | | |Tragus to Tragus.
| | | | | | | | | |Vertex to Chin.
| | | | | | | | | | |Anteroposterior Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | |Maximum Transverse Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | |Minimum Frontal Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | |Bizygomatic Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Cephalic Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |General Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Frontal Index.
~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18
~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
1 | 1,606 | 820 | 1,612 | 242 | 101 | 56 | 540 | 345 | 343 | 207 | 187 | 139 | 109 | 137 | 74·3 | 151 | 78·4
2 | 1,526 | 780 | 1,562 | 239 | 105 | 67 | 533 | 355 | 343 | 198 | 188 | 133 | 99 | 125 | 70·7 | 158 | 74·4
3 | 1,595 | 805 | 1,630 | 235 | 102 | 62 | 557 | 340 | 353 | 190 | 193 | 143 | 117 | 138 | 74·1 | 138 | 81·8
4 | 1,648 | 872 | 1,670 | 242 | 100 | 67 | 545 | 360 | 365 | 201 | 188 | 142 | 105 | 127 | 75·5 | 158 | 73·9
5 | 1,632 | 845 | 1,685 | 238 | 108 | 59 | 528 | 338 | 335 | 205 | 181 | 137 | 110 | 131 | 75·5 | 156 | 80·3
6 | 1,705 | 855 | 1,720 | 253 | 112 | 65 | 537 | 335 | 345 | 200 | 187 | 140 | 110 | 140 | 74·8 | 143 | 78·6
7 | 1,647 | 855 | 1,700 | 256 | 106 | 61 | 550 | 348 | 345 | 207 | 191 | 149 | 117 | 142 | 78·0 | 146 | 78·5
8 | 1,694 | 863 | 1,800 | 260 | 116 | 59 | 546 | 370 | 365 | 212 | 189 | 140 | 102 | 138 | 74·1 | 154 | 72·9
9 | 1,626 | 790 | 1,676 | 254 | 118 | 56 | 494 | 323 | 325 | 193 | 176 | 130 | 101 | 131 | 73·8 | 147 | 77·7
10 | 1,615 | 865 | 1,703 | 262 | 121 | 53 | 533 | 350 | 350 | 200 | 185 | 134 | 100 | 131 | 72·4 | 153 | 74·6
11 | 1,610 | 790 | 1,700 | 250 | 109 | 61 | 513 | 320 | 339 | 188 | 173 | 138 | 100 | 130 | 79·8 | 145 | 72·5
12 | 1,622 | 802 | 1,730 | 246 | 114 | 56 | 500 | 310 | 328 | 192 | 171 | 130 | 97 | 129 | 76·0 | 149 | 74·6
13 | 1,594 | 785 | 1,715 | 258 | 121 | 54 | 523 | 331 | 345 | 185 | 180 | 135 | 102 | 124 | 75·0 | 141 | 75·6
14 | 1,580 | 767 | 1,690 | 243 | 105 | 60 | 495 | 309 | 326 | 200 | 176 | 130 | 96 | 123 | 73·8 | 163 | 73·8
15 | 1,709 | 829 | 1,771 | 260 | 107 | 63 | 532 | 353 | 349 | 209 | 190 | 139 | 99 | 124 | 73·2 | 169 | 71·2
16 | 1,770 | 854 | 1,875 | 274 | 120 | 62 | 540 | 340 | 334 | 228 | 185 | 138 | 110 | 125 | 74·6 | 182 | 79·2
17 | 1,615 | 802 | 1,690 | 257 | 110 | 63 | 540 | 333 | 336 | 223 | 188 | 138 | 110 | 130 | 73·4 | 172 | 79·7
18 | 1,685 | 850 | 1,720 | 254 | 110 | 56 | 540 | 330 | 342 | 220 | 190 | 135 | 112 | 132 | 71·1 | 166 | 83·0
19 | 1,610 | 820 | 1,755 | 240 | 110 | 64 | 530 | 330 | 354 | 204 | 185 | 132 | 110 | 125 | 71·4 | 163 | 83·3
20 | 1,670 | 860 | 1,765 | 240 | 102 | 61 | 540 | 341 | 342 | 232 | 185 | 134 | 105 | 125 | 72·4 | 186 | 78·3
21 | 1,685 | 870 | 1,745 | 274 | 120 | 65 | 529 | 328 | 330 | 220 | 180 | 125 | 100 | 129 | 69·4 | 171 | 80·0
22 | 1,605 | 810 | 1,697 | 263 | 112 | 62 | 544 | 344 | 350 | 189 | 182 | 135 | 100 | 127 | 74·2 | 149 | 74·1
23 | 1,535 | 815 | 1,680 | 250 | 110 | 58 | 526 | 336 | 343 | 190 | 179 | 133 | 97 | 125 | 74·3 | 152 | 72·9
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
Average | 1,632 | 826 | 1,713 | 252 | 110 | 61 | 535 | 338 | 343 | 204 | 182 | 136 | 105 | 130 | 74·0 | 157 | 81·3
========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+======+=====+=====
NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—HÂBÛRA.
========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+======+=====+=====
Number. |Height of Vertex.
| |Height of Trunk.
| | |Span.
| | | |Left Foot.
| | | | |Left Middle Finger.
| | | | | |Right Ear Height.
| | | | | | |Round Head.
| | | | | | | |Inion to Glabella.
| | | | | | | | |Tragus to Tragus.
| | | | | | | | | |Vertex to Chin.
| | | | | | | | | | |Anteroposterior Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | |Maximum Transverse Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | |Minimum Frontal Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | |Bizygomatic Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Cephalic Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |General Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Frontal Index.
~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18
~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
1 | 1,727 | 853 | 1,795 | 239 | 114 | 64 | 508 | 330 | 368 | 224 | 178 | 140 | 117 | 137 | 78·7 | 164 | 83·6
2 | 1,666 | 876 | 1,734 | 236 | 114 | 71 | 556 | 343 | 340 | 216 | 198 | 145 | 117 | 140 | 73·2 | 152 | 80·7
3 | 1,656 | 843 | 1,727 | 241 | 114 | 64 | 541 | 330 | 356 | 216 | 191 | 142 | 111 | 132 | 74·3 | 164 | 78·2
4 | 1,744 | 914 | 1,803 | 272 | 122 | 64 | 551 | 361 | 361 | 226 | 191 | 143 | 116 | 139 | 74·9 | 163 | 81·1
5 | 1,742 | 861 | 1,742 | 267 | 110 | 66 | 521 | 317 | 363 | 229 | 188 | 139 | 121 | 134 | 74·0 | 171 | 87·1
6 | 1,602 | 823 | 1,656 | 251 | 110 | 66 | 528 | 338 | 363 | 218 | 186 | 143 | 105 | 131 | 76·9 | 166 | 73·4
7 | 1,671 | 879 | 1,704 | 259 | 110 | 61 | 546 | 356 | 363 | 229 | 196 | 142 | 105 | 132 | 73·0 | 173 | 73·9
8 | 1,747 | 901 | 1,807 | 272 | 119 | 64 | 546 | 361 | 381 | 226 | 188 | 150 | 116 | 140 | 79·8 | 161 | 77·3
9 | 1,498 | 905 | 1,579 | 234 | 107 | 69 | 503 | 315 | 328 | 206 | 182 | 129 | 108 | 131 | 70·9 | 157 | 83·7
10 | 1,567 | 795 | 1,572 | 236 | 107 | 61 | 505 | 328 | 335 | 200 | 180 | 128 | 108 | 122 | 71·1 | 164 | 84·4
11 | 2,742 | 894 | 1,752 | 262 | 119 | 71 | 541 | 340 | 361 | 216 | 190 | 141 | 114 | 144 | 74·2 | 150 | 80·9
12 | 1,590 | 838 | 1,635 | 246 | 104 | 61 | 528 | 330 | 345 | 216 | 183 | 147 | 101 | 130 | 80·3 | 166 | 68·7
13 | 1,607 | 851 | 1,617 | 236 | 99 | 58 | 546 | 343 | 361 | 218 | 189 | 149 | 118 | 135 | 78·7 | 161 | 79·2
14 | 1,714 | 881 | 1,658 | 244 | 110 | 58 | 526 | 335 | 361 | 224 | 182 | 141 | 109 | 125 | 77·4 | 179 | 77·3
15 | 1,711 | 851 | 1,739 | 254 | 107 | 58 | 531 | 335 | 343 | 221 | 187 | 142 | 109 | 133 | 75·9 | 166 | 76·8
16 | 1,699 | 863 | 1,772 | 251 | 117 | 66 | 546 | 340 | 373 | 231 | 192 | 144 | 117 | 132 | 75·0 | 175 | 81·2
17 | 1,681 | 838 | 1,684 | 244 | 102 | 51 | 541 | 340 | 350 | 208 | 189 | 147 | ... | ... | 77·7 | ... | ...
18 | 1,595 | 843 | 1,590 | 254 | 107 | 64 | 528 | 356 | 343 | 213 | 194 | 137 | 111 | 125 | 70·6 | 170 | 81·0
19 | 1,663 | 871 | 1,625 | 241 | 107 | 58 | 534 | 338 | 343 | 218 | 185 | 146 | 115 | 133 | 78·8 | 164 | 79·5
20 | 1,625 | 830 | 1,696 | 259 | 114 | 66 | 516 | 330 | 333 | 196 | 182 | 140 | 113 | 130 | 76·9 | 151 | 80·7
21 | 1,685 | 870 | 1,800 | 279 | 115 | 60 | 555 | 341 | 350 | 223 | 196 | 147 | 109 | 134 | 75·0 | 166 | 74·8
22 | 1,675 | 830 | 1,740 | 257 | 110 | 60 | 520 | 329 | 332 | 202 | 180 | 132 | 105 | 129 | 73·3 | 157 | 79·5
23 | 1,635 | 840 | 1,665 | 250 | 106 | 55 | 530 | 334 | 346 | 198 | 180 | 134 | 103 | 133 | 74·2 | 149 | 76·9
24 | 1,680 | 820 | 1,770 | 251 | 105 | 54 | 526 | 328 | 329 | 190 | 186 | 130 | 99 | 128 | 69·9 | 148 | 76·2
25 | 1,690 | 860 | 1,760 | 256 | 101 | 57 | 525 | 340 | 340 | 199 | 186 | 138 | 103 | 133 | 74·0 | 150 | 74·6
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
Average | 1,664 | 853 | 1,704 | 252 | 110 | 62 | 531 | 338 | 350 | 214 | 187 | 141 | 110 | 128 | 75·2 | 162 | 78·8
========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+======+=====+=====
NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—KÂYASTH.
========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+======+=====+=====
Number. |Height of Vertex.
| |Height of Trunk.
| | |Span.
| | | |Left Foot.
| | | | |Left Middle Finger.
| | | | | |Right Ear Height.
| | | | | | |Round Head.
| | | | | | | |Inion to Glabella.
| | | | | | | | |Tragus to Tragus.
| | | | | | | | | |Vertex to Chin.
| | | | | | | | | | |Anteroposterior Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | |Maximum Transverse Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | |Minimum Frontal Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | |Bizygomatic Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Cephalic Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |General Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Frontal Index.
~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18
~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
1 | 1,656 | 846 | 1,694 | 254 | 102 | 64 | 546 | 348 | 338 | 234 | 196 | 137 | ... | ... | 69·9 | ... | ...
2 | 1,684 | 843 | 1,714 | 244 | 107 | 71 | 549 | 358 | 361 | 203 | 193 | 139 | ... | ... | 72·0 | ... | ...
3 | 1,640 | 838 | 1,727 | 254 | 107 | 69 | 551 | 356 | 356 | 200 | 197 | 139 | ... | ... | 70·1 | ... | ...
4 | 1,567 | 791 | 1,556 | 223 | 96 | 55 | 522 | 343 | 337 | 200 | 187 | 137 | 109 | 127 | 73·3 | 157 | 79·6
5 | 1,627 | 824 | 1,678 | 253 | 105 | 60 | 523 | 347 | 337 | 218 | 187 | 136 | 115 | 135 | 72·7 | 161 | 84·6
6 | 1,600 | 779 | 1,637 | 235 | 102 | 57 | 523 | 320 | 322 | 215 | 185 | 135 | 100 | 126 | 73·0 | 171 | 74·1
7 | 1,710 | 816 | 1,780 | 246 | 105 | 58 | 530 | 340 | 320 | 206 | 188 | 135 | 105 | 132 | 71·8 | 156 | 77·8
8 | 1,745 | 829 | 1,777 | 247 | 117 | 60 | 537 | 355 | 338 | 215 | 198 | 137 | 110 | 134 | 69·2 | 160 | 87·6
9 | 1,697 | 825 | 1,762 | 261 | 106 | 53 | 538 | 357 | 338 | 212 | 188 | 138 | 108 | 135 | 73·4 | 157 | 78·3
10 | 1,657 | 842 | 1,700 | 261 | 107 | 61 | 560 | 363 | 345 | 212 | 203 | 139 | 102 | 138 | 68·5 | 154 | 73·4
11 | 1,608 | 802 | 1,710 | 260 | 112 | 70 | 550 | 345 | 360 | 197 | 189 | 143 | 117 | 143 | 76·7 | 138 | 81·8
12 | 1,690 | 865 | 1,840 | 251 | 105 | 57 | 520 | 336 | 345 | 204 | 175 | 136 | 106 | 122 | 77·7 | 167 | 77·9
13 | 1,635 | 857 | 1,677 | 249 | 105 | 57 | 537 | 340 | 345 | 205 | 183 | 140 | 106 | 127 | 76·5 | 161 | 75·7
14 | 1,700 | 895 | 1,685 | 254 | 110 | 61 | 530 | 344 | 340 | 209 | 190 | 131 | 100 | 130 | 68·9 | 161 | 76·3
15 | 1,694 | 865 | 1,766 | 267 | 108 | 58 | 540 | 350 | 347 | 206 | 185 | 134 | 102 | 127 | 72·4 | 162 | 76·1
16 | 1,695 | 860 | 1,715 | 254 | 100 | 57 | 526 | 360 | 344 | 193 | 177 | 131 | 108 | 130 | 74·1 | 148 | 82·4
17 | 1,725 | 885 | 1,801 | 250 | 104 | 56 | 544 | 352 | 361 | 220 | 183 | 143 | 109 | 143 | 78·1 | 153 | 76·2
18 | 1,610 | 855 | 1,695 | 255 | 107 | 61 | 529 | 370 | 359 | 202 | 188 | 143 | 103 | 135 | 76·1 | 150 | 72·0
19 | 1,650 | 820 | 1,750 | 240 | 103 | 56 | 535 | 346 | 350 | 184 | 183 | 141 | 98 | 128 | 77·0 | 144 | 69·5
20 | 1,665 | 845 | 1,705 | 237 | 106 | 51 | 523 | 334 | 331 | 193 | 179 | 135 | 96 | 126 | 75·4 | 153 | 71·1
21 | 1,655 | 840 | 1,769 | 259 | 108 | 59 | 550 | 370 | 364 | 212 | 184 | 140 | 100 | 134 | 76·1 | 158 | 71·4
22 | 1,530 | 825 | 1,616 | 228 | 106 | 64 | 561 | 340 | 334 | 209 | 192 | 135 | 110 | 132 | 70·3 | 158 | 81·5
23 | 1,625 | 853 | 1,742 | 263 | 110 | 60 | 550 | 342 | 340 | 220 | 190 | 140 | 109 | 133 | 73·7 | 166 | 77·9
24 | 1,710 | 825 | 1,795 | 250 | 110 | 56 | 530 | 330 | 330 | 209 | 186 | 139 | 100 | 128 | 74·7 | 155 | 71·9
25 | 1,690 | 845 | 1,765 | 251 | 114 | 60 | 530 | 335 | 340 | 200 | 180 | 136 | 102 | 128 | 75·6 | 156 | 75·0
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
Average | 1,659 | 839 | 1,722 | 250 | 106 | 59 | 537 | 346 | 344 | 207 | 183 | 138 | 105 | 132 | 73·4 | 157 | 76·7
========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+======+=====+=====
NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—JHANGÂRA RÂJPUTS.
========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+======+=====+=====
Number. |Height of Vertex.
| |Height of Trunk.
| | |Span.
| | | |Left Foot.
| | | | |Left Middle Finger.
| | | | | |Right Ear Height.
| | | | | | |Round Head.
| | | | | | | |Inion to Glabella.
| | | | | | | | |Tragus to Tragus.
| | | | | | | | | |Vertex to Chin.
| | | | | | | | | | |Anteroposterior Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | |Maximum Transverse Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | |Minimum Frontal Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | |Bizygomatic Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Cephalic Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |General Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Frontal Index.
~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18
~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
1 | 1,714 | 891 | 1,851 | 257 | 117 | 76 | 566 | 376 | 376 | 231 | 192 | 151 | 120 | 141 | 78·6 | 164 | 79·5
2 | 1,684 | 869 | 1,765 | 254 | 114 | 71 | 559 | 363 | 361 | 216 | 194 | 146 | 115 | 135 | 75·3 | 160 | 78·8
3 | 1,770 | 879 | 1,838 | 259 | 114 | 64 | 559 | 356 | 366 | 200 | 193 | 147 | 116 | 140 | 76·2 | 143 | 78·9
4 | 1,668 | 858 | 1,729 | 259 | 112 | 66 | 541 | 343 | 348 | 183 | 185 | 143 | 116 | 140 | 77·4 | 131 | 81·1
5 | 1,752 | 838 | 1,803 | 254 | 119 | 71 | 518 | 328 | 356 | 200 | 178 | 135 | 118 | 135 | 75·8 | 148 | 87·4
6 | 1,676 | 856 | 1,760 | 254 | 114 | 69 | 549 | 358 | 366 | 200 | 195 | 136 | 114 | 136 | 69·7 | 147 | 83·8
7 | 1,734 | 884 | 1,815 | 264 | 124 | 69 | 554 | 361 | 353 | 216 | 203 | 139 | 111 | 136 | 68·4 | 159 | 79·9
8 | 1,696 | 838 | 1,760 | 249 | 110 | 64 | 549 | 348 | 353 | 206 | 200 | 140 | 110 | 132 | 70·0 | 156 | 78·6
9 | 1,770 | 909 | 1,825 | 264 | 119 | 61 | 566 | 358 | 376 | 211 | 204 | 144 | 125 | 142 | 70·6 | 149 | 86·8
10 | 1,661 | 833 | 1,714 | 251 | 117 | 66 | 546 | 350 | 356 | 213 | 191 | 145 | 120 | 135 | 76·0 | 158 | 82·6
11 | 1,6 0 | 828 | 1,650 | 244 | 102 | 64 | 541 | 350 | 353 | 221 | 194 | 139 | ... | ... | 71·6 | ... | ...
12 | 1,671 | 853 | 1,727 | 262 | 112 | 58 | 543 | 356 | 356 | 211 | 195 | 140 | ... | ... | 71·8 | ... | ...
13 | 1,652 | 895 | 1,730 | 248 | 109 | 67 | 564 | 358 | 354 | 206 | 195 | 144 | 118 | 142 | 73·8 | 145 | 81·9
14 | 1,658 | 865 | 1,767 | 263 | 105 | 60 | 562 | 345 | 364 | 205 | 194 | 139 | 110 | 129 | 71·6 | 159 | 79·1
15 | 1,783 | 925 | 1,835 | 275 | 117 | 63 | 571 | 359 | 373 | 225 | 197 | 144 | 115 | 143 | 73·1 | 157 | 79·9
16 | 1,655 | 875 | 1,648 | 241 | 99 | 59 | 553 | 360 | 370 | 207 | 194 | 142 | 109 | 132 | 73·2 | 157 | 76·8
17 | 1,640 | 863 | 1,665 | 240 | 105 | 70 | 542 | 348 | 329 | 213 | 191 | 133 | 104 | 132 | 69·6 | 160 | 78·6
18 | 1,665 | 908 | 1,695 | 252 | 109 | 61 | 516 | 320 | 328 | 203 | 180 | 136 | 103 | 126 | 75·6 | 163 | 75·7
19 | 1,708 | 872 | 1,761 | 256 | 104 | 65 | 570 | 350 | 350 | 220 | 200 | 144 | 107 | 137 | 72·0 | 161 | 74·3
20 | 1,785 | 890 | 1,830 | 264 | 111 | 63 | 553 | 335 | 347 | 222 | 197 | 140 | 118 | 140 | 71·0 | 159 | 84·3
21 | 1,740 | 945 | 1,755 | 264 | 112 | 68 | 545 | 360 | 355 | 227 | 197 | 134 | 103 | 133 | 68·0 | 171 | 76·9
22 | 1,720 | 880 | 1,850 | 260 | 110 | 67 | 545 | 369 | 370 | 223 | 187 | 146 | 112 | 140 | 78·1 | 159 | 77·5
23 | 1,690 | 895 | 1,729 | 255 | 110 | 64 | 540 | 345 | 354 | 225 | 186 | 241 | 103 | 133 | 75·0 | 169 | 73·0
24 | 1,690 | 876 | 1,750 | 255 | 110 | 61 | 535 | 332 | 349 | 224 | 185 | 139 | 99 | 130 | 75·1 | 172 | 71·2
25 | 1,780 | 805 | 1,895 | 255 | 115 | 62 | 525 | 334 | 325 | 203 | 184 | 131 | 100 | 131 | 71·2 | 154 | 76·3
26 | 1,765 | 855 | 1,822 | 265 | 108 | 65 | 533 | 330 | 348 | 212 | 180 | 139 | 100 | 134 | 77·2 | 157 | 71·9
27 | 1,710 | 863 | 1,749 | 265 | 104 | 61 | 562 | 370 | 360 | 236 | 195 | 139 | 103 | 135 | 71·3 | 175 | 74·1
28 | 1,590 | 790 | 1,670 | 251 | 108 | 60 | 540 | 353 | 352 | 221 | 188 | 140 | 100 | 133 | 74·5 | 167 | 71·4
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
Average | 1,702 | 866 | 1,767 | 257 | 111 | 65 | 549 | 351 | 372 | 214 | 192 | 137 | 110 | 136 | 73·7 | 158 | 78·9
========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+======+=====+=====
NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—BARGÛJAR RÂJPUTS.
========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+======+=====+=====
Number. |Height of Vertex.
| |Height of Trunk.
| | |Span.
| | | |Left Foot.
| | | | |Left Middle Finger.
| | | | | |Right Ear Height.
| | | | | | |Round Head.
| | | | | | | |Inion to Glabella.
| | | | | | | | |Tragus to Tragus.
| | | | | | | | | |Vertex to Chin.
| | | | | | | | | | |Anteroposterior Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | |Maximum Transverse Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | |Minimum Frontal Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | |Bizygomatic Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Cephalic Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |General Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Frontal Index.
~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18
~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
1 | 1,732 | 884 | 1,815 | 279 | 119 | 66 | 538 | 348 | 356 | 243 | 195 | 137 | ... | ... | 70·3 | ... | ...
2 | 1,750 | 881 | 1,859 | 259 | 107 | 64 | 571 | 383 | 368 | 241 | 203 | 142 | ... | ... | 70·0 | ... | ...
3 | 1,701 | 838 | 1,772 | 264 | 119 | 64 | 564 | 371 | 381 | 241 | 201 | 145 | ... | ... | 72·6 | ... | ...
4 | 1,769 | 792 | 1,635 | 246 | 102 | 56 | 526 | 330 | 353 | 200 | 187 | 141 | ... | ... | 75·6 | ... | ...
5 | 1,628 | 813 | 1,612 | 262 | 110 | 58 | 541 | 361 | 371 | 239 | 194 | 142 | ... | ... | 73·2 | ... | ...
6 | 1,656 | 841 | 1,797 | 254 | 107 | 69 | 556 | 368 | 376 | 236 | 201 | 143 | ... | ... | 71·1 | ... | ...
7 | 1,734 | 869 | 1,869 | 267 | 117 | 66 | 551 | 340 | 376 | 216 | 198 | 145 | ... | ... | 73·2 | ... | ...
8 | 1,848 | 896 | 1,981 | 282 | 117 | 64 | 538 | 330 | 345 | 206 | 192 | 140 | ... | ... | 72·9 | ... | ...
9 | 1,709 | 858 | 1,815 | 257 | 110 | 69 | 541 | 340 | 361 | 231 | 195 | 142 | ... | ... | 72·8 | ... | ...
10 | 1,656 | 843 | 1,765 | 257 | 110 | 76 | 538 | 343 | 363 | 188 | 191 | 139 | 119 | 130 | 72·8 | 145 | 85·6
11 | 1,734 | 881 | 1,820 | 262 | 117 | 64 | 533 | 333 | 350 | 211 | 186 | 136 | 122 | 138 | 73·1 | 153 | 89·0
12 | 1,658 | ... | 1,797 | 254 | 117 | 61 | 549 | 333 | 330 | ... | 190 | 130 | ... | ... | 68·1 | ... | ...
13 | 1,628 | ... | 1,673 | 251 | 107 | 58 | 533 | 330 | 330 | ... | 188 | 130 | ... | ... | 69·1 | ... | ...
14 | 1,755 | 858 | 1,841 | 267 | 112 | 69 | 538 | 353 | 356 | 206 | 193 | 137 | ... | ... | 71·0 | ... | ...
15 | 1,630 | 830 | 1,766 | 254 | 112 | 60 | 540 | 335 | 340 | 199 | 182 | 140 | 111 | 126 | 76·9 | 158 | 79·3
16 | 1,695 | 855 | 1,755 | 257 | 112 | 57 | 541 | 347 | 339 | 205 | 187 | 133 | 106 | 131 | 71·1 | 156 | 79·7
17 | 1,730 | 840 | 1,842 | 260 | 120 | 70 | 535 | 335 | 350 | 219 | 185 | 139 | 105 | 142 | 75·1 | 154 | 75·5
18 | 1,770 | 890 | 1,811 | 271 | 120 | 63 | 555 | 360 | 355 | 223 | 193 | 142 | 103 | 133 | 73·6 | 168 | 72·5
19 | 1,718 | 875 | 1,805 | 277 | 120 | 64 | 535 | 335 | 335 | 207 | 190 | 130 | 102 | 135 | 68·4 | 153 | 78·4
20 | 1,709 | 880 | 1,805 | 263 | 110 | 62 | 545 | 329 | 340 | 224 | 187 | 139 | 102 | 137 | 74·3 | 164 | 73·4
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
Average | 1,701 | 945 | 1,791 | 262 | 113 | 64 | 543 | 345 | 354 | 217 | 192 | 139 | 109 | 134 | 71·8 | 156 | 77·7
NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—BRÂHMAN (SANÂDH).
========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+======+=====+=====
Number. |Height of Vertex.
| |Height of Trunk.
| | |Span.
| | | |Left Foot.
| | | | |Left Middle Finger.
| | | | | |Right Ear Height.
| | | | | | |Round Head.
| | | | | | | |Inion to Glabella.
| | | | | | | | |Tragus to Tragus.
| | | | | | | | | |Vertex to Chin.
| | | | | | | | | | |Anteroposterior Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | |Maximum Transverse Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | |Minimum Frontal Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | |Bizygomatic Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Cephalic Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |General Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Frontal Index.
~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18
~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
1 | 1,744 | 881 | 1,836 | 279 | 119 | 66 | 533 | 328 | 345 | 211 | 193 | 138 | ... | ... | 71·4 | ... | ...
2 | 1,630 | 846 | 1,717 | 254 | 107 | 69 | 541 | 333 | 340 | 216 | 192 | 144 | ... | ... | 75·0 | ... | ...
3 | 1,700 | 848 | 1,772 | 259 | 107 | 61 | 541 | 333 | 348 | 208 | 184 | 146 | ... | ... | 79·4 | ... | ...
4 | 1,706 | 856 | 1,828 | 259 | 112 | 64 | 566 | 343 | 353 | 234 | 200 | 148 | ... | ... | 74·0 | ... | ...
5 | 1,770 | 896 | 1,841 | 284 | 114 | 66 | 551 | 358 | 368 | 221 | 191 | 144 | ... | ... | 75·3 | ... | ...
6 | 1,709 | 874 | 1,702 | 274 | 110 | 69 | 549 | 366 | 361 | 208 | 199 | 139 | ... | ... | 69·9 | ... | ...
7 | 1,747 | 863 | 1,815 | 274 | 119 | 64 | 549 | 358 | 361 | 208 | 191 | 146 | ... | ... | 76·4 | ... | ...
8 | 1,724 | 863 | 1,820 | 269 | 114 | 69 | 566 | 356 | 356 | 208 | 201 | 146 | ... | ... | 72·6 | ... | ...
9 | 1,612 | 835 | 1,711 | 257 | 107 | 56 | 538 | 348 | 343 | 221 | 190 | 139 | ... | ... | 73·2 | ... | ...
10 | 1,607 | 823 | 1,700 | 254 | 104 | 64 | 559 | 353 | 348 | 213 | 200 | 144 | ... | ... | 72·0 | ... | ...
11 | 1,810 | 609 | 1,864 | 228 | 117 | 64 | 546 | 345 | 348 | 200 | 195 | 140 | ... | ... | 71·8 | ... | ...
12 | 1,765 | 896 | 1,823 | 282 | 117 | 64 | 559 | 356 | 373 | 226 | 194 | 145 | ... | ... | 74·7 | ... | ...
13 | 1,663 | 856 | 1,694 | 282 | 112 | 66 | 549 | 348 | 363 | 218 | 195 | 145 | ... | ... | 74·4 | ... | ...
14 | 1,727 | 820 | 1,765 | 267 | 110 | 66 | 536 | 345 | 343 | 208 | 190 | 135 | ... | ... | 71·1 | ... | ...
15 | 1,660 | 855 | 1,740 | 266 | 105 | 57 | 526 | 340 | 350 | 222 | 186 | 136 | 102 | 131 | 73·1 | 169 | 75·0
16 | 1,582 | 835 | 1,627 | 260 | 114 | 71 | 549 | 345 | 350 | 229 | 186 | 138 | 97 | 136 | 74·2 | 168 | 70·3
17 | 1,590 | 810 | 1,637 | 244 | 110 | 61 | 525 | 315 | 320 | 207 | 187 | 134 | 107 | 130 | 71·7 | 160 | 79·9
18 | 1,672 | 852 | 1,722 | 248 | 111 | 58 | 553 | 361 | 357 | 236 | 200 | 135 | 103 | 130 | 67·5 | 182 | 76·3
19 | 1,630 | 835 | 1,749 | 256 | 117 | 64 | 526 | 325 | 330 | 222 | 186 | 130 | 105 | 130 | 69·9 | 171 | 80·8
20 | 1,594 | 776 | 1,670 | 234 | 104 | 64 | 536 | 343 | 352 | 211 | 185 | 145 | 113 | 130 | 78·4 | 162 | 77·9
21 | 1,660 | 827 | 1,768 | 244 | 107 | 56 | 534 | 330 | 341 | 222 | 182 | 140 | 102 | 128 | 76·9 | 173 | 72·9
22 | 1,732 | 915 | 1,770 | 265 | 114 | 67 | 573 | 378 | 370 | 225 | 200 | 142 | 110 | 130 | 71·0 | 173 | 77·5
23 | 1,673 | 805 | 1,782 | 256 | 117 | 57 | 508 | 320 | 325 | 220 | 179 | 133 | 110 | 126 | 74·3 | 175 | 82·7
24 | 1,685 | 840 | 1,755 | 249 | 116 | 59 | 520 | 336 | 343 | 220 | 185 | 132 | 112 | 135 | 71·4 | 163 | 84·8
25 | 1,604 | 824 | 1,724 | 227 | 107 | 56 | 535 | 322 | 340 | 190 | 185 | 140 | 94 | 130 | 75·7 | 146 | 67·1
26 | 1,605 | 850 | 1,685 | 252 | 114 | 60 | 538 | 360 | 360 | 224 | 190 | 136 | 102 | 126 | 71·6 | 178 | 75·0
27 | 1,625 | 826 | 1,686 | 233 | 105 | 61 | 534 | 340 | 330 | 194 | 179 | 129 | 98 | 129 | 72·1 | 150 | 76·0
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
Average | 1,675 | 848 | 1,749 | 260 | 111 | 63 | 542 | 343 | 349 | 191 | 191 | 140 | 104 | 130 | 73·7 | 167 | 76·6
NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—BHURJI.
========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+======+=====+=====
Number. |Height of Vertex.
| |Height of Trunk.
| | |Span.
| | | |Left Foot.
| | | | |Left Middle Finger.
| | | | | |Right Ear Height.
| | | | | | |Round Head.
| | | | | | | |Inion to Glabella.
| | | | | | | | |Tragus to Tragus.
| | | | | | | | | |Vertex to Chin.
| | | | | | | | | | |Anteroposterior Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | |Maximum Transverse Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | |Minimum Frontal Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | |Bizygomatic Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Cephalic Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |General Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Frontal Index.
~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18
~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
1 | 1,554 | 805 | 1,549 | 229 | 99 | 69 | 528 | 340 | 330 | 190 | 190 | 139 | 109 | 127 | 73·2 | 150 | 78·4
2 | 1,591 | 845 | 1,567 | 237 | 99 | 58 | 558 | 342 | 362 | 206 | 190 | 145 | 116 | 138 | 76·3 | 149 | 80·4
3 | 1,662 | 820 | 1,765 | 246 | 108 | 59 | 532 | 335 | 338 | 215 | 186 | 139 | 110 | 136 | 74·7 | 158 | 79·1
4 | 1,667 | 857 | 1,740 | 256 | 117 | 60 | 538 | 365 | 353 | 207 | 196 | 134 | 112 | 132 | 63·3 | 157 | 83·6
5 | 1,615 | 825 | 1,705 | 251 | 108 | 66 | 520 | 330 | 335 | 213 | 181 | 134 | 104 | 127 | 74·0 | 168 | 77·6
6 | 1,630 | 845 | 1,690 | 248 | 110 | 62 | 542 | 345 | 344 | 212 | 190 | 139 | 102 | 128 | 73·2 | 166 | 73·5
7 | 1,590 | 839 | 1,621 | 250 | 111 | 62 | 542 | 341 | 350 | 202 | 190 | 138 | 100 | 126 | 72·6 | 160 | 72·5
8 | 1,585 | 823 | 1,650 | 241 | 109 | 63 | 512 | 320 | 323 | 186 | 173 | 130 | 101 | 126 | 75·1 | 148 | 77·7
9 | 1,649 | 820 | 1,684 | 255 | 111 | 65 | 522 | 330 | 341 | 190 | 186 | 129 | 96 | 128 | 69·4 | 148 | 74·4
10 | 1,680 | 830 | 1,725 | 246 | 105 | 57 | 508 | 322 | 335 | 212 | 176 | 138 | 101 | 131 | 78·4 | 162 | 73·2
11 | 1,650 | 850 | 1,775 | 253 | 115 | 59 | 520 | 323 | 325 | 214 | 184 | 132 | 100 | 130 | 71·7 | 165 | 75·8
12 | 1,600 | 804 | 1,718 | 242 | 103 | 63 | 526 | 325 | 333 | 206 | 185 | 130 | 99 | 125 | 70·3 | 165 | 76·2
13 | 1,590 | 806 | 1,645 | 247 | 100 | 58 | 530 | 325 | 330 | 215 | 183 | 134 | 102 | 124 | 73·2 | 173 | 76·1
14 | 1,600 | 820 | 1,759 | 254 | 111 | 63 | 533 | 350 | 336 | 214 | 195 | 142 | 105 | 125 | 72·8 | 171 | 73·9
15 | 1,640 | 825 | 1,695 | 243 | 105 | 66 | 526 | 330 | 335 | 206 | 178 | 134 | 102 | 126 | 75·8 | 163 | 76·1
16 | 1,591 | 780 | 1,699 | 233 | 104 | 58 | 525 | 326 | 328 | 207 | 188 | 134 | 98 | 127 | 71·3 | 163 | 73·1
17 | 1,612 | 810 | 1,680 | 246 | 110 | 61 | 528 | 335 | 327 | 200 | 185 | 134 | 108 | 130 | 72·4 | 154 | 80·6
18 | 1,680 | 845 | 1,750 | 258 | 114 | 66 | 526 | 329 | 330 | 217 | 180 | 138 | 100 | 130 | 76·7 | 167 | 71·7
19 | 1,600 | 810 | 1,718 | 241 | 108 | 61 | 529 | 330 | 330 | 204 | 184 | 134 | 98 | 131 | 72·8 | 155 | 73·1
20 | 1,590 | 805 | 1,666 | 243 | 109 | 60 | 528 | 336 | 332 | 196 | 179 | 130 | 100 | 125 | 72·6 | 157 | 76·9
21 | 1,590 | 825 | 1,709 | 245 | 106 | 60 | 530 | 360 | 360 | 214 | 184 | 143 | 100 | 129 | 77·7 | 164 | 69·9
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
Average | 1,618 | 823 | 1,691 | 246 | 108 | 64 | 529 | 335 | 337 | 206 | 185 | 136 | 117 | 129 | 73·2 | 160 | 75·9
NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—MEWÂTI.
========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+======+=====+=====
Number. |Height of Vertex.
| |Height of Trunk.
| | |Span.
| | | |Left Foot.
| | | | |Left Middle Finger.
| | | | | |Right Ear Height.
| | | | | | |Round Head.
| | | | | | | |Inion to Glabella.
| | | | | | | | |Tragus to Tragus.
| | | | | | | | | |Vertex to Chin.
| | | | | | | | | | |Anteroposterior Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | |Maximum Transverse Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | |Minimum Frontal Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | |Bizygomatic Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Cephalic Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |General Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Frontal Index.
~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18
~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
1 | 1,742 | 881 | 1,807 | 264 | 112 | 61 | 546 | 373 | 376 | 229 | 201 | 133 | ... | ... | 66·2 | ... | ...
2 | 1,671 | 858 | 1,739 | 241 | 102 | 58 | 538 | 358 | 348 | 231 | 194 | 133 | ... | ... | 69·6 | ... | ...
3 | 1,689 | 838 | 1,752 | 254 | 102 | 69 | 538 | 356 | 350 | 234 | 195 | 140 | ... | ... | 71·8 | ... | ...
4 | 1,694 | 835 | 1,793 | 259 | 107 | 58 | 526 | 335 | 348 | 193 | 184 | 141 | ... | ... | 76·6 | ... | ...
5 | 1,694 | 881 | 1,755 | 254 | 112 | 61 | 526 | 343 | 330 | 208 | 190 | 131 | ... | ... | 68·9 | ... | ...
6 | 1,643 | 833 | 1,701 | 239 | 104 | 58 | 516 | 330 | 335 | 203 | 185 | 139 | ... | ... | 75·1 | ... | ...
7 | 1,651 | 800 | 1,734 | 249 | 104 | 61 | 538 | 323 | 340 | 211 | 184 | 138 | 117 | 131 | 75·0 | 161 | 84·8
8 | 1,724 | 853 | 1,782 | 269 | 119 | 69 | 554 | 350 | 340 | 211 | 200 | 136 | 114 | 133 | 68·0 | 159 | 83·8
9 | 1,668 | 830 | 1,732 | 274 | 117 | 61 | 533 | 330 | 330 | 200 | 188 | 137 | 107 | 132 | 72·9 | 152 | 78·0
10 | 1,658 | 838 | 1,737 | 257 | 107 | 64 | 541 | 343 | 350 | 231 | 193 | 138 | 117 | 131 | 71·5 | 176 | 84·7
11 | 1,737 | 868 | 1,841 | 287 | 114 | 66 | 538 | 356 | 361 | 211 | 193 | 137 | 116 | 141 | 71·0 | 150 | 84·7
12 | 1,549 | 782 | 1,638 | 236 | 107 | 64 | 523 | 338 | 330 | 229 | 184 | 137 | 111 | 130 | 74·5 | 176 | 81·0
13 | 1,714 | 828 | 1,869 | 267 | 117 | 64 | 549 | 350 | 361 | 216 | 192 | 142 | 121 | 139 | 73·9 | 155 | 85·2
14 | 1,648 | 841 | 1,671 | 257 | 112 | 61 | 526 | 338 | 343 | 196 | 185 | 135 | 108 | 126 | 73·0 | 156 | 80·0
15 | 1,546 | 805 | 1,558 | 235 | 105 | 63 | 575 | 330 | 320 | 205 | 181 | 132 | 98 | 128 | 72·9 | 160 | 74·2
16 | 1,656 | 825 | 1,760 | 250 | 107 | 65 | 637 | 343 | 350 | 210 | 191 | 140 | 105 | 132 | 73·3 | 159 | 75·0
17 | 1,793 | 890 | 1,885 | 267 | 120 | 66 | 560 | 357 | 358 | 206 | 195 | 141 | 117 | 135 | 72·3 | 153 | 83·0
18 | 1,668 | 865 | 1,745 | 251 | 109 | 54 | 548 | 360 | 350 | 220 | 195 | 143 | 110 | 141 | 73·3 | 156 | 76·9
19 | 1,725 | 900 | 1,765 | 255 | 112 | 71 | 506 | 308 | 335 | 199 | 184 | 133 | 99 | 128 | 72·8 | 155 | 74·4
20 | 1,645 | 865 | 1,680 | 248 | 114 | 58 | 512 | 306 | 340 | 201 | 173 | 144 | 109 | 135 | 83·2 | 149 | 75·7
21 | 1,610 | 820 | 1,715 | 248 | 105 | 61 | 545 | 363 | 360 | 205 | 190 | 139 | 109 | 130 | 73·2 | 158 | 78·4
22 | 1,650 | 835 | 1,688 | 243 | 109 | 54 | 560 | 370 | 380 | 223 | 195 | 142 | 105 | 132 | 72·8 | 169 | 73·9
23 | 1,656 | 800 | 1,720 | 259 | 113 | 57 | 533 | 334 | 330 | 196 | 182 | 132 | 100 | 129 | 72·5 | 151 | 75·8
24 | 1,659 | 825 | 1,762 | 258 | 117 | 66 | 545 | 342 | 343 | 200 | 185 | 136 | 96 | 125 | 73·5 | 160 | 70·6
25 | 1,600 | 803 | 1,664 | 244 | 110 | 57 | 518 | 315 | 318 | 187 | 179 | 127 | 102 | 128 | 70·9 | 146 | 80·3
26 | 1,635 | 830 | 1,700 | 252 | 112 | 58 | 540 | 349 | 358 | 207 | 196 | 140 | 105 | 135 | 71·4 | 153 | 75·0
27 | 1,577 | 798 | 1,627 | 242 | 105 | 56 | 529 | 330 | 335 | 211 | 189 | 135 | 102 | 125 | 71·4 | 169 | 75·6
28 | 1,590 | 825 | 1,634 | 237 | 113 | 57 | 526 | 330 | 329 | 195 | 180 | 137 | 99 | 126 | 76·1 | 155 | 72·3
29 | 1,684 | 845 | 1,783 | 262 | 120 | 61 | 532 | 344 | 334 | 192 | 181 | 138 | 100 | 128 | 76·6 | 150 | 72·5
30 | 1,623 | 833 | 1,664 | 238 | 105 | 61 | 528 | 340 | 335 | 189 | 182 | 130 | 100 | 129 | 71·4 | 147 | 76·9
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
Average | 1,643 | 838 | 1,727 | 253 | 110 | 61 | 536 | 341 | 344 | 208 | 188 | 137 | 105 | 127 | 72·5 | 157 | 78·0
NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—SAYYID.
========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+======+=====+=====
Number. |Height of Vertex.
| |Height of Trunk.
| | |Span.
| | | |Left Foot.
| | | | |Left Middle Finger.
| | | | | |Right Ear Height.
| | | | | | |Round Head.
| | | | | | | |Inion to Glabella.
| | | | | | | | |Tragus to Tragus.
| | | | | | | | | |Vertex to Chin.
| | | | | | | | | | |Anteroposterior Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | |Maximum Transverse Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | |Minimum Frontal Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | |Bizygomatic Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Cephalic Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |General Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Frontal Index.
~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18
~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
1 | 1,724 | 846 | 1,775 | 269 | 110 | 64 | 520 | 333 | 338 | 216 | 185 | 134 | 108 | 130 | 72·4 | 166 | 80·6
2 | 1,602 | 797 | 1,607 | 246 | 102 | 58 | 520 | 328 | 330 | 200 | 183 | 139 | 114 | 129 | 75·9 | 155 | 82·0
3 | 1,691 | 851 | 1,734 | 254 | 102 | 56 | 530 | 356 | 343 | 218 | 189 | 138 | 125 | 138 | 73·0 | 158 | 90·6
4 | 1,645 | 889 | 1,587 | 241 | 107 | 66 | 520 | 330 | 343 | 221 | 185 | 133 | 117 | 135 | 71·8 | 164 | 87·9
5 | 1,582 | 795 | 1,633 | 249 | 102 | 64 | 513 | 317 | 330 | 188 | 182 | 132 | 105 | 127 | 72·5 | 148 | 79·5
6 | 1,709 | 858 | 1,795 | 262 | 110 | 71 | 538 | 358 | 360 | 218 | 195 | 140 | 109 | 130 | 71·8 | 168 | 77·9
7 | 1,700 | 890 | 1,710 | 252 | 112 | 59 | 537 | 344 | 347 | 203 | 181 | 150 | 105 | 141 | 82·8 | 144 | 70·0
8 | 1,645 | 810 | 1,711 | 250 | 113 | 57 | 545 | 323 | 336 | 210 | 181 | 140 | 101 | 133 | 77·3 | 158 | 72·1
9 | 1,727 | 892 | 1,724 | 250 | 106 | 67 | 555 | 360 | 359 | 228 | 192 | 140 | 103 | 136 | 72·8 | 168 | 73·6
10 | 1,683 | 895 | 1,683 | 240 | 110 | 60 | 539 | 358 | 350 | 204 | 182 | 147 | 99 | 130 | 80·8 | 157 | 67·4
11 | 1,803 | 905 | 1,852 | 266 | 130 | 65 | 530 | 338 | 339 | 191 | 190 | 133 | 104 | 138 | 70·0 | 138 | 78·1
12 | 1,612 | 825 | 1,576 | 234 | 104 | 55 | 520 | 330 | 330 | 193 | 182 | 132 | 93 | 122 | 72·5 | 158 | 70·5
13 | 1,700 | 870 | 1,762 | 256 | 107 | 57 | 515 | 337 | 335 | 205 | 178 | 135 | 104 | 135 | 75·8 | 152 | 77·4
14 | 1,620 | 820 | 1,724 | 241 | 100 | 57 | 534 | 325 | 350 | 210 | 183 | 138 | 107 | 127 | 75·4 | 165 | 77·5
15 | 1,690 | 840 | 1,765 | 266 | 117 | 60 | 553 | 365 | 360 | 216 | 187 | 132 | 102 | 132 | 70·6 | 163 | 77·3
16 | 1,670 | 850 | 1,772 | 262 | 110 | 63 | 540 | 330 | 335 | 185 | 178 | 138 | 107 | 137 | 77·5 | 135 | 77·5
17 | 1,615 | 815 | 1,699 | 260 | 110 | 63 | 538 | 350 | 330 | 204 | 179 | 132 | 97 | 130 | 73·7 | 157 | 73·5
18 | 1,675 | 820 | 1,610 | 251 | 104 | 62 | 540 | 350 | 350 | 192 | 186 | 145 | 110 | 131 | 78·0 | 147 | 75·9
19 | 1,650 | 855 | 1,700 | 253 | 112 | 60 | 545 | 330 | 335 | 214 | 187 | 134 | 105 | 127 | 71·7 | 169 | 78·4
20 | 1,600 | 807 | 1,685 | 250 | 107 | 59 | 534 | 350 | 340 | 196 | 182 | 137 | 102 | 130 | 75·3 | 151 | 74·5
21 | 1,590 | 825 | 1,625 | 251 | 114 | 62 | 537 | 335 | 330 | 195 | 180 | 137 | 107 | 135 | 76·1 | 144 | 78·1
22 | 1,575 | 825 | 1,680 | 236 | 102 | 62 | 524 | 330 | 331 | 200 | 181 | 130 | 95 | 126 | 71·8 | 159 | 73·1
23 | 1,590 | 780 | 1,652 | 251 | 110 | 57 | 540 | 354 | 360 | 212 | 189 | 137 | 103 | 127 | 72·5 | 167 | 75·2
24 | 1,550 | 820 | 1,580 | 240 | 112 | 57 | 527 | 334 | 329 | 206 | 184 | 130 | 105 | 127 | 70·7 | 162 | 80·8
25 | 1,600 | 815 | 1,675 | 250 | 115 | 58 | 560 | 360 | 370 | 209 | 186 | 130 | 108 | 132 | 69·9 | 158 | 83·1
26 | 1,650 | 830 | 1,725 | 252 | 115 | 56 | 530 | 360 | 360 | 185 | 185 | 135 | 97 | 125 | 73·0 | 148 | 71·9
27 | 1,730 | 865 | 1,780 | 278 | 120 | 62 | 540 | 360 | 360 | 189 | 185 | 135 | 110 | 130 | 73·0 | 145 | 81·5
28 | 1,720 | 885 | 1,760 | 256 | 115 | 58 | 560 | 350 | 360 | 212 | 185 | 135 | 110 | 125 | 73·0 | 170 | 81·5
29 | 1,632 | 820 | 1,720 | 225 | 105 | 56 | 530 | 350 | 330 | 182 | 179 | 130 | 100 | 127 | 72·6 | 143 | 76·9
30 | 1,650 | 815 | 1,745 | 257 | 115 | 61 | 560 | 370 | 360 | 193 | 190 | 135 | 110 | 133 | 71·1 | 145 | 81·5
31 | 1,740 | 865 | 1,795 | 260 | 115 | 52 | 550 | 330 | 330 | 196 | 184 | 130 | 110 | 130 | 70·7 | 151 | 84·6
32 | 1,652 | 850 | 1,750 | 238 | 115 | 63 | 550 | 375 | 350 | 197 | 190 | 138 | 110 | 125 | 73·2 | 158 | 79·7
33 | 1,640 | 835 | 1,790 | 252 | 120 | 56 | 570 | 380 | 375 | 219 | 197 | 134 | 108 | 134 | 68·0 | 164 | 80·6
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
Average | 1,653 | 838 | 1,709 | 252 | 111 | 60 | 537 | 345 | 345 | 203 | 184 | 136 | 106 | 131 | 73·2 | 157 | 77·6
NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—NAT.
========+=======+=====+=======+=====+=====+====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+======+=====+=====
Number. |Height of Vertex.
| |Height of Trunk.
| | |Span.
| | | |Left Foot.
| | | | |Left Middle Finger.
| | | | | |Right Ear Height.
| | | | | | |Round Head.
| | | | | | | |Inion to Glabella.
| | | | | | | | |Tragus to Tragus.
| | | | | | | | | |Vertex to Chin.
| | | | | | | | | | |Anteroposterior Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | |Maximum Transverse Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | |Minimum Frontal Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | |Bizygomatic Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Cephalic Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |General Index.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Frontal Index.
~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18
~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
1 | 1,574 | 782 | 1,668 | 246 | 102 | 64 | 549 | 338 | 330 | 198 | 198 | 143 | 116 | 131 | 72·2 | 151 | 81·1
2 | 1,777 | 886 | 1,823 | 262 | 107 | 66 | 541 | 345 | 353 | 208 | 194 | 144 | 120 | 137 | 74·2 | 152 | 83·3
3 | 1,633 | 858 | 1,678 | 249 | 102 | 61 | 536 | 343 | 348 | 193 | 188 | 146 | 114 | 123 | 77·7 | 156 | 78·1
4 | 1,663 | 876 | 1,719 | 257 | 110 | 51 | 523 | 330 | 348 | 211 | 184 | 138 | 123 | 139 | 75·0 | 153 | 89·1
5 | 1,600 | 841 | 1,633 | 241 | 102 | 58 | 523 | 330 | 348 | 218 | 185 | 135 | 118 | 132 | 73·0 | 165 | 87·4
6 | 1,645 | 858 | 1,739 | 262 | 117 | 61 | 541 | 338 | 356 | 221 | 193 | 139 | 117 | 139 | 72·0 | 159 | 84·2
7 | 1,541 | 772 | 1,546 | 224 | 102 | 53 | 536 | 345 | 335 | 206 | 190 | 137 | 119 | 133 | 72·1 | 155 | 86·9
8 | 1,739 | 876 | 1,793 | 272 | 122 | 64 | 552 | 358 | 361 | 216 | 190 | 151 | 124 | 150 | 79·5 | 144 | 82·6
9 | 1,617 | 843 | 1,681 | 249 | 112 | 61 | 564 | 358 | 353 | 200 | 202 | 146 | 124 | 140 | 72·3 | 144 | 84·9
10 | 1,612 | 770 | 1,698 | 245 | 106 | 62 | 553 | 356 | 355 | 219 | 192 | 142 | 110 | 132 | 73·9 | 166 | 77·5
11 | 1,667 | 830 | 1,745 | 250 | 110 | 65 | 548 | 362 | 365 | 217 | 190 | 137 | 108 | 138 | 72·1 | 157 | 78·8
12 | 1,654 | 810 | 1,712 | 253 | 108 | 64 | 514 | 320 | 336 | 203 | 181 | 136 | 108 | 132 | 75·1 | 154 | 79·4
13 | 1,603 | 830 | 1,628 | 245 | 104 | 65 | 520 | 320 | 320 | 196 | 177 | 133 | 114 | 132 | 75·1 | 148 | 85·7
14 | 1,545 | 818 | 1,480 | 225 | 96 | 51 | 540 | 330 | 340 | 197 | 188 | 140 | 114 | 138 | 74·5 | 143 | 81·4
15 | 1,780 | 896 | 1,795 | 278 | 118 | 58 | 528 | 334 | 342 | 218 | 190 | 134 | 109 | 129 | 70·5 | 169 | 81·3
16 | 1,658 | 840 | 1,700 | 279 | 111 | 61 | 548 | 340 | 364 | 215 | 194 | 145 | 115 | 141 | 74·7 | 152 | 79·3
17 | 1,675 | 855 | 1,750 | 268 | 115 | 65 | 555 | 362 | 380 | 226 | 195 | 143 | 117 | 134 | 73·3 | 169 | 81·8
18 | 1,706 | 874 | 1,743 | 265 | 120 | 57 | 539 | 345 | 354 | 202 | 191 | 138 | 100 | 130 | 72·3 | 155 | 72·5
19 | 1,661 | 826 | 1,685 | 252 | 112 | 57 | 532 | 334 | 335 | 201 | 185 | 130 | 102 | 123 | 75·7 | 163 | 78·5
20 | 1,690 | 865 | 1,757 | 270 | 112 | 60 | 517 | 330 | 334 | 201 | 180 | 140 | 97 | 139 | 77·8 | 145 | 69·3
21 | 1,606 | 785 | 1,665 | 239 | 107 | 61 | 518 | 340 | 339 | 191 | 179 | 133 | 91 | 127 | 74·3 | 150 | 68·4
22 | 1,590 | 814 | 1,653 | 247 | 104 | 51 | 510 | 319 | 330 | 202 | 178 | 133 | 102 | 130 | 74·7 | 155 | 76·7
23 | 1,608 | 815 | 1,695 | 244 | 100 | 57 | 539 | 350 | 349 | 100 | 182 | 143 | 107 | 136 | 78·6 | 147 | 74·8
24 | 1,572 | 800 | 1,620 | 246 | 99 | 60 | 530 | 332 | 335 | 185 | 184 | 140 | 103 | 131 | 76·1 | 141 | 73·5
25 | 1,640 | 845 | 1,650 | 257 | 105 | 59 | 518 | 331 | 340 | 195 | 181 | 137 | 102 | 132 | 75·7 | 148 | 74·5
26 | 1,620 | 835 | 1,710 | 232 | 110 | 60 | 534 | 320 | 334 | 196 | 181 | 138 | 105 | 137 | 76·2 | 143 | 76·1
27 | 1,520 | 770 | 1,585 | 230 | 98 | 56 | 514 | 335 | 336 | 196 | 185 | 135 | 107 | 128 | 73·0 | 153 | 79·3
28 | 1,684 | 845 | 1,765 | 242 | 121 | 59 | 544 | 360 | 330 | 204 | 190 | 136 | 102 | 133 | 71·6 | 153 | 75·0
29 | 1,580 | 800 | 1,650 | 256 | 112 | 59 | 521 | 323 | 325 | 183 | 180 | 130 | 102 | 126 | 72·2 | 145 | 78·5
30 | 1,620 | 842 | 1,684 | 258 | 113 | 58 | 562 | 351 | 345 | 219 | 196 | 140 | 110 | 136 | 71·4 | 161 | 78·6
31 | 1,562 | 830 | 1,584 | 220 | 111 | 61 | 536 | 348 | 338 | 186 | 188 | 134 | 100 | 128 | 71·3 | 145 | 74·6
32 | 1,642 | 840 | 1,726 | 240 | 113 | 55 | 528 | 334 | 338 | 199 | 185 | 136 | 100 | 130 | 73·5 | 153 | 73·5
33 | 1,540 | 760 | 1,636 | 225 | 107 | 53 | 524 | 342 | 324 | 193 | 178 | 130 | 103 | 129 | 73·5 | 150 | 79·2
34 | 1,594 | 819 | 1,674 | 233 | 112 | 54 | 500 | 323 | 320 | 185 | 176 | 130 | 100 | 125 | 73·8 | 148 | 76·9
35 | 1,552 | 811 | 1,623 | 228 | 110 | 57 | 532 | 328 | 329 | 208 | 180 | 142 | 100 | 130 | 78·9 | 160 | 70·4
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
Average | 1,627 | 830 | 1,681 | 260 | 109 | 59 | 534 | 342 | 345 | 202 | 187 | 138 | 109 | 133 | 73·9 | 153 | 78·7
[Anthropometry.] 15. The result then of anthropometry as applied to
caste appears to be that there is no good ground for disputing the fact
that the present races of Northern India are practically one people.
The figures prepared by Mr. Risley have been subjected to a close
analysis by Mr. C. J. O’Donnell in the Bengal Census Report for 1891;
and no account of the matter would be complete without reproducing his
remarks.
16. “It is difficult to trace, in the introduction to The Castes and
Tribes of Bengal, how far Mr. Risley recognises the influence of
intermarriage between Aryans and Aboriginals, but he unquestionably
denies the functional origin of caste, and seems to define it as ‘an
institution, evolved by the Aryans in the attempt to preserve the
purity of their own stock, and afterwards expanded and adapted, by the
influence of a series of fictions, to fit an endless variety of social,
religious and industrial conditions.’ With much originality he has
sought to find a new guide to the ethnic composition of India in the
science of anthropometry.
“‘Nowhere else,’ he writes, ‘in the world do we find the population of
a large continent broken up into an infinite number of mutually
exclusive aggregates, the members of which are forbidden by an
inexorable social law to marry outside of the group to which they
themselves belong. Whatever may have been the origin and the earlier
developments of the caste system, this absolute prohibition of mixed
marriages stands forth at the present day as its essential and most
prominent characteristic. In a society thus organised—a society
sacrificing everything to pride of blood and the idea of social
purity—it seemed that differences of physical type, however produced in
past time, might be expected to manifest a high degree of persistence,
and that the science which seeks to trace and express such differences
would find a peculiarly favourable field for its operations. In Europe
anthropometry has to confess itself hindered, if not baffled, by the
constant intermixture of races, which tends to obscure and confuse the
data arrived at by measurement. In a country where such intermixture is
to a large extent eliminated, there were grounds for believing that
divergent types would reveal themselves more clearly and that their
characteristics would furnish some clue to their original race
affinities.’
[Two main types of Indian head.] 17. “With the aid of the Governments
of the North-Western Provinces and of the Panjab anthropometric data
for ‘nearly 6,000 persons, representing 89 of the leading castes and
tribes in Northern India, from the Bay of Bengal to the frontiers of
Afghânistân,’ were obtained, but unfortunately Mr. Risley finds that
‘it would be vain to attempt within the compass of this essay to
analyse and compare the large mass of figures which has been collected,
or to develop at length the inferences which they may be taught to
suggest.’ He has, however, made a few interesting deductions. Three
well-known types of feature and physique have long been recognised in
the Indian peninsula, the Aryan or Caucasian chiefly in Upper India,
the Mongoloid, which is generally believed to be confined to the
north-east corner of Bengal, and a Negrito, or, as Mr. Risley calls it,
a Dravidian type, in Central and Southern India. Excluding the second,
which he represents to be so local as to make its elimination a matter
of little importance in discussing the ethnology of Indian peoples, Mr.
Risley defines the other two as follows:—
“‘The Aryan type, as we find it in India at the present day, is marked
by a relatively long (dolichocephalic) head; a straight, finely cut
(leptorhine) nose; a long, symmetrically narrow face; a well developed
forehead, regular features, and a high facial angle. In the Dravidian
type the form of the head usually inclines to be dolichocephalic, but
all other characters present a marked contrast to the Aryan. The nose
is thick and broad, and the formula expressing its proportionate
dimensions is higher than in any known race except the Negro. The
facial angle is comparatively low; the lips are thick; the face wide
and fleshy; the features coarse and irregular.’
“The following passage gives the most important of Mr. Risley’s
deductions:—
‘Between these extreme types, which may fairly be regarded as
representing two distinct races, we find a large number of intermediate
groups, each of which forms, for matrimonial purposes, a sharply
defined circle, beyond which none of its members can pass. By applying
to the entire series the nasal index or formula of the proportions of
the nose, which Professors Flower and Topinard agree in regarding as
the best test of race distinctions, some remarkable results are arrived
at. The average nasal proportions of the Mâlê Pahâria tribe are
expressed by the figure 94·5, while the pastoral Gûjars of the Panjab
have an index of 66·9, the Sikhs of 68·8, and the Bengal Brâhmans and
Kâyasths of 70·4. In other words, the typical Dravidian, as represented
by the Mâlê Pahâria, has a nose as broad in proportion to its length as
the Negro, while this feature in the Aryan group can fairly bear
comparison with the noses of 68 Parisians, measured by Topinard, which
gave an average of 69·4. Even more striking is the curiously close
correspondence between the gradations of racial type indicated by the
nasal index and certain of the social data ascertained by independent
enquiry. If we take a series of castes in Bengal, Bihâr, or the
North-Western Provinces, and arrange them in the order of the average
nasal index, so that the caste with the finest nose shall be at the
top, and that with the coarsest at the bottom of the list, it will be
found that this order substantially corresponds with the accepted order
of social precedence. The casteless tribes, Kols, Korwas, Mundas, and
the like, who have not yet entered the Brâhmanical system, occupy the
lowest place in both series. Then come the vermin-eating Musahars and
the leather-dressing Chamârs. The fisher castes of Bauri, Bind and
Kewat are a trifle higher in the scale; the pastoral Goâla, the
cultivating Kurmi, and a group of cognate castes from whose hands a
Brâhman may take water, follow in due order, and from them we pass to
the trading Khatris, the landholding Bâbhans, and the upper crust of
Hindu society. Thus, it is scarcely a paradox to lay down as a law of
the caste organisation in Eastern India that a man’s social status
varies in inverse ratio to the width of his nose.’
[The Nasal Index. The best test of race distinction.] 18. “The figures
on which these statements are based are found in the third and fourth
volumes of Mr. Risley’s instructive work; and if in examining them it
appears that they do not bear out his conclusions, I hope not to fail
in recognising the great service he has rendered to ethnographic study
by introducing really scientific methods of enquiry.
“The following table is an exact reproduction of the averages of the
nasal index at the beginning of Volume III:—
======================================================
Bengal Proper. || Bihâr.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~++~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Name of Caste. |Average||Name of Caste.|Average
|Index. || | Index.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~++~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Kâyasth | 70·3 ||Brâhman | 73·2
Brâhman | 70·4 ||Bâbhan | 74·0
Chandâl | 73·9 ||Goâla | 76·7
Sadgop | 73·9 ||Kurmi | 78·5
Goâla | 74·2 ||Kahâr | 79·7
Muchi | 74·9 ||Bind | 82·2
Pod | 76·1 ||Maghaiya Dom | 82·2
Kaibartta | 76·2 ||Dusâdh | 82·4
Râjbansi | 76·6 ||Chamâr | 82·8
Muhammadan | 77·5 ||Musahar | 88·5
Bâgdi | 80·5 || |
Bauri | 84·1 || |
Mâl | 84·7 || |
Mâl Pahâri | 92·9 || |
Mâlê or Asal Pahâria | 94·5 || |
=====================+=======++==============+========
=============================++=======================
North-Western Provinces and || Panjab.
Oudh. ||
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~++~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Name of Caste. |Average||Name of Caste.|Average
|Index. || | Index.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~++~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Bhuînhâr | 73·0 ||Gûjar | 66·9
Brâhman | 74·6 ||Pathân | 68·4
Kâyasth | 74·8 ||Sikh | 68·8
Kshatriya | 77·7 ||Awan | 68·8
Kanjar | 78·0 ||Biloch | 69·4
Khatri | 78·1 ||Mâchhi | 70·0
Kurmi | 79·2 ||Arora | 71·2
Thâru | 79·5 ||Khatri | 73·1
Banya | 79·6 ||Chûhra | 75·2
Barhai | 80·8 || |
Goâla | 80·9 || |
Kewat | 81·4 || |
Bhar | 81·9 || |
Kol | 82·2 || |
Lohâr | 82·4 || |
Guriya | 82·6 || |
Kâchhi | 82·9 || |
Dom | 83·0 || |
Lodha | 83·4 || |
Koiri | 83·6 || |
Pâsi | 85·4 || |
Chamâr | 86·8 || |
Musahar | 86·1 || |
=====================+=======++==============+========
“In this table it is a noticeable fact that the Kâyasth of Bengal
Proper, an undoubtedly Sûdra caste, according to Brâhmanic theory, has
finer features than the Brâhman, whilst the Chandâl outcaste of the
Gangetic delta lies midway between the highborn and allied castes of
Brâhmans and Bâbhans in Bihâr. Mr. Nesfield is so satisfied that the
people of Upper India are a race mixed beyond recognition, that he does
not hesitate to declare that a ‘stranger walking through the
class-rooms of the Sanskrit College at Benares would never dream of
supposing that the students seated before him were distinct in race and
blood from the scavengers who swept the roads.’ It is a singular
confirmation of this assertion that Mr. Risley’s table shows no
appreciable difference in feature between the Brâhman of the
North-Western Provinces and the Chûhra or scavenger of the Panjâb,
while the latter has very much the advantage in nasal refinement over
the Kshatriya or Râjput of the North-Western Provinces.
[The Negritic profile common in the highest castes.] 19. “The foregoing
figures, however, are only averages. When one turns to the individual
measurements, the entire absence of any common gradation in the nasal
indices of the measured castes is still more apparent. The following
figures are taken from the general tables of measurements, the five
upper entries showing the smallest indices and the five lower the
largest indices recorded. The numbers in the first column under each
caste are the serial numbers of the individuals in the original table:—
BENGAL PROPER.
=============+=============+=============+=============+=============
Brâhman. | Kâyasth. | Goâla. | Chamâr. | Bâgdi.
~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~
Serial|Index.|Serial|Index.|Serial|Index.|Serial|Index.|Serial|Index.
No. | | No. | | No. | | No. | | No. |
~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~
41 | 56·1 | 23 | 60·0 | 37 | 62·0 | 14 | 62·9 | 33 | 67·3
30 | 58·0 | 15 | 61·5 | 10 | 62·7 | 10 | 64·1 | 85 | 67·3
21 | 58·3 | 29 | 62·2 | 17 | 65·3 | 12 | 66·6 | 41 | 68·0
10 | 60·3 | 63 | 62·7 | 13 | 65·9 | 24 | 66·6 | 74 | 69·2
5 | 60·7 | 2 | 62·9 | 33 | 66·0 | 3 | 67·9 | 27 | 70·0
~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~
73 | 80·4 | 82 | 81·2 | 7 | 83·3 | 23 | 81·3 | 30 | 90·2
84 | 81·2 | 97 | 82·0 | 35 | 84·4 | 27 | 82·2 | 10 | 92·8
85 | 81·2 | 70 | 82·9 | 3 | 84·7 | 15 | 86·0 | 55 | 95·4
94 | 88·6 | 32 | 83·3 | 19 | 84·7 | 11 | 87·2 | 6 | 97·4
75 |100·0 | 9 | 88·8 | 15 | 86·6 | 6 | 88·0 | 2 |100·0
======+======+======+======+======+======+======+======+======+======
“I have excluded the casteless tribes, but have included the Bâgdi, a
so-called caste, though why so termed, except that it is found in the
plains of India and has been largely Hinduised, is not apparent. This
confusion between the two terms must continue so long as the functional
character of caste is not admitted. The Bâgdis, like the Bauris, are a
tribe as much as the Kol or the Santâl, and being Drâvirs by race,
stand apart in the foregoing statement with a generally well-marked
Dravidian type of face. The other four groups are functional, their
occupations being that of priest, writer, cowherd and leather dresser;
and though there is a greater coarseness of feature in the two latter,
who are out-of-door labourers, than in the former, who are gentle-born,
all four are manifestly of the same race or rather of the same amalgam
of races. The first five Brâhmans and Kâyasths have distinctly
Caucasian features, but the average index of the second five Brâhmans
(86·3) shows a much greater approach to the flatnosedness of the Negro
than the similar average of Goâlas (84·7), or Chamârs (84·9). In fact
the two last Brâhmans have a more aboriginal type of face than any of
the despised leather-dressers. It is probable and natural that there
should be a greater admixture of non-Aryan blood in persons pursuing
the humbler occupations, and this is the gist of Mr. Nesfield’s
argument, which seems triumphantly corroborated by the foregoing
figures. The race theory of castes, on the other hand, is found to have
practically no statistical support. Far from its being a law of caste
organisation in Eastern India, that a man’s social status varies in
inverse ratio to the width of his nose, the utmost that can be
predicated is that the average nasal index of a large number of the
members of any caste indicates, in a very uncertain manner, the amount
of aboriginal blood amongst its members, and thereby indirectly the
greater or less respectability of the occupation followed.
[The Cephalic Index. The Mesaticephalic head.] 20. “It appears from the
nasal statistics that not only an occasional Brâhman, but a very
appreciable section of the caste, may be as flat-faced as a Chamâr. It
is also made apparent by Mr. Risley’s measurements of the cephalic
index and of the facial angle that an equally large number are as
round-headed as a Mongoloid Lepcha of the Darjíling Hills, and as
prognathous as any Negritic tribe in Chutia Nâgpur. The following table
is a reproduction of Mr. Risley’s statement of average cephalic
indices:—
======================++===========================++======================++======================++======================
Bengal Proper. || Darjiling Hills. || Bihâr. || Chutia Nâgpur. || N.-W. Provinces and
|| || || || Oudh.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~||~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~++~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~++~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~++~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Name of Caste.|Average|| Name of Caste. |Average||Name of Caste.|Average||Name of Caste.|Average||Name of Caste.|Average
| Index.|| | Index.|| | Index.|| | Index.|| | Index.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~++~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~++~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~++~~~~~~~~~~~~~~|~~~~~~~++~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Mâlê or Asal }| ||Murmu | 78·5||Bind | 74·0||Chero | 72·4||Banya | 71·3
}| 74·8|| | || | || | || |
Paharia }| ||Mangar | 79·0||Brâhman | 74·9||Chik | 73·8||Barhi | 71·8
Bauri | 75·0||Lepcha | 79·9||Musahar | 75·2||Asur | 74·0||Khatri | 71·9
Râjbansi | 75·2||Tibetans of Tibet | 80·5||Kurmi | 75·7||Korwa | 74·4||Kâchhi | 72·1
Mâl }| ||Tibetans of Bhutan | 80·2||Chamâr | 76·0||Kharia | 74·5||Kori | 72·1
}| 75·8|| | || | || | || |
Paharia }| ||Khambu | 81·0||Kahâr | 76·1||Munda | 74·5||Gauria | 72·4
Bâgdi | 76·3||Newar | 81·5||Maghaiya Dom | 76·2||Bhumij | 75·0||Kol | 72·4
Mâl | 77·2||Gurung | 81·6||Goâla | 76·2||Binjhia | 75·1||Lodha | 72·6
Goâla | 77·3||Tibetans of Sikkim | 82·7||Bâbhan | 76·7||Lohâr | 75·3||Kâyasth | 72·6
Kaibartta | 77·3||Limbu | 84·3||Dusâdh | 76·7||Orâon | 75·4||Pâsi | 72·6
Mûchi | 77·6|| | || | ||Kharwâr | 75·5||Kewat | 72·7
Sadgop | 77·6|| | || | ||Kurmi | 75·7||Lohâr | 72·8
Pod | 77·7|| | || | ||Bhuiya | 76·0||Chamâr | 72·8
Muhammadan | 78·0|| | || | ||Dom | 76·0||Kshatriya | 73·0
Chandâl | 78·1|| | || | ||Santâl | 76·1||Goâla | 73·1
Kâyasth | 78·2|| | || | ||Tanti | 76·2||Brâhman | 73·0
Brâhman | 78·7|| | || | ||Birhor | 76·6||Bhuînhâr | 73·3
| || | || | || | ||Kurmi | 73·3
| || | || | || | ||Bhar | 73·5
| || | || | || | ||Thâru | 73·9
| || | || | || | ||Musahar | 74·1
| || | || | || | ||Kanjar | 74·7
| || | || | || | ||Dom | 74·8
==============+=======++===================+=======++==============+=======++==============+=======++==============+=======
“In the above table the great cephalic similarity between the Kâyasth
and the Chandâl in Bengal, between the Brâhman and the Bind in Bihâr,
and between the Bâbhan and the Bhar in the North-Western Provinces,
seems to prove beyond question how very similar must have been the
racial origin of all. In fact the medium or mesaticephalic head is the
most common in the plains of Bengal and Bihâr, being the result of
interbreeding between the round-headed Mongol and the long-headed
Drâvir, the Aryan having little to do with the physiognomy of their
offspring, except in Upper India.
“Mr. Risley’s comment on these statistics is as follows:—
‘All along the Eastern and Northern frontier of Bengal we meet with a
fringe of compact tribes of the short-headed or brachycephalic type,
who are beyond question Mongolian. Starting from this area, and
travelling up the plains of India north-westward towards the frontier
of the Panjab, we observe a gradual but steady increase of the
dolichocephalic type of head, which Herr Penka claims as one of the
chief characteristics of the original Aryans. Bengal itself is mostly
mesaticephalic, and dolichocephaly only appears in some of the
Dravidian tribes. In Bihâr dolichocephalic averages are more numerous;
in Oudh and the North-Western Provinces this type is universal, and it
reaches its maximum in the Panjab. Assuming that Herr Penka has
correctly determined the original Aryan type to be dolichocephalic, and
that the theory of caste propounded above is the true one, these are
just the results which might be looked for. According to the French
anthropologists, the shape of the head is the most persistent of race
characters, and the one which offers the greatest resistance to the
levelling influence of crossing.
“‘A possible objection may be disposed of here. It may be argued that
if the Dravidians are dolichocephalic, the prevalence of this character
in North Western India may be accounted for by the assumption of an
intermixture of Dravidian blood. But if this were so the proportion and
degree of dolichocephaly would increase as we approach the Dravidian
area, instead of diminishing, as is actually the case. Moreover, it is
impossible to suppose that the races of the North-West, if originally
brachycephalic, could have acquired their dolichocephalic form of head
from the Dravidians, without at the same time acquiring the
characteristic Dravidian nose and the distinctive Dravidian colour.’
[The Negritic colour amongst Brâhmans.] 21. “The last paragraph may, I
presume, be taken as denying the admixture of Dravidian blood. I have
shown that a Dravidian nose is far from uncommon in the highest castes.
As regards colour there is a mass of evidence hostile to Mr. Risley’s
latter argument. Professor Max Müller, in his Chips from a German
Workshop, states:—‘There are at present Brâhmans, particularly in the
South of India, as black as Pariahs.’ Mr. Nesfield, the most careful
student of castes in Upper India, states:—‘The great majority of
Brâhmans are not of lighter complexion or of finer and better bred
features than any other caste.’ Even Kanaujiya Brâhmans, who are the
priests of the upper classes in Bengal, are admitted by Mr. Risley to
be ‘wanting in the peculiar fineness of feature and intellectual cast
of countenance which distinguishes the higher grades of Brâhmans in
other parts of India.’ On the other hand, Mr. Sherring in his “Hindu
Castes and Tribes” comments on the high caste appearance of the Chamâr
caste. Similar testimony to the good looks of the Chamârs in certain
parts of India comes to us from the Central Provinces, where they are
said to be lighter in colour than the members of other cultivating
castes, while some of the men and many of the women are remarkably
handsome. In Eastern Bengal, again, Dr. Wise describes the caste as
‘less swarthy than the average Chandâl, and infinitely fairer, with a
more delicate and intellectual caste of features, than many Srotriya
Brâhmans.’ The foregoing quotation comes from Mr. Risley’s excellent
article on the Chamâr caste.
“One of the first great crimes which, as a Magistrate, I had to
investigate in Bengal, was a murder committed by a Jessor Chamâr, who
had spent years in the villages to the south of Calcutta in the
character of a Brâhman. He at last seduced a young widow from her home,
and murdered her for the sake of her jewellery a few miles before
reaching his house in Jessor. He was tall and handsome with a clear
olive complexion, and I afterwards noticed that some other members of
his caste were equally fair. Young men of the Dusâdh caste are often
rather good looking, and many of them have a yellowish-brown
complexion.
[The facial angle. A single type, a mixed one, universal.] 22. “The
facial angle of Cuvier, though somewhat discredited by later
anthropologists on account of its failure to define minor distinctions
of feature, is still a race test that has many advantages. It measures,
as is known, the angle made by the plane of the face with the plane of
the base of the skull. It is acute in the Negritic peoples, and about a
right angle in the Caucasian. Mr. Risley, adopting the notation of
Retz, gives the following figures:—
=============================++======================++========================++=======================
Bengal Proper. || Bihâr. ||North-Western Provinces.|| Panjab.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~++~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~++~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~++~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Name of caste. |Average||Name of caste.|Average||Name of caste. |Average||Name of caste.|Average
| Index.|| | Index.|| | Index.|| | Index.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~++~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~++~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~++~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Brâhman | 67·1 ||Bind | 69·2 ||Kshatriya | 69·6 ||Gûjar | 70·7
Sadgop | 67·0 ||Brâhman | 63·7 ||Goâla | 69·4 ||Sikh | 70·4
Bauri | 66·4 ||Dusâdh | 68·7 ||Pâsi | 69·4 ||Biloch | 70·3
Mâlê or Asal Pahâria | 66·1 ||Bâbhan | 68·6 ||Brâhman | 68·7 ||Arora | 69·3
Mâl Pahâria | 66·1 ||Goâla | 68·3 ||Bhar | 67·9 ||Awan | 69·0
Muchi | 66·1 ||Kurmi | 67·8 ||Kurmi | 67·9 ||Khatri | 68·8
Mâl | 65·8 ||Musahar | 67·2 ||Kâchhi | 67·7 ||Chûhra | 68·8
Chandâl | 65·8 ||Chamâr | 67·1 ||Musahar | 67·7 ||Muchi | 68·7
Kaibartta | 65·4 ||Kahâr | 66·6 ||Lodha | 67·6 ||Pathân | 67·1
Râjbansi | 65·1 ||Maghaiya Dom | 65·7 ||Barhi | 67·1 || |
Goâla | 65·1 || | ||Koeri | 66·9 || |
Pod | 65·0 || | ||Chamâr | 66·9 || |
Bâgdi | 64·9 || | ||Kâyasth | 66·7 || |
Kayasth | 64·2 || | ||Bâbhan | 66·6 || |
Muhammadan | 63·7 || | ||Kewat | 66·6 || |
| || | ||Guriya | 66·4 || |
| || | ||Banya | 66·3 || |
| || | ||Kanjar | 66·3 || |
| || | ||Lohâr | 66·2 || |
| || | ||Kol | 66·1 || |
| || | ||Thâru | 65·9 || |
| || | ||Dom | 65·7 || |
| || | ||Khatri | 65·5 || |
=============================++======================++========================++=======================
“It thus appears that in Bengal the Brâhman is at one end of the scale
and the cultivated Kâyasth at the other, whilst at the top of the Bihâr
list the fisherman, priest, farm labourer, landlord and cowherd are in
close proximity. In the North-Western Provinces the Kshatriya, the
Râjput soldier and the Khatri, the Râjput trader, stand at opposite
extremes; rat-catchers, carpenters, dancing women, cultivators,
toddy-drawers and priests coming in between. No evidence could be more
convincing, if anthropometry has any meaning. The Indian races and
tribes in the valley of the Ganges from the Afghân frontier to the Bay
of Bengal are so absolutely intermingled in blood, that it is
impossible to discriminate between the skull characteristics of the
castes or functional guilds which have grown up under later Brâhmanical
usage.”
CHAPTER III.
THE OCCUPATIONAL FORM OF CASTE.
[Caste based on occupation.] We have thus mainly on the evidence from
anthropometry endeavoured to establish the fact that, as we find the
existing population, the theory of the ethnological basis of caste must
be to a great extent abandoned. We have then to search for some other
solution of the question of the origin of our present castes. This can
only be found in community of function or occupation. The most able
advocate of this theory is Mr. J. C. Nesfield. [25] To use his
words:—“The bond of sympathy or interest which first drew together the
families or tribal fragments, of which a caste is composed, was not, as
some writers have alleged, community of creed or community of kinship,
but community of function. Function, and function only, as I think, was
the foundation upon which the whole caste system of India was built
up.”
2. And he goes on to say [26]: “Such a theory as the above is not
compatible with the modern doctrine which divides the population of
India into Aryan and Aboriginal. It presupposes an unbroken continuity
in the national life from one stage of culture to another, analogous to
what has taken place in every country in the world whose inhabitants
have emerged from the savage state. It assumes, therefore, as its
necessary basis, the unity of the Indian race. While it does not deny
that a race of ‘white-complexioned foreigners,’ who called themselves
by the name of Arya, invaded the Indus Valley viâ Kâbul and Kashmîr
some four thousand years ago, and imposed their language and religion
on the indigenous races by whom they found themselves surrounded, it
nevertheless maintains that the blood imported by this foreign race
became gradually absorbed into the indigenous, the less yielding to the
greater, so that almost all traces of the conquering races eventually
disappeared, just as the Lombard became absorbed into the Italian, the
Frank into the Gaul, the Roman (of Roumania) into the Slav, the Greek
(of Alexandria) into the Egyptian, the Norman into the Frenchman, the
Moor (of Spain) into the Spaniard, and as the Norwegians, Germans,
etc., are at the day becoming absorbed into Englishmen in North
America, or as the Portuguese (of India) have already become absorbed
into Indians. I hold that for the last three thousand years at least no
real difference of blood between Aryan and Aboriginal (except perhaps
in a few isolated tracts, such as Râjputâna, where special causes may
have occurred to prevent the complete amalgamation of race) has
existed; and the physiological resemblance observable between the
various classes of the population, from the highest to the lowest, is
an irrefragable proof that no clearly-defined racial distinction has
survived, a kind of evidence which ought to carry much greater weight
than that of language, on which so many fanciful theories of Ethnology
have been lately founded. Language is no test of race; and the question
of caste is not one of race at all, but of culture. Nothing has tended
to complicate the subject of caste so much as this intrusion of a
philological theory, which within its own province is one of the most
interesting discoveries of modern times, into a field of enquiry with
which it has no connection. The ‘Aryan brother’ is, indeed, a much more
mythical being than Râma or Krishna, or any other of the popular heroes
of Indian tradition whom writers of the Aryan school have vainly
striven to attenuate into Solar myths. The amalgamation of the two
races (the Aryan and the Indian) had been completed in the Panjab (as
we may gather from the “Institutes” of Manu) before the Hindu, who is
the result of this amalgamation, began to extend his influence into the
Ganges Valley, where by slow and sure degrees he disseminated among the
indigenous races those social and religious maxims which have been
spreading wider and wider ever since throughout the continent of India,
absorbing one after another, and to some extent civilising, every
indigenous race with whom they are brought into contact, raising the
choice spirits of the various tribes into the rank of Brâhman, Chhatri,
and leaving the rest to rise or fall into the social scale according to
their capacities and opportunities.”
3. It is unnecessary to follow Mr. Nesfield through his detailed
analysis of the stages through which this differentiation of function
was developed. The example, as he attempts to show, [27] was given by
the Brâhman, who developed from the primitive house priest into the
hierophant with the increasing intricacy of his ritual. His example was
followed by the Kshatriya, the trader, the agriculturist, and the
artisan. Many facts will be noted in succeeding pages illustrative of
this process of development.
[The fair and the dark races.] 4. The remarks on the evidence from
anthropometry will have shown that there is proof of the stratification
of the existing races; and we must not overlook the possibility of the
basis of caste being found to some extent in the antipathy between the
fairer and the darker race which comes out so strongly through the
whole range of early Indian myth. This is not directly opposed to the
occupational theory of the origin of the caste system, because even its
most ardent advocates admit that it began with an attempt on the part
of the priestly class to exclude outsiders and monopolise the right to
perform worship and sacrifice.
5. Mr. Nesfield has, however, gone further and attempted to classify
all the existing castes on the basis of occupation. He would divide the
existing population, excluding the religious orders and foreign races
resident in the Province, into eleven groups. He begins with what he
calls the “casteless tribes,” who include the so-called Dravidian
tribes of the Central Indian plateau, and a collection of vagrants and
gypsy-like people, such as Nats, Kanjars, with menials like the Dom and
the Musahar. These comprise something like half a million of people.
Then we have the “castes allied to the hunting state,” such as
Bauriyas, Baheliyas, Pâsis, and the like, to the number of nearly two
millions. Then we have about the same number of castes “allied to the
fishing state”—Meos, Binds, Mallâhs, Dhîmars, and so on. Next come some
five and-a-half millions of people “allied to the pastoral state,” such
as Ahîrs, Jâts, and Gadariyas. These are followed by some six millions
of agriculturists—the Lodha, the Kurmi, the Taga, Bhuînhâr, and so on.
Next come some three millions of Râjputs, who are the “landlord and
warrior caste.” In the same way he deals with artisans. We find, to
begin with, those artisans who preceded the age of metallurgy, who
practise trades like the workers in cane and reed, thread and leather,
distillery, pottery, and extraction of salt, and ranging from the
Bânsphor and Dharkâr, to the Mochi, Teli, Kalwâr, Kumhâr and Luniya.
These represent nearly nine millions of people. Beyond these again are
the artisans “coeval with metallurgy,” workers in stone, metals and
wood, and ending with dyers and confectioners, aggregating about a
million and-a-half. To these follow the groups of traders, including
more than a million and-a-half, and these are succeeded by nearly
two-and-a-half millions of the “serving castes,” ranging from the
Bhangi and Dhobi to the Bhât and the Kâyasth. Last of all come nearly
five millions of Brâhmans, who comprise the “priestly castes.”
6. As regards this classification, which has an imposing air of
simplicity and completeness, it is necessary to speak a word of
caution. If it is meant that this progressive development of function
represents the actual, normal course by which, in the ordinary progress
of culture, the savage becomes civilised, it may be said that we are
too ignorant of the principles of the development of civilisation to be
sure that it was conducted on this or similar lines. Further, it may be
well to guard against the supposition that this classification of
castes in any way represents existing facts. It must not be forgotten
that there are few of the present occupational groups which invariably
adhere to the original trade or handicraft which may have caused their
association in past times. There may be some like the Âtishbâz or
fire-work makers, the N’alband or farriers, and so on, which do really
adhere to the business from which they take their name. But this is
certainly not the case with the associations of longer standing. The
Chamâr is no more always a worker in leather than the Ahîr, a grazier;
the Banjâra, a carrier; or the Luniya, a salt-maker. They all at some
time or other cultivate or do field labour, or tend cattle.
7. Hence the extreme difficulty of framing a classification of existing
castes on the basis of traditional occupation, and this is very clearly
brought out in the classification at the last Census, of which an
abstract is given in the Appendix to this chapter: when we compare this
with their actual occupations as individually recorded this fact comes
out clearly. The Ahiwâsi, Baidguâr, Belwâr, Nâik, and Rahbâri, an
aggregate of 86,674 persons, are classed as “carriers”—a trade which is
carried on by no less than 185,431 individuals. There are about 6½
millions, which include the agricultural tribes; while Mr. Baillie
estimates the actual number of persons connected with the land as no
less than 34¾ millions. There are 4¾ millions of Brâhmans recorded as
priests, but only 412,449 declared this as their occupation. There are
about 5½ millions of so-called pastoral trades, while only 336,995
people recorded cattle breeding and tending as their occupation. The
instances of this might be largely added to if necessary. What is quite
clear is that the existing groups which may have been, and very
possibly were, occupational in origin do not now even approximately
confine themselves to their primitive occupation.
[The effect of the Muhammadan invasion on caste.] 8. Again, it will be
noted how many of these occupational groups have adopted Muhammadan
names. There is no name for the aggregate of the boating castes, but
Mallâh, which is Arabic. There were tailors, of course, from the
beginning of things, but they are now known as Darzi, not Sûji: the
turner must be an old handicraftsman, but his name, Kharâdi, is Arabic.
So with the Dafâli, drummer; the Mirâsi, singer; the Tawâif,
prostitute; the Rangsâz, painter; the Qalâ’igar, tinner; the Rangrez,
cotton printer, and so on. In fact, in the silence of history, we seem
to have only a faint idea of the tremendous bouleversement in Indian
society, caused by the invasions of brutal invaders like Mahmûd of
Ghazni and Shahâb-ud-din Ghori. They came like a mighty flood over the
land, and left the Hindu political and social organism a mass of ruins.
To begin with, they broke the power of the Râjput completely and drove
him from the fertile domains of the Ganges-Jumna valley to the deserts
of Râjputâna, or the forests of Oudh. It is to this stupendous event
that much of the form of modern Hindu society is due. The downfall of
the Kshatriya implied the rehabilitation of the Brâhman, and the needs
of a new race of conquerors, and of a court at no time lacking in
splendour, and with the house of Timûr rising to unexampled
magnificence, gave encouragement to the growth of new industries and
the accompanying reorganization of the caste system under a new
environment.
APPENDIX.
CLASSIFICATION OF CASTES BY TRADITIONAL OCCUPATION.
CLASS. CASTE OR TRIBE. STRENGTH.
Military and dominant Bhuînhâr 221,031
Jât 698,826
Râjput 3,633,843
Taga 128,563
---------
Total 4,682,263
Cultivators Barai 153,421
Bhar 417,745
Bhurtiya 423
Dângi 2,363
Gâra 51,088
Golapûrab 9,723
Jhojha 26,847
Kâchhi 703,368
Kamboh 8,578
Khâgi 43,435
Kirâr 18,363
Kisân 364,455
Koeri 540,245
Kurmi 2,005,802
Kunjra 85,529
Lodha 1,029,225
Mâli 245,943
Meo 10,642
Mewâti 60,332
Murâo 664,916
Râin 15,243
Râwa 25,451
Ror 4,459
Sâini 99,245
---------
Total 6,586,841
Cattle-breeders and Graziers Ahar 244,167
Ahîr 3,917,100
Dogar 340
Gaddi 51,970
Ghosi 27,760
Gûjar 344,631
---------
Total 4,585,968
Sheep-breeders Gadariya 929,463
Forest and Hill Tribes Baiswâr 1,898
Bhîl 190
Bhoksa 1,208
Bhuiya 849
Chero 4,883
Goli 21
Gond 8,861
Kharwâr 176
Kol 68,556
Korwa 33
Mahra 699
Majhwâr 16,268
Mânjhi 6,122
Musahar 40,662
Soiri 17,822
Sonthâl 1
Thâru 25,492
-------
Total 193,741
Priests Brâhman 4,725,061
Mahâbrâhman 19,829
---------
Total 4,744,890
Devotees Faqîr 623,506
Genealogists Bhât 161,144
Writers Kâyasths 514,327
Astrologers Joshi 35,069
Musicians and Ballad Singers Dafâli 42,075
Dhârhi 1,322
Dom Mirâsi 28,363
Panwariya 512
------
Total 72,272
Dancers and Singers Barwa 1,631
Beriya 15,313
Bhagat 485
Gandharb 664
Hurkiya 801
Kathak 2,034
Paturiya 4,714
Râdha 4,354
Tawâif 22,969
------
Total 52,965
Actors and Mimes Bhând 4,014
Traders Banya 1,369,052
Bhâtiya 265
Bohra 1,131
Dhûsar Bhârgava 12,279
Khatri 46,250
---------
Total 1,428,997
Pedlars Bisâti 959
Ramaiya 4,095
-----
Total 5,054
Carriers Ahiwâsi 9,502
Baidguâr 420
Banjâra 67,097
Belwâr 6,194
Nâik 2,563
Rahbâri 898
------
Total 86,674
Goldsmiths Sunâr 255,629
Barbers Nâi 862,273
Blacksmiths Lohâr 592,220
Na’lband 429
-------
Total 592,649
Carpenters and Turners Barhai 559,617
Kharâdi 1,204
-------
Total 560,821
Painters Rangsâz 1,486
Masons Râj 6,633
Brass and Copper Smiths Jastgar 13
Qala’igar 89
Kasera 7,273
Rangdhar 185
Thathera 21,361
------
Total 28,921
Tailor Darzi 228,926
Grain Parchers and Confectioners Bharbhûnja 310,216
Halwâi 96,246
-------
Total 406,462
Perfumers, Druggists, Sellers of Gandhi 858
Betel Leaf. Tamboli 73,943
------
Total 74,801
Weavers Julâba 880,231
Kori 919,750
Panka 6,502
---------
Total 1,806,483
Cloth Printers and Dyers Chhîpi 35,177
Rangrez 35,143
------
Total 70,320
Washermen Dhobi 658,745
Cotton Cleaners Dhuna 401,987
Kadhera 51,756
-------
Total 453,743
Oil Pressers Teli 934,080
Potters Kumhâr 713,000
Glass and Lac Workers Chûrihâr 28,953
Lakhera 3,763
Manihâr 65,630
Potgar 12
------
Total 98,358
Bead Stringers Patwa 30,977
Firework Makers Âtishbâz 534
Salt and Earth Workers Biyâr 18,821
Beldâr 37,299
Dhângar 519
Ghasiyâra 198
Luniya 412,822
-------
Total 469,659
Collectors of Goldsmiths’ Refuse. Niâriya 258 4,651
Iron Smelters Agariya 938
Saun 257
-----
Total 1,195
Fishermen, Boatmen, Palanquin Bargâh 918
Bearers, Cooks, etc. Bargi 1,076
Bâri 69,708
Bhatiyâra 30,658
Bihishti 80,147
Châin 28,610
Gond 115,651
Gorchha 963
Kahâr 1,191,560
Kewat 315,882
Lorha 2,622
Mallâh 369,008
Mukeri 6,245
Nânbâi 2,177
Sejwâri 286
---------
Total 2,215,511
Rice Huskers Barwâr 2,379
Kûta 4,029
-----
Total 6,408
Distillers Kalwâr 348,790
Toddy Drawers Bind 76,986
Tarmâli 27
------
Total 77,013
Butchers Chik 9,430
Khatîk 189,925
Qassâb 148,516
-------
Total 347,871
Lime Burners Sunkar 1,396
Leather Workers Chamâr 5,816,487
Dabgar 1,482
Dhâlgar 8,019
Mochi 11,693
---------
Total 5,837,681
Village Watchmen 80,574
Balâhar 2,359
Boriya 26,909
Dhânuk 146,190
Dhârhi 12,972
Khangâr 32,929
Kotwâr 97
Pahriya 495
Pâsi 1,219,311
---------
Total 1,521,836
Scavengers Bhangi 414,946
Domar 16,037
-------
Total 430,983
Grindstone Makers and Stone
Quarriers. Khumra 5,198 3,730
Knife Grinders Saiqalgar 4,206
Mat Makers and Cane Splitters. Bânsphor 17,333
Basor 25,447
Dharkâr 29,639
Dom 270,560
Dorha 68
Dusâdh 82,913
Kharot 5,641
Pankhiya 913
Tarkihâr 2,747
-------
Total 435,261
Hunters, Fowlers, etc. Aherîya 19,768
Baheliya 33,755
Bandi 110
Bangâli 1,353
Gandhîla 134
Gidiya 17
Kanjar 17,873
------
Total 73,010
Miscellaneous, and Disreputable Baddhik 126
Livers. Barwâr 2,703
Bâwariya 2,729
Bhântu 372
Dalera 2,223
Hâbûra 2,596
Harjala 275
Hijra 1,125
Sânsiya 4,290
Siyârmâr 1
------
Total 16,440
Tumblers and Acrobats Nat 63,584
Castes foreign to the Province Satgop 177
Sûd 147
---
Total 324
Indian Nationalities not returned Bhotiya 7,467
by castes. Mandrâji 31
Marhatta 732
Pindâri 27
-----
Total 8,527
Sectarian Castes Nau-muslim 88,444
Sâdh 1,870
------
Total 90,314
Non-Indian Asiatic Races Biloch 13,672
Irâqi 11,677
Mughal 76,673
Pathân 700,393
Shaikh 1,333,566
Sayyid 242,811
Turk 4,994
---------
Total 2,383,786
Non-Asiatic Races Armenians 54
Europeans 27,941
Habshi 194
------
Total 28,189
Eurasians Eurasians 7,040
Christian Converts Native Christians 23,406
Castes, unspecified 22,489
Provincial Total Hindu 40,380,168
Musalmân 6,346,667
Jaina 84,601
Christian 58,441
Arya 22,053
Sikh 11,343
Buddhist 1,387
Pârsi 342
Jew 60
Brahmo 14
Deist 3
Unspecified 22
==========
Grand Total 46,905,101
CHAPTER IV.
TRIBAL NOMENCLATURE.
[Territorial titles.] The question of the origin of tribal nomenclature
is a very interesting one, but too wide for detailed analysis at
present. The broad features of it are plain enough. We have, to begin
with, the territorial title. Such abound in various forms all through
the tribal lists, and the preference shown for special places, raises
many curious considerations. To attempt a rough classification of this
kind of title, we have first those of the most general kind, such as
Desi, “of the land,” and Pardesi, “from beyond the land.” Then come
Pûrabi, “Eastern,” Dakkhinâha, “Southern,” Pachhiwâha, “Western,” and
Uttarâha “Northern,” which are arranged in the order of their
popularity. We have next names indicating geographical areas, such as
Madhesiya, “residents of Madhyadesa,” “the middleland,” roughly
speaking, bounded by the Himâlayas on the north, the Vindhyas on the
south and along the Ganges Plain from the Panjâb frontiers to
Allahâbâd. Similar to this is Antarvedi, or “those resident in the
Lower Ganges-Jumna-Duâb,” from about Etâwah to the junction at
Allahâbâd; and Banaudhiya, or those of South Oudh, with parts of
Azamgarh, Jaunpur and Benares.
[Names derived from rivers.] 2. Next we have names taken from the
position of tribes and clans in relation to the great rivers—Gangapâri,
“those beyond the Ganges,” Jumnapâri, “those beyond the Jumna,” and,
most popular of all, Sarwariya, or Sarjupâri, “those beyond the Sarju.”
[Names derived from famous cities.] 3. Then we have a set of names
derived from famous cities which have long sunk into decay, such as
Kanaujiya, “those of Kanauj;” Srivastâvya, corrupted into Sibâstav or
Bâtham, from Srâvasti, in North Oudh, now represented by Sahet-Mahet.
Another of these ruined cities is Sankisa, in the Farrukhâbâd District,
which gives its name to the Saksena Kâyasths, and to many other tribal
sections. If Dhusiya is a corruption of Jhusiya it embodies the name of
the old town of Jhûsi, on the Ganges, the capital of King Harbong, who
is famous in folklore as the hero of many tales of the “Wise men of
Gotham” type. Why Jais, now a petty town in the Râê Bareli District,
gave its name to the numerous Jaiswâr sections, no one can tell, except
on the supposition that it was a much more important place than it is
now. The ruins and ancient mounds at Ahâr and Baran prove their former
greatness. The name of the ancient kingdom of Magadha survives in that
of the Magahiya Doms and many other tribal sections.
[Names derived from religious sites.] 4. The famous religious sites
throughout the Province have naturally left their trace on the caste
nomenclature—such are Ajudhya, the land of Braj, Mathura and Brindâban,
Gokul and Hardwâr, Chunâr and Rajghât, which are all represented; but
it is curious how little trace there is of Prayâga or Allahâbâd, and
Kâshi or Benares, while places like Bindhâchal, Badarinâth, Bithûr and
Batesar are not found at all.
[Names derived from other towns.] 5. Among existing towns and cities
within the Province, Amethi, Azamgarh, Bahrâich, Ghâzipur, Gorakhpur,
Hamîrpur, Jalesar, Mainpuri (in connection with its Chauhâns),
Partâbgarh, Râjpur, Râmnagar, Râmpur, Fatehpur, Sikri (if the theory be
correct that the name of the Sakarwâr sect is derived from it), Jaunpur
(in remembrance of its Sharqi Kings), give their name to many sections.
But the great capitals like Delhi and Agra, probably owing to their
comparatively recent origin, have left little trace, and Lucknow is not
found at all; while Cawnpur (Kânhpur) gives its name to an important
Râjput sept, and many sections of less important tribes.
[Names derived from places outside the province.] 6. Many of these
local names are taken from places outside the Province. From Bengal we
have Baksar, Bhojpur, Gaur (if the old Bengal capital has anything to
say to the many tribes and sections of the name), Hâjipur, Patna; from
the Panjâb, Panjâbi, Lâhauri and Multâni; from the North, Naipâli,
Janakpuri, Kashmîri; from the far West, Bhatner, Gujarât, Indaur,
Jaypur, Jodhpur, Mârwâr, Osi, and Pâli are all found; from Madras we
have Karnâtak; from Persia, Shirâzi.
[Names derived from ancient tribes.] 7. It is a curious fact that so
few of the tribes mentioned in the Mahâbhârata and in mediæval lists,
such as those of the Vishnu Purâna, have left their trace in the tribal
nomenclature. Panchâla, the great kingdom which extended north and west
of Delhi, and from the Himâlaya to the Chambal, has disappeared. The
Abhîras, in name at least, are represented by the Ahîrs: the Ambashthas
by one very doubtful legend with the Amethiya Râjputs: the Gahvaras or
Girigavaras with the Gaharwâr Râjputs: the Haihayas with the Hayobans:
the Kambojas with the Kambohs: the Kaivartas with the Kewats: the
Khasakas or Khasikas with the Khasiya Râjputs: the Kulindas possibly
with the Kunets: the Mâlavas with the Mâlavis: the Malas with the Mals:
the Nishâdas with the Nikhâd section: the Takkas with the Tânk Râjputs:
the Tomaras with the Tomars: the Yâdavas with the Jâdons. But of the
Angas of Bhâgalpur, the Aparakâshis near Benares, the Bahlîkas, the
Bahîkas, the Bahayas, the Bhojas, the Kûrus, the Mekâlas, the Sâkas,
Salwas, Surasenas, Yamunas, there is perhaps no trace in the existing
caste lists. The fact seems to be that these were nations or tribes,
and it was on the break up of their tribal organization that the
existing castes arose. As Dr. Robertson Smith showed, the same state of
things existed in early Arabian History. [28]
[Eponymous titles.] 8. Next to these names derived from the local areas
occupied by tribes, septs, and sections, we have the eponymous titles
derived from the worthies of the ancient days. Thus Vatsa seems to give
his name to the Bachgoti, Râja Vena to the Benbans: the Rishi
Bhâradwaja constantly appears, while Vasishtha is absent. Râja Durga is
represented in the Durgbansis; and we meet constantly with Garga,
Gautama, Parâsara, Raghu, and Sandila. Later in history come saints and
holy men like Kabîr, Lâlbeg, Madâr, Malûkdâs, and Nânak. Akbar, Humâyun
and Shâhjahân have disappeared, and perhaps the only monarchs of the
Delhi line who have survived in the caste names are Shêr Shâh and Salîm
Shâh, who give their name to two divisions of the Bhathiyâras. A
sub-caste of the Chhîpis take their name from Todar Mal, the famous
minister of Akbar.
[Names derived from Râjput septs.] 9. Much of the caste nomenclature is
taken from that of the famous Râjput septs who employed or protected
the menial peoples. No names recur more often among the sections of the
inferior castes than Chauhân, Gaharwâr, Gahlot, Bargûjar, Râthaur,
Kachhwâha, Jâdon and Tomar, which possibly represent the serfs and
helots attached to them.
[Occupational titles.] 10. Next comes the great mass of occupational
titles, the Bardhiya, “ox-men;” Bedbâf, “cane twisters;” Bâzigar,
“acrobats;” Beldâr, “spademen;” Bhainsaha, “buffalo-men;” Bhusiya,
“chaff men;” Chiryamâr, “fowlers;” Chobdâr, “mace-bearers;” Dhâlgar,
“shield makers;” Dhankûta, “grinders of paddy;” Dhânuk, “bowmen;”
Dharkâr, “rope twisters;” Dhelphor, “clod breakers;” Dhenkuliya, “those
who work the water lever;” Dhobi, “the washermen;” Dholi, “drummers;”
Gadariya, “shepherds;” Ghosi, “those that shout after the cattle;”
Guâla, “cow-keepers;” Hardiya, “turmeric growers;” Jauhari,
“jewellers;” Jonkâha, “leech men;” Julâha, “thread makers;” Kamângar,
“makers of bows;” Khâlranga, “dyers of hides;” Kingriya, “violin
players;” Kisân and Koeri, “ploughmen;” Kûnchhand, “makers of weavers’
brushes;” Kuppêsâz, “leather vessel moulders;” Lakarhâr, “the workers
in wood;” Lohiya, “the dealers in iron;” Luniya, “the saltmen,” and
Labâna, “the salt carriers;” Machhimâra, “the fish-killer;” Manihâr,
“the jeweller;” Pahlwân, “the wrestler;” Pattharâha, “the stone
workers;” Pâwariya, “the singer on a mat;” Piyâzi, “the growers of
onions;” Singiwâla, “the cupper;” and Sirkiband, “the people who live
under a thatch.”
[Personal or contemptuous titles.] 11. Then we have names derived from
personal peculiarities or used in a contemptuous sense. The sweeper is
Mehtar or “prince,” and Bhangi, “the rascal who intoxicates himself
with hemp:” in the same range are Barpagwa, “he that wears the broad
turban;” Kabûtari, “she that flirts like the pigeon;” Kâlkamaliya,
“they that wear black blankets;” Kâmchor, “the loafer;” Kanphata, “he
with the torn ears;” Kodokhânê, “they who eat the kodo millet;” and
Maskhân, “the eaters of flesh.” Like these are the titles of Khalîfa
for a cook or tailor, Jamadâr for a sweeper, and so on. [29]
[Totemistic titles.] 12. Incidentally some reference has been elsewhere
made to totemism in connection with the origin of exogamy. From the
details which are given in the following pages, and need not be
repeated here, it will be seen that there are undoubted survivals of
totemism among some of the Dravidian and menial tribes. These take the
form of section names obviously derived from those of animals, plants,
trees, and the like, the destruction, eating or even touching of which
by members of the section whose names are thus derived is prohibited by
a rigid tribal sanction. Though the evidence for the existence of
totemism among at least one part of the population of this part of
India seems sufficient, it will be seen that it now-a-days lurks only
among the most primitive tribes. The fact seems to be that, like so
many usages of the kind, it has been carried away by the flood of
Brâhmanism which has overflowed the land. There is a constant tendency
for tribes as they rise in the social scale to adopt the Brâhmanical
gotras, because it is a respectable fact to belong to one of them. Thus
all the stricter Hindu castes, like Banyas, Khatris, and even Kâyasths,
recognise the gotra. The fiction of common descent from the eponymous
ancestor naturally disappears, and among such people the gotra has no
higher significance than the pedigree worked up to order in the
Herald’s College, which ranks the novus homo through the use of a
common crest and coat-of-arms with the great houses of Cavendish,
Russel, or Howard.
[The family and the sept.] 13. We have seen that it is in the groups or
camps of the vagrant tribes like the Beriya, Hâbûra and Sânsiya, that
we must look to find what is perhaps the most primitive form of human
association, and that the family was almost certainly not the primitive
unit, but the sept. The family, in short, arose out of the sept when
the stage arrived at which paternity and the incidents connected with
it came to be recognised. But of the real tribal form of caste in which
the association is based on actual or assumed community of blood
through a common ancestor, we find little or no trace, except as Mr.
Ibbetson [30] showed to be the case among the Pathâns and Bilûches of
the western frontier, who are foreigners in this part of India. But
even here the fiction of common descent is being gradually weakened by
the wholesale admission of outsiders into the fraternity, who do not
even pretend to be able to establish a genealogical connection with the
original founder of the sept. Here, too, the differentiation of
industries is leading to a distinction, even among the members of the
association linked together in theory by the bond of blood. In theory
any Pathân, Mughal or Sayyid may marry any girl of his tribe; but if he
falls in social position or adopts any degrading occupation his
difficulty in marrying into a respectable family is as difficult as it
would be in Germany or even in some grades of English society for a
parvenu to marry into a family whose claims to rank are undisputed.
[Distinctions of the occupational type.] 14. To return to the
occupational type of caste, there is here, as Mr Ibbetson [31] has
already pointed out, a further distinction. There is the true
occupational caste like the Nâi, Chamâr, or Bhangi, and there is the
trade-guild association, which is much more flexible than the former,
and is generally found in towns, and bears a Muhammadan name, like the
Darzi, Âtishbâz, or Nâlband. This form is most unstable at the present
day, and one of the main difficulties of the classification of caste
statistics lies in the fact that from one decennial period to another
new groups are constantly organizing themselves by a process of fission
from other groups. Thus the Bâghbân, or gardener, is an offshoot of the
Kâchhi, the Sangtarâsh or stone-cutter, from the Gonr, or others who
engage in similar industries, the Mewafarosh, or fruit-seller, and the
Sabzifarosh, or seller of herbs, from the Kunjra or greengrocer. Here,
in fact, we can stand and watch the creation of new so-called castes
before our eyes. And the process is facilitated by the creation of new
religious groups, which base their association on the common belief in
the teaching of some saint or reformer. Most of these sects are
connected with the Vaishnava side of Hinduism, and are devoted to the
solution of much the same religious questions which beset the searcher
after truth in western lands. All naturally aim at the abolition of the
privileges and pretensions of the dominant Brâhman Levite, and the
establishment of a purer and more intellectual form of public worship.
CHAPTER V.
EXOGAMY.
1. No enquiry into the social relations of the Hindus can leave out of
account the thorny subject of the origin of exogamy. By exogamy is
generally understood the prohibition which exists against a man
marrying within the group to which he belongs: to follow Mr. D.
McLennan’s definition, [32] exogamy is prohibition of marriage between
all persons recognized as being of the same blood, because of their
common blood—whether they form one community or parts of several
communities, and accordingly it may prevent marriage between persons
who (though of the same blood) are of different local tribes, while it
frequently happens that it leaves persons of the same local tribe (but
who are not of the same blood) free to marry one another. “Endogamy,”
on the other hand, “allows marriage only between persons who are
recognised as being of the same blood connection or kindred, and if,
where it occurs, it confines marriage to the tribe or community, it is
because the tribe regards itself as comprising a kindred.”
[Various forms of exogamy.] 2. Before discussing the possible origin of
exogamy it may be well to explain some of its various forms, of which
numerous details, so far as it has been possible to ascertain them, are
given in the subsequent pages. We have, then, first the Brâhmanical law
of exogamy. Persons are forbidden according to the Sanskrit law-books,
to intermarry, who are related as sapindas, that is to say, who are
within five degrees of affinity on the side of the father. The person
himself is counted as one of these degrees, that is to say, two persons
are sapindas to each other, if their common ancestor being a male is
not further removed from either of them than six degrees, or four
degrees where the common ancestor is female. [33]
[The gotra.] 3. These prohibitions form a list of prohibited degrees in
addition to the ordinary formula, which prevents a Brâhman or a member
of those castes which ape the Brâhmanical organization, from marrying
within his gotra or exogamous section. The word gotra means “a
cow-pen,” and each bears the name of some Rishi or mythical saint, from
whom each member of the group is supposed to be descended.
Theoretically all the Brâhmanical gotras have eight great ancestors
only—Viswamitra, Jamadagni, Bhâradvaja, Gautama, Atri, Vasishtha,
Kasyapa, and Agastya. These occupy with the Brâhmans pretty much the
same position as the twelve sons of Jacob with the Jews; and only he
whose descent from one of these mighty Rishis was beyond all doubt
could become a founder of a gotra. [34] The next point to remark is
that, as Mr. Ibbetson [35] has pointed out, the names of many of the
founders of these gotras appear among the ancient genealogies of the
earliest Râjput dynasties, the Râjas in question being not merely
namesakes of, but distinctly stated to be the actual founders of the
gotra; and it would be strange if enquiry were to show that the
priestly classes, like the menials, owe their tribal divisions to the
great families to whom their ancestors were attached.
All that we know at present about the evolution of the Brâhmanical
tribal system tends to confirm this theory. At any rate, whatever may
be the origin of these Brâhmanical gotras, it must be remembered that
the system extends to all respectable Hindus. As soon as a caste rises
in the social scale a compliant priest is always ready to discover an
appropriate gotra for the aspirant, just as an English brewer, raised
to the peerage, has little difficulty in procuring a coat-of-arms and a
pedigree which links him with the Norman conquest. It is obvious in
such cases that the idea of common descent from the eponymous founder
of the gotra becomes little more than a pious fiction. But among many
of the Râjputs who have been promoted at a later date, and in
particular with more recent converts to orthodox Hinduism from the
forest tribes, with a comical disregard for the theory of gotra
exogamy, we find the sept enjoying only a single gotra, and this is
very often that of Bhâradvaja, which is a sort of refuge for the
destitute who can find no other place of rest. As has already been
shown, some of the sectional titles are eponymous, like those of the
gotras named after the famous Rishis; others like the Durgbans Râjputs
take their name from an historical personage; others, again, are
totemistic, and others purely territorial.
[Exogamy among the lower castes.] 4. Passing on to the inferior castes,
such as those of the agriculturists, artisans, and menials generally,
we find very considerable differences in their internal structure: some
are divided into regular endogamous sub-castes, which again are
provided with exogamous sections, or, where these are absent, practise
a special exogamous rule which bars intermarriage by reckoning as
prohibited degrees seven (sometimes more or sometimes less) generations
in the descending line. But it is obvious that, as in the case of
Brâhmans, this rule which prohibits intermarriage within the section,
is one-sided in its application, as Mr. Risley remarks:—“In no case may
a man marry into his own section, but the name of the section goes by
the male side, and consequently, so far as the rule of exogamy is
concerned, there is nothing to prevent him from marrying his sister’s
daughter, his maternal aunt, or even his maternal grandmother.” Hence
came the ordinary formula which prevails generally among the inferior
castes that a man cannot marry in the line of his paternal uncle,
maternal uncle, paternal aunt, maternal aunt. But even this formula is
not invariably observed. What the low caste villager will say if he is
asked regarding his prohibited degrees, is that he will not take a
bride from a family into which one of his male relations has married,
until all recollection of the relationship has disappeared. And as
rural memory runs hardly more than three generations, any two families
may intermarry, provided they were not connected by marriage within the
last sixty or seventy years. It is only when a man becomes rich and
ambitious, begins to keep an astrologer and Pandit, and to live as an
orthodox Hindu, that he thinks much about his gotra. To procure one and
have the proper prohibited degrees regularly worked out is only a
matter of money.
5. Having thus endeavoured briefly to explain the rules of exogamy
which regulate the different classes of Hindus, [36] we are now in a
position to examine the various explanations which have been suggested
to account for this custom.
[McLennan’s theory of exogamy.] 6. The earliest theory was that of Mr.
McLennan, [37] who began by calling attention to the fact that there
are numerous survivals of marriage by capture, such as the mock
struggle for the bride and so on, to which more particular reference is
made in another place: that these symbols show that at one time people
were accustomed to procure their wives by force. He went on to argue
that among primitive nomadic groups, where the struggle for existence
was intense, the girls would be a source of weakness to the community:
such children would be ill-protected and nourished, and female
infanticide would occur. Hence, owing to the scarcity of brides, youths
desirous of marrying would be obliged to resort to violence and capture
women by force from the groups. This would in time produce the custom
in favour of, or the prejudice against, (which in the case of marriage
would soon have the force of tribal law) marrying women within the
tribe. This theory has been criticized at length by Mr. Herbert Spencer
and Dr. Westermarck [38] mainly on the following grounds:—“The custom
cannot have originated from the lack of women, because the tribes that
use it are mostly polygamous. It is, again, not proved to prevail among
races which practise polyandry. The evidence of the widespread custom
of female infanticide among groups in this assumed stage of social
development is not conclusive. Primitive man does not readily abandon
the instinct of love of the young which he possesses in common with all
the lower animals, and women, so far from being useless to the savage,
are most valuable as food providers. Further, there may be a scarcity
of women in a tribe, and youths unable to find partners be forced to
seek wives in another group, the difficulty remains why marriage with
surviving tribal women should not only be unfashionable, but prohibited
by the severest penalties; in some cases that of death. The position of
such women would be nothing short of intolerable, because they could
not marry unless an outsider chose to ravish them.”
[Spencer’s theory of exogamy.] 7. Conscious of these and other
difficulties which surrounded Mr. McLennan’s explanation, Mr. Herbert
Spencer suggested another theory. According to him [39] exogamy is the
result of the constant inter-tribal war which prevailed in early
societies. Women, like all other livestock, would be captured. A
captured woman, besides her intrinsic value, has an extrinsic value:
“like a native wife she serves as a slave; but, unlike a native wife,
she also serves as a trophy.” Hence to marry a strange woman would be a
test of valour, and non-possession of a foreign wife a sign of
cowardice. The ambition, thus stimulated, would lead to the
discontinuance of marriage within the tribe. This theory is, as has
been shown by Mr. Starcke [40] and Dr. Westermarck, [41] open to much
the same objections as that of Mr. McLennan. As before, even if it
became customary to appropriate foreign women by force, we are a long
way from the absolute prohibition against marrying women of the tribe.
The desire of the savage for polygamy would impel him to marriage with
any woman whether of the tribe or not. The women of a tribe habitually
victorious in war would be condemned to enforced celibacy: a usage
based on victory in war could not have extended to the vanquished: the
powerful feeling against marriage with near relations could not have
arisen merely from the vain desire to possess a woman as a trophy: and
lastly, we have no examples of a tribe which did or does marry only
captive women, or, indeed, in which such marriages are preferred.
[Lubbock’s theory of exogamy.] 8. Sir John Lubbock’s [42] theory again
depends on his theory of what he calls communal marriage, by which all
the women of the group were at the general disposal of all the males.
This, however, he thinks, would not be the case with women seized from
a different tribe. This theory, so far as it is concerned with communal
marriage and polyandry, is discussed elsewhere. It is enough here to
say that the evidence for the existence of either among the primitive
races of this part of India appears entirely insufficient, and it is
difficult to understand, even if communal marriage prevailed, how women
captured, as must have been the case, by the general act of members of
the group, could have been protected from that form of outrage which
would naturally have been their lot.
[Starcke’s theory.] 9. Mr. Starcke [43] in his account of exogamy
attempts to draw a distinction between the license which would permit
intercourse between kinsfolk and prohibit marriage between them:—“The
clan, like the family, is a legal group, and the groups were kept
together by legal bonds long before the ties of blood had any binding
power. The same ideas which impelled a man to look for a wife outside
his family, also impelled him to look for her outside the clan.” This
depends upon the further assumption that early marriage was not simply
a sexual relation, a fact which he can hardly be considered to have
fully established.
[Tylor’s theory of exogamy.] 10. All these theories, it will be
observed, base exogamy more or less on the abhorrence of incest. Dr.
Tylor, [44] on the other hand, represents it as a means by which “a
growing tribe is enabled to keep itself compact by constant unions
between its spreading clans.” That exogamy may have been a valuable
means of advancing political influence is true enough, but, as Dr.
Westermarck objects, it does not account for the cases in which
inter-tribal cohabitation was repressed by the most stringent
penalties, even by death. [45]
[Morgan’s theory of exogamy.] 11. Next comes that advocated by Mr.
Morgan [46] and others, that it arises from the recognition of the
observed evils of intermarriage between near relations. This theory has
been with some slight modifications accepted by Dr. Westermarck [47]
and Mr. Risley. [48] Briefly put, it comes to this: No theory of
exogamy can be satisfactorily based on any conscious recognition by the
savage of the evils of interbreeding. Of all the instincts of primitive
man the erotic are the most imperious and the least under control. To
suppose that a man in this stage of culture calmly discusses the
question whether his offspring from a woman of his group are likely to
be weaklings is preposterous. But the adoption of marriage outside the
group would, in the end, by the process of natural selection, give the
group practising it a decided physical advantage. As Mr. Risley puts
it:—“As a result of the survival of the fittest the crossed families
would tend more and more to replace the pure families, and would at the
same time tend to become more and more exogamic in habits, simply as
the result of the cumulative hereditary strengthening of the original
instinct. It would further appear that the element of sexual selection
might also be brought into play, as an exogamous family or group would
have a larger range of selection than an endogamous one, and would thus
get better women, who again, in the course of the primitive struggle
for wives, would be appropriated by the strongest and most warlike
man.”
12. This theory, which bases exogamy on the unconscious result of
natural selection, gradually weeding out those groups which persisted
in the practice of endogamy, and replacing them by a healthier and more
vigorous race, seems on the whole best to account for existing facts.
It is, however, perhaps premature to suppose that in all cases the same
end was reached by the same course. All through the myths of early
India nothing comes out more clearly than the instructive hatred of the
Arya or white man for the Dasyu, or the man of the black skin. The
balance of opinion now seems to be moving in the direction of assuming
that the so-called Aryan invasion was much more moral than physical,
that the attempt to discriminate between the ethnological strata in the
population is practically impossible. The conversion may have been the
work, not of armies of invaders moving down the valleys of the Ganges
and Jumna, but of small bodies of missionaries who gradually effected a
moral conquest and introduced their religion and law among a population
with whom they ultimately to a large extent amalgamated. That some form
of exogamy was an independent discovery made by the autochthones prior
to their intercourse with the Aryans seems certain; but it is possible
that the special form of prohibited degrees which was enforced among
the higher races may have been to some extent the result partly of
their isolation in small communities among a black-skinned population,
and partly, as Dr. Tylor suggests, as a means of enhancing the
political importance and establishing the influence of these groups.
That this procuring of suitable brides from foreign groups was
sometimes impossible is proved by the curious Buddhistic legend that
the Sakyas became endogamous because they could get no wives of their
own rank, and were in consequence known as “pigs” and “dogs” by their
neighbours. [49]
[Exogamy and Totemism.] 13. There is, however, another side to the
discussion on the origin of exogamy which must not be neglected. In
another place I have collected some of the evidence as to the existence
of totemism in Northern India. [50]
The present survey has given indication of the existence of totemistic
sections among at least twenty-four tribes, most of whom are of
Dravidian origin.
Now we know that one of the ordinary incidents of totemism is that
persons of the same totem may not marry or have sexual intercourse with
each other, [51] and it is perhaps possible that, among the Dravidians
at least, one basis of exogamy may have rested on their totemistic
group organization. The indications of totemism are, however, too vague
and uncertain, being mainly based on the fact that the names of many of
their sections are taken from those of animals and plants, to make it
possible at present to express a definite opinion on such an obscure
subject.
CHAPTER VI.
FORMS OF HINDU MARRIAGE.
[Communal marriage.] Reference has already been made to the question of
communal marriage in connection with the origin of exogamy. It has been
observed that the evidence is insufficient to justify the belief that
among any of the tribes or castes of this part of India the women are
at the common service of all the men of the group. On the authority of
a compilation entitled, “The People of India,” [52] it has been
regarded as established that “the Teehurs of Oudh live together almost
indiscriminately in large communities, and even when two people are
regarded as married the tie is but nominal.” This has been since quoted
as one of the stock examples of communal marriage in India. [53] Now of
the Tiyars we have fairly complete accounts. The Oudh people of that
name are a sept of Râjputs in the Sultânpur District, who do not appear
in the enumeration of the last census. There is another body of Tiyars
who are a sub-caste of the Mallâh, or boatman class, found to the
number of 1,865 souls in the Ghâzipur District. They are numerous in
Behâr and Bengal, and Mr. Risley has given a full account of them. [54]
There is no evidence whatever that anything like communal marriage
prevails among them. The fact seems to be that by the necessities of
their occupation the husbands leave their wives for long periods at a
time and go on voyages as far as Calcutta. That a high standard of
female morality is maintained during their absence it would be rash to
assert: but this is very different from communal marriage. A rather
better example comes from the Beriyas, one of the nomadic and criminal
gypsy tribes. The girls of the tribe are reserved, in the Central
Ganges-Jumna-Duâb, for prostitution, and if any member of the tribe
marries a girl devoted to this occupation, he has to pay a fine to the
tribal council. This is what Sir John Lubbock would term “expiation for
marriage,” the annexation of the woman by one individual man of the
group being regarded as improper. [55] Dr. Westermarck, it may be
remarked, disputes the connection of this custom with communal
marriage. [56]
[Laxity of female morality.] 2. It is true that among many of the
Dravidian tribes and those of the lower Himâlayas, like the Thârus, the
standard of female morality is very low. Intrigues of unmarried girls,
or even of married women, are very lightly regarded, provided the
paramour is a clansman. Numerous instances of customs of this kind will
be found in the following pages. The penalty on the relatives of the
offenders is usually a fine in the shape of a compulsory feast to the
tribesmen. On the other hand, the penalty is much more severe if the
woman’s lover belongs to a strange tribe. If he belongs to one of the
higher tribes, the punishment is much less than if he belongs to one of
the degraded menial races, such as the Dom, Dharkâr, or Bhangi. In such
cases the woman is almost invariably permanently excommunicated. The
tolerance of intertribal immorality, while significant is, however, far
from actually legalised community of women.
[The jus primæ noctis.] 3. The custom of the jus primæ noctis has been
also adduced as a proof of the existence of communal marriage. Of this
the examples collected in the present survey are slight and
inconclusive. The Ahîrs and many similar tribes have a custom of paying
a fee to the village landlord at a marriage. This is known as mandwâna
from mândo, the hut or pavilion in which the marriage is performed.
This is hardly more than one of the common village manorial dues, and
it is pressing the custom to an illegitimate extent to regard it as a
commutation for the jus primæ noctis. There is reason to believe that
in comparatively modern times some of the Râjas of Rîwa, a native state
bordering on these Provinces, in their annual progresses, insisted on a
supply of girls from the lower tribes, and there are still villages
which are said to have been presented to the ancestors of women
honoured in this way. But this is far from sufficient evidence for
anything like the general prevalence of the custom, which is regarded
with abhorrence by the public opinion of the country side.
[Polyandry.] 4. The same feeling prevails as regards polyandry which,
according to Mr. McLennan, formed one of the regular stages in the
evolution of marriage. There is certainly no ground for believing that
at any time polyandry flourished as a permanent domestic institution.
At the same time it seems quite certain that it has prevailed and does
still prevail in Northern India, but usually among isolated communities
and under exceptional circumstances.
5. To begin with the evidence from history or myth. The legend of the
five Pândavas who took Draupadî as a joint wife, has been generally
accepted as a proof that it existed among the people whom, for the sake
of convenience, we call the early Aryans. It is true that the compilers
of the Mahâbhârata clearly wish to refer to it as an exceptional case,
and to whittle away its significance by representing it as a result of
their misconception of their mother’s order. But there is reason to
believe that it was not so exceptional as they endeavour to make out.
In the discussion which followed, one of the princes quoted as a
precedent the case of Jatilâ, “that most excellent of moral women who
dwelt with seven saints, and Varkshî, the daughter of a Muni, who
cohabited with ten brothers, all of them Prachetas, whose souls had
been purified by penance.” We have next the case of the Aswins who had
between them one woman, Sûryâ, the daughter of the sun. Even in the
Râmâyana the giant Viradha imputes that Râma and Lakshmana jointly
share the favours of Sîtâ. [57] Professor Lassen’s theory that the
whole story of Draupadî and her five lovers is only the symbolical
indication of an alliance between the king of Panchâla and the five
tribes represented by the five Pândavas has met with little support.
For the fraternal form of polyandry practised by some of the Himalayan
races, there is ample evidence. According to Mr. Drew, a very careful
observer, it originated in the smallness of the amount of land which
could be tilled and the general inelasticity of the country’s
resources: while the isolation from the rest of the world, isolation of
manners, language and religions, as well as geographical isolation,
hindered emigration. [58] According to Dr. Wilson, polyandry in Tibet
is not due to the scarcity of women, as a number of surplus women are
provided for in the Lama nunneries. [59]
6. As regards the plains, we know that the prevalence of polyandry was
noticed by the Greeks in the Panjâb. [60] Of the Gakkars Farishta [61]
tells us that “it was the custom as soon as a female child was born to
carry her to the door of the house and there proclaim aloud, holding
the child with one hand, that any person who wanted a wife might now
take her, otherwise she was immediately put to death. By this means
they had more men than women, which occasioned the custom of several
husbands to one wife. When the wife was visited by one of her husbands
she left a mark at the door, which, being observed by any of the other
husbands, he withdrew till the signal was taken away.” Similar customs
prevailed among the Khokars of the Panjâb, [62] and the Panjâb Jâts.
[63]
7. In all these cases it would seem that polyandry is associated with,
and in fact dependent on, female infanticide. In the course of the
present survey, it has been ascertained that the custom prevails among
some of the pastoral tribes, such as Ahîrs, Gûjars and Jâts, chiefly in
the upper valleys of the Ganges and Jumna. It has even been embodied in
the current proverb:—Do khasam kî joru, Chausar ka khel,—“The wife with
two lords is like a game of backgammon.” The arrangement suits these
pastoral people, who graze their herds in the river valleys. The
brothers take it in turn to attend the cattle, and one remains at home
in charge of the house-wife.
[Niyoga and the levirate.] 8. Whether the customs known as niyoga and
the levirate are or are not connected with polyandry has been the
subject of much controversy. Mr. McLennan [64] asserted that the
levirate, that is the practice of marrying the widow of a deceased
brother, was derived from polyandry. The niyoga, or the custom of a
widow cohabiting with the brother of her deceased husband, seems to be
referred to in the Veda. [65] Manu [66] allows such unions of a widow
with a brother-in-law or other relative of the deceased husband to
continue only till one or at the most two sons have been begotten, and
declares that they must then cease. In the verses which follow he
restricts such temporary unions to classes below the twice-born, or (in
contradistinction to what proceeds) condemns them altogether. By the
law, as stated by Gautama, [67] a woman whose husband is dead, and who
desires offspring, may bear a son to her brother-in-law. “Let her
obtain the permission of her gurus (husband’s relatives under whose
protection she lives), and let her have intercourse during the proper
season only. On failure of a brother-in-law she may obtain offspring by
cohabiting with a sapinda, or sagotra, or samân-pravara, or one who
belongs to the same caste. Some declare that she shall cohabit with
none but her brother-in-law. She shall not bear more than two sons. The
child belongs to him who begot it, except if an agreement to the
contrary have been made, and the child begotten at a living husband’s
request on his wife belongs to the husband, but if it was begotten by a
stranger, it belongs to the latter, or to both the natural father and
the husband of the mother, but being reared by the husband belongs to
him.”
9. The best recent opinion is in opposition to the theory that the
levirate or niyoga is a survival of polyandry. “The levir,” says Mr.
Mayne, “did not take his brother’s widow as his wife. He simply did for
his brother or other near relation, when deceased, what the latter
might have authorised him, or any other person to do during his
lifetime. And this, of course, explains why the issue so raised
belonged to the deceased and not to the begetter. If it were a relic of
polyandry, the issue would belong to the surviving polyandrous husband,
and the wife would pass over to him as his wife.” [68]
10. In modern times, in this part of India, practically all the tribes
which permit widow marriage allow the levirate in the restricted form
that it is only the younger son of the late husband who is allowed or
expected to take the widow to wife. Whatever may have been the idea
connected with this practice in early times, the fiction that the son
was supposed “to raise up seed unto his brother” seems to have
altogether disappeared, and no survival of this rule of affiliation has
been discovered. In fact, according to common custom, the widow is
regarded as a kind of property which has been purchased into the family
by the payment of the bride-price; and among some of the Dravidian
tribes there is a rule of tribal law that if the widow goes to live
with a stranger to the family, he is bound to repay the bride-price,
and in some cases the costs incurred in her first marriage, to her
younger brother-in-law or his father. It is noticeable that in this
form of the levirate alliance with the elder brother of her late
husband is rigidly prohibited: in fact all through the Hindu caste
system any intercourse, even to the extent of speaking to, touching, or
appearing unveiled in the presence of, her husband’s Jeth, or elder
brother, is strictly guarded by a special taboo. There is a Behâr
proverb—Latul bhainsur dewar barâbar—“a weak elder brother-in-law is
like a younger brother-in-law, with whom you may take liberties.”
[Prevalence of widow marriage.] 11. The statistics of the last Census
fully illustrate the prevalence of widow marriage. To use Mr. Baillie’s
summary of the figures [69] “of 10,000 of the total Hindu population,
331 males and 817 females are widowed, 306 males and 747 females among
Muhammadans, and no less than 639 males and 1,054 females among Jains.
[70] It is clear, therefore, that both males and females, but
particularly the latter, re-marry more extensively amongst Muhammadans
than Hindus, and very much more frequently among Hindus than amongst
Jains. As regards females this is exactly what might have been expected
from what is known of the social circumstances of the three religions.
Muhammadans permit re-marriage alike amongst males and females, and the
excess of female widowed is due to the same reasons as the excess in
England. The higher proportion of widowed of both sexes as compared
with England is, of course, mainly due to the higher proportion of
marriages. The somewhat higher proportion of excess among Muhammadan
widows over Muhammadan widowers, as compared with English figures, is
probably due to the greater facilities an English widow enjoys for
re-marriage. Amongst Hindus, as is well known, re-marriage is in the
higher castes permitted only for males. The castes which do not permit
widow marriage are roughly one-fourth of the whole, [71] so that Hindus
as regards female re-marriage occupy a position between Muhammadans and
Jains, but nearer the former than the latter. The latter are
practically, as regards such matters, Hindus of high caste, and permit
no widow re-marriage: hence the high proportion of widows.”
12. This marriage of widows, known to the east of the Province as sagâi
and to the west as karâo and dharewa, is a perfectly legal form of
marriage, and when recognised by the tribal council the children are
regarded as legitimate and succeed to their father’s estate. In
subsequent pages will be found numerous details of the ritual in widow
marriages. Among many of the lower castes the general rule appears to
be that the widow is married to a widower: but this rule is subject to
exceptions. The prohibited degrees for the widow are the same as for
the virgin bride, with the additional limitation, as already explained,
that she cannot marry her elder brother-in-law or her senior cousin.
Though the marriage is quite legitimate, there is a certain amount of
secrecy connected with it. It is performed at night. The bridegroom
after eating with the woman’s friends invests her with a new robe and
some jewelry, and withdraws with her to a private room. Next day he
brings her home and procures the recognition of the union by feasting
his clansmen. The rules as regards the custody of children by the first
marriage are not very clearly defined. The usual course seems to be
that if she has an infant she takes it with her to her new home, where
it is practically adopted by its step-father. Children who have passed
the stage of helplessness fall under the guardianship of their uncles,
who manage their estate until they attain years of discretion, or, in
the case of girls, arrange their marriages.
[Age for marriage.] 13. As regards the age for marriage the following
table taken from the last Census Report [72] deserves re-production.
================+==========================+=====================
| Absolute number of | Proportion to 10,000
| males and females | of same sex and
| married. | age periods.
Age periods. +~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~
| Males. | Females. | Males. | Females.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~
0 Year | 857 | 1,114 | 10 | 13
1 " | 857 | 1,172 | 24 | 31
2 " | 1,883 | 2,713 | 31 | 43
3 " | 3,382 | 5,504 | 47 | 73
4 " | 6,097 | 10,014 | 90 | 149
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~
0 4 " | 13,076 | 20,517 | 41 | 63
5 9 " | 139,773 | 291,373 | 433 | 999
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~
Total 0 9 " | 152,849 | 311,890 | 238 | 506
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~
10 14 " | 684,952 | 1,221,070 | 2,417 | 5,744
15 19 " | 1,020,582 | 1,507,733 | 5,014 | 9,119
20 24 " | 1,443,669 | 1,911,373 | 6,923 | 9,404
25 29 " | 1,654,290 | 1,856,524 | 7,849 | 9,155
30 34 " | 1,778,861 | 1,747,479 | 8,206 | 8,501
35 39 " | 1,135,619 | 988,812 | 8,526 | 8,040
40 44 " | 1,393,582 | 1,050,977 | 8,157 | 6,438
45 49 " | 661,188 | 434,907 | 7,970 | 6,002
50 54 " | 885,634 | 454,625 | 7,541 | 3,891
55 59 " | 263,152 | 142,643 | 7,134 | 4,216
60 and over | 746,220 | 245,005 | 6,142 | 1,688
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~
Total | 11,820,598 | 11,873,838 | 4,863 | 5,253
================+==========================+=====================
Thus 1,971 persons are shown as married in the first year of life. What
is known as the petmanganiya or “womb betrothal,” that is the
engagement of unborn children should they turn out to be of different
sexes, is noted in the case of Kanjars. It is remarkable that the
returns show that the proportion of children married below the age of 4
is as high among Muhammadans as Hindus. Mr. Baillie believes that the
custom prevails mainly among Muhammadan sweepers; but this is not quite
certain. Assuming 9 to be about the age of puberty, about 2½ per cent.
of boys and 5 per cent. of girls enter the state of matrimony below
that age. But it must be noted that this does not imply premature
consummation: these infant marriages are probably nearly all in the
families of persons of some wealth and social importance, and in such
cases cohabitation is practically always postponed till puberty, when
the gauna or bringing home of the bride takes place. Mr. Baillie goes
on to remark:—“Between 10 and 14 nearly nine-tenths of the female
population pass into the married state; but considerably more than
one-half of the males remain unmarried. Between 15 and 19 there are 15
married females for each one unmarried, whilst at the end of the period
only 60 per cent. of the males have been married. By 24 practically the
whole of the female population have been married, almost the whole of
those unmarried at this and later ages being women whose avocations
preclude marriage, or whose physical or mental health forbids it. Of
men considerably more than a fourth are unmarried up to 24, whilst an
appreciable but diminishing number remains unmarried through all
subsequent age periods.” [73]
[Bachelors and old maids.] 14. The census figures show, as might have
been expected, that “the largest proportion of males who remain
permanently unmarried is among Jâts, Râjputs, Brâhmans, Kâyasths,
Khatris, and to a less extent among Banyas. It shows that marriage is
latest for men in these castes also, while it is earliest for the
low-caste cultivators, forest and hill tribes, Julâhas, Kumhârs, Telis,
Dhobis, fishing castes, Chamârs, Pâsis and vagrant castes, the highest
figure of all being for Kumhârs. The figures for women are in certain
respects both more pronounced and more important than for men. For
women, the largest numbers permanently unmarried among respectable
Hindus are amongst Râjputs and Khatris. The high proportion among the
former may have to do with the claim made by many of the dancing castes
to be Râjputs. Why it should be so high among Khatris I have been
unable to understand or imagine. [74] Banjâras and vagrant Hindu castes
show proportionately much higher numbers. Amongst the Muhammadans, the
higher the caste, the higher the proportion of women not married at
all. Female infant marriage is most extensive amongst cultivating
castes, grazing castes, forest and hill tribes, Koris, Julâhas,
Kumhârs, Telis, Dhobis, Chamârs, Pâsis, sweepers, and vagrant castes.
Of the whole Pâsis are easily first, Kumhârs following a close second.
Widows are most numerous among Brâhmans, Râjputs, Kâyasths, Banyas,
Khatris and Sayyids easily, the highest proportion being among Khatris
and Brâhmans. The lowest proportion of widows is among the forest and
hill tribes, and after them amongst sweepers, Pâsis, Julâhas and
Chamârs, in all of which castes woman is peculiarly a helpmate to man.”
[75] The prenubial laxity of Dravidian girls enables the men to avoid
marriage till they are well advanced in life, and desire to found homes
for their old age.
[Polygamy.] 15. Polygamy is permitted both among Hindus and
Muhammadans. As Mr. Mayne remarks [76]:—“One text of Manu seems to
indicate that there was a time when a second marriage was only allowed
to a man after the death of his former wife (V., 168; IX., 101, 102).
Another set of texts lays down special grounds, which justify a husband
in taking a second wife, and except for such causes it appears she
could not be superseded without her consent (Manu, IX., 72–82). Other
passages provide for a plurality of wives, even of different classes,
without any restriction (Manu, III., 12; VIII., 204; IX., 85–87). A
peculiar sanctity, however, seems to have been attributed to the first
marriage.... It is now quite settled that a Hindu is absolutely without
restriction as to the number of his wives, and may marry again without
his wife’s consent, or any justification except his own wish.” There
seems no doubt that a Muhammadan may marry as many as four wives: but
the question is debated by the authorities. [77] In spite of this
polygamy is most infrequent. The last Census shows 11,820,598 married
males to 11,873,838 married females. Similarly in the Panjâb there are
101·2 wives to 100 husbands. The proportion of husbands who have more
than one wife is probably under 1 per cent.
[Marriage by capture.] 16. Something has already been said on the
subject of marriage by capture. It may be well to consider if there are
any facts which indicate that the people of Upper India in early times
procured brides by force. Mr. McLennan, as we have seen, in his theory
of marriage, starts with the stage of communal marriage next to
polyandry, merging in the levirate. This stage attained, some tribes
branched off into endogamy, some to exogamy. Exogamy was based on
infanticide, and led to marriage by capture. [78] We have already seen
the weakness of the evidence for the existence of a general stage of
polyandry or communal marriage.
17. In describing the various forms of marriage Manu speaks of that
known as Râkshasa:—“The seizure of a maiden by force from her house,
while she weeps and calls for assistance, after her kinsmen and friends
have been slain in the battle, or wounded, and their houses broken
open, is the marriage called Râkshasa”. [79]
18. The difficulty in examining the apparent survivals of marriage by
capture lies in determining which are indications of the usual maiden
modesty of the bride, her grief at leaving home and her dread at
entering a new family, and which are signs of violence on the part of
the bridegroom and his friends.
19. From the early literature, beyond the reference in Manu, to which
reference has already been made, the traces of the custom in myth are
not very numerous or clear. The myth of Urvasî probably indicates the
existence of some ancient rule or taboo which prevented ordinary
unrestrained intercourse between husband and wife, with the inference
that possibly from capture their relations were strained. [80] In the
Mahâbhârata the followers of Kîchika attempted to burn Draupadî with
his corpse, apparently because from the fact of her capture she was
assumed to have been his wife. In the same epic Bhîshma declares that
the Swayamvara is the best of all modes of marriage for a Kshatriya,
except one, that of carrying away the bride by force. He acquired in
this way the beautiful daughters of the Râja of Kâshi as wives for his
brother Vichitra Vîrya. In the Sûtras it was provided that at a certain
vital stage in the marriage ceremony a strong man and the bridegroom
should forcibly draw the bride and make her sit down on a red ox skin.
[81]
20. There are numerous examples of feigned resistance to the
bridegroom. Thus among the Korwas the bridegroom and his party “halt at
a short distance from the bride’s house, and there await her party.
Presently emerges a troop of girls all singing, headed by the mother of
the bride, bearing on her head a vessel of water surmounted by a
lighted lamp. When they get near enough to the cavaliers they pelt them
with balls of boiled rice, then coyly retreat, followed, of course, by
the young men, but the girls make a stand at the door of the bride’s
house and suffer none to enter until they have paid toll in presents to
the bridesmaid.” [82] In a Gond marriage “all may be agreed between the
parties beforehand, nevertheless the bride must be abducted for the fun
of the thing: but the bridegroom has only to overcome the opposition of
the young lady’s female friends—it is not etiquette for the men of her
village to take any notice of the affair.” [83]
21. Numerous instances of similar practices have been recorded at the
present survey. Thus, among the Ghasiyas, the bride hides in a corner
of the house, and the youth goes in and drags her out into the presence
of the assembled clansmen. It is etiquette that she makes some
resistance. Much the same custom prevails among the Bhuiyas and
Bhuiyârs. The Kanjar bridegroom comes armed to the bride’s house after
the negotiations have been settled, and demands delivery of the girl in
threatening tones. Similarly the bridegroom is armed with a bow and
arrow.
22. There are numerous other customs which seem to be based on the same
form of symbolism. Thus, the members of the bridegroom’s party are
mounted on horses and armed: they, on arriving at the bride’s village,
do not enter her house, but halt outside; the bridegroom on reaching
her door makes a feint of cutting at the arch (toran) with a sword:
there is the invariable fiction, no matter how near the houses of the
bride and bridegroom are, that she must be carried in some sort of
equipage. This the Mânjhis and some other Dravidian tribes call “a
boat,” or jahâz; possibly a survival of the time when the bride was
taken away by water.
23. We have then the etiquette by which the bride screams and wails as
she is being carried away. When she reaches her new home she is lifted
across the threshold by her husband, or carried inside in a basket.
This was an old custom on the Scotch border, [84] and may be as much a
survival of the respect paid to the threshold as a reminiscence of
marriage by capture. As she enters the door is barred by her husband’s
sister, who will not allow her to enter until she is propitiated with a
gift.
24. We have just noticed the fiction by which a bride is supposed to be
brought from a distance. This is a standing rule among the Orâons and
Kurmis of Bengal, [85] and more than one example of it may be found in
the present survey, as among the Nâis and Pankas. This repugnance to
marriage among people residing in close communities has been taken by
Dr. Westermarck to be one of the causes which have led to exogamy. [86]
In this connection, the system of gang exogamy, prevalent among the
gypsy Kanjars and Sânsiyas, with whom it is a rule that the bride must
be selected from an encampment different from that of the bridegroom,
is most significant. It is possible that here we are very close to
exogamy in its most primitive form. [87]
25. In the same category are the numerous taboos of intercourse between
a man and his wife and her relations. We have already noticed the
legend of Urvasî. The wife must not mention her husband by name, and if
he addresses her, it is in the indirect form of mother of his children.
Mr. Frazer has directed attention to the rule by which silence is
imposed on women for some time after marriage as a relic of the custom
of marrying women of a different tongue. Hence the familiar incident of
the Silent Bride which runs through the whole range of folklore. [88]
On the same lines is the taboo of intercourse between a man and his
mother-in-law, of which Dr. Tylor, though he gives numerous instances,
is unable to suggest an explanation. [89] This, also, perhaps accounts
for the use of the terms “brother-in-law” (sâla), “father-in-law”
(sasur), as abusive epithets.
[Runaway marriages.] 26. The next form of marriage is the runaway
marriage, which was dignified by the early Hindu lawgivers with the
name of Gandharva, “the reciprocal connection of a youth and a damsel,
with mutual desire, contracted for the purpose of amorous embraces, and
proceeding from sensual inclination.” [90] This prevails largely among
the Dravidian tribes of the Central Indian plateau. At the periodical
autumn feast the Ghasiya damsel has only to kick the youth, of whom she
approves, on the ankle, and this is a signal to her relatives that the
sooner the connection is legalised the better. We have the same custom
in another form in the well known institution of the Bachelors’ Hall
among the Orâons and Bhuiyas. [91] This merges into the Mut'ah
marriage, which is legalised among Muhammadans.
[Marriage by exchange.] 27. Next comes marriage by exchange, known
commonly as adala badala, where two fathers exchange daughters in
marriage between their sons. This is the simplest form of marriage by
purchase. [92] The present survey has disclosed instances of this among
Barhais, Bhuiyas, Dharkârs, Ghasiyas, Kanaujiyas, Meos, Musahars and
Tarkihârs. It thus is in a great measure confined to the lower castes,
and Mr. Ibbetson remarks [93] that in the East of the Panjâb “exchange
of betrothal is thought disgraceful, and, if desired, is effected by a
triangular exchange,—A betrothing with B, B with C, and C with A: in
the West, on the contrary, among all classes, in the Hills and
Submontane Districts, apparently among all but the highest classes, and
among the Jâts, almost everywhere, except in the Jumna District, the
betrothal by exchange is the commonest form.”
[Beena marriage.] 28. The next stage is what has been called by
ethnologists Beena marriage, [94] in which the bridegroom goes to the
house of the bride and wins her after a period of probation as Jacob
wins Rachel. In these Provinces the custom seems to be confined to the
Dravidian tribes of the Vindhyan plateau, Bhuiyârs, Cheros, Ghasiyas,
Gonds, Kharwârs, Majhwârs, and Parahiyas. Among them it bears the name
of gharjanwai, which means “the son-in-law residing in the house of the
bride.”
[Bride purchase.] 29. Immediately arising out of this is the more
common form of bride purchase which prevails among most of the inferior
tribes. In many cases, as will be seen by the examples which have been
collected, the bride-price is fixed by tribal custom, and it marks a
progressive stage in the evolution of marriage, where the purchase of
the bride is veiled under the fiction of a contribution given by the
relatives of the youth to cover the expenses of the marriage feast,
which is, except in the dola or inferior form of marriage, provided by
the relatives of the bride. “Let no father,” says Manu, [95] “who knows
the law, receive a gratuity, however small, for giving his daughter in
marriage: since the man who, through avarice, takes a gratuity for that
purpose, is a seller of his offspring.”
[Marriage with dowry.] 30. The last stage is when the relatives of the
bride provide a dowry for the bride, which is the subject of careful
negotiation, and is paid over in the presence of the tribesmen when the
wife lives with her husband.
[Confarreatio.] 31. In all these forms of marriage the ceremony of
Confarreatio, or the feeding of the married pair by the relatives on
both sides, takes an important place. We have seen that it is the main
rite in widow marriage. It is regulated by rigid rules of etiquette,
one of the chief of which is that both bride and bridegroom must at
first refuse the proffered food, and accept it only after much pressure
and conciliation by gifts.
[The Matriarchate.] 32. According to Baudhayana “there is a dispute
regarding five practices both in the South and in the North. Those
peculiar to the South are to eat in the company of an uninitiated
person, to eat in the company of one’s wife, to eat stale food, to
marry the daughter of a maternal uncle or paternal aunt. He who follows
these in any other country than the one where they prevail commits
sin.” [96] There is some want of moral perspective in the
classification of these prohibitions: but they chiefly concern us in
connection with the matriarchal theory. The prohibition of marriage
with a cousin on the mother’s side has been accepted as an indication
of the uncertainty of male parentage. There can be no doubt that in
Northern India there is some special connection between a boy and his
maternal uncle, as is shown by many instances drawn from the usages of
the inferior tribes, such as the Agariya, Majhwâr and other Dravidian
races. We also find among the Doms and Dharkârs that it is the sister’s
son who performs the duties of priest at the cremation and worship of
the sainted dead, which follows it. He is not, however, regarded as an
heir to the deceased to the exclusion of his sons. Similarly though a
foster-child has no rights to succeed, [97] the relationship is
universally recognised as a bar to intermarriage. There is thus some
evidence for some of the tests of female kinship as laid down by
Professor Robertson Smith. [98]
GENERAL DISTRICT STATISTICS.
==================+==============+============+=============+============================================================================================================
| | | | Religions of the people.
District. | Area in |Population. |Density per +~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~
|square miles. | |square mile. | Hindu. |Musalman. | Jain. |Christian.| Arya. | Sikh. |Buddhist.|Parsi.|Jew.|Brahmo.|Deist.|Unspecified.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~
Dehra Dûn | 1192·9 | 168,135 | 140·9 | 143,718 | 19,896 | 234 | 2,743 | 784 | 755 | 2 | 3 | ...| ... | ... | ...
Sahâranpur | 2242·0 | 1,001,280 | 446·5 | 667,494 | 324,432 | 6,084 | 1,974 | 496 | 792 | ... | 8 | ...| ... | ... | ...
Muzaffarnagar | 1658·2 | 772,874 | 466·1 | 542,563 | 218,990 | 9,396 | 127 | 1,032 | 766 | ... | ... | ...| ... | ... | ...
Meerut | 2369·7 | 1,391,458 | 587·2 | 1,047,650 | 316,971 | 16,380 | 5,435 | 2,784 | 2,237 | ... | 1 | ...| ... | ... | ...
Bulandshahr | 1911·1 | 949,914 | 497·0 | 764,937 | 179,019 | 1,284 | 210 | 4,430 | 34 | ... | ... | ...| ... | ... | ...
Aligarh | 1952·4 | 1,043,172 | 534·3 | 918,730 | 120,338 | 2,507 | 465 | 992 | 126 | ... | 14 | ...| ... | ... | ...
Mathura | 1440·6 | 713,421 | 495·2 | 646,385 | 62,657 | 2,403 | 846 | 209 | 919 | ... | 2 | ...| ... | ... | ...
Agra | 1845·5 | 103,796 | 543·9 | 879,319 | 104,443 | 13,462 | 4,758 | 989 | 540 | 254 | 41 | ...| ... | ... | ...
Farrukhâbâd | 1720·3 | 858,687 | 499·1 | 756,194 | 99,476 | 1,048 | 828 | 877 | 24 | 232 | 8 | ...| ... | ... | ...
Mainpuri | 1700·9 | 762,163 | 448·0 | 714,294 | 41,529 | 5,760 | 132 | 326 | 122 | ... | ... | ...| ... | ... | ...
Etâwah | 1691·2 | 727,629 | 430·3 | 682,863 | 42,325 | 2,117 | 134 | 169 | 19 | ... | 2 | ...| ... | ... | ...
Etah | 1740·7 | 702,063 | 403·3 | 622,833 | 72,953 | 4,945 | 520 | 764 | 43 | ... | 4 | ...| ... | ... | 1
Bareilly | 1594·6 | 1,040,691 | 652·6 | 789,603 | 245,039 | 4 | 5,271 | 351 | 300 | 111 | 12 | ...| ... | ... | ...
Bijnor | 1898·4 | 794,070 | 418·2 | 521,891 | 267,162 | 998 | 908 | 2,046 | 1,065 | ... | ... | ...| ... | ... | ...
Budaun | 2016·5 | 925,598 | 459·0 | 733,179 | 148,289 | 229 | 2,581 | 1,215 | 105 | ... | ... | ...| ... | ... | ...
Morâdâbâd | 2282·5 | 1,179,398 | 516·7 | 773,001 | 400,705 | 1,002 | 3,307 | 1,305 | 75 | ... | 3 | ...| ... | ... | ...
Shâhjahânpur | 1744·1 | 918,551 | 526·6 | 787,136 | 129,266 | 36 | 1,328 | 640 | 144 | ... | 1 | ...| ... | ... | ...
Pilibhît | 1371·7 | 485,366 | 353·8 | 402,120 | 82,486 | 11 | 365 | 383 | 1 | ... | ... | ...| ... | ... | ...
Cawnpur | 2363·2 | 1,209,695 | 511·9 | 1,103,990 | 101,541 | 415 | 3,036 | 620 | 52 | ... | 32 | 3| 6 | ... | ...
Fatehpur | 1633·1 | 699,157 | 428·1 | 621,923 | 77,061 | 83 | 71 | 15 | 4 | ... | ... | ...| ... | ... | ...
Banda | 3060·1 | 705,832 | 230·6 | 664,679 | 40,662 | 284 | 74 | 76 | 49 | 2 | ... | ...| ... | ... | 6
Hamîrpur | 2288·7 | 513,720 | 224·4 | 480,215 | 33,281 | 107 | 50 | 37 | 11 | ... | 19 | ...| ... | ... | ...
Allahâbâd | 2852·3 | 1,548,737 | 542·6 | 1,341,934 | 199,853 | 568 | 5,933 | ... | 155 | 268 | 25 | 1| ... | ... | ...
Jhânsi | 1640·0 | 409,419 | 249·6 | 380,804 | 23,067 | 2,521 | 1,877 | 131 | 946 | ... | 66 | 4| 2 | ... | 1
Jâlaun | 1479·6 | 396,361 | 267·9 | 370,604 | 25,501 | 168 | 67 | 12 | 5 | ... | 4 | ...| ... | ... | ...
Lalitpur | 1947·4 | 274,200 | 140·8 | 258,595 | 5,946 | 9,546 | 63 | ... | 49 | ... | ... | ...| ... | ... | 1
Benares | 1009·5 | 921,943 | 913·7 | 831,730 | 88,401 | 138 | 1,364 | ... | 52 | 255 | 1 | 2| ... | ... | ...
Mirzapur | 5223·0 | 1,161,508 | 222·4 | 4,085,232 | 75,240 | 281 | 465 | 102 | 188 | ... | ... | ...| ... | ... | ...
Jaunpur | 1549·8 | 1,264,949 | 816·0 | 1,148,505 | 116,344 | 6 | 93 | ... | 1 | ... | ... | ...| ... | ... | ...
Ghâzipur | 1462·0 | 1,077,909 | 737·3 | 974,340 | 102,726 | 27 | 576 | 86 | 150 | ... | ... | 4| ... | ... | ...
Ballia | 1169·7 | 942,465 | 805·7 | 876,095 | 66,353 | ... | 15 | ... | ... | ... | 2| ...| ...| ...| ...
Gorakhpur | 4676·1 | 2,994,057 | 654·3 | 2,691,164 | 301,630 | 44 | 1,176 | ... | 2 | ... | 19| 21| ...| ...| 1
Basti | 2767·0 | 1,785,844 | 645·1 | 1,509,989 | 275,729 | ... | 66 | 60 | ... | ... | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...
Kumâun | 2148·3 | 1,728,625 | 804·6 | 1,502,911 | 225,639 | ... | 74 | ... | ... | ... | 1| ...| ...| ...| ...
Azamgarh | 7151·0 | 563,181 | 78·8 | 549,572 | 11,969 | 5 | 1,601 | ... | ... | 34 | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...
Garhwâl | 5629·0 | 407,818 | 72·4 | 403,603 | 3,605 | 2 | 573 | 2 | ... | 33 | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...
Tarâi | 962·7 | 210,568 | 218·7 | 135,160 | 75,207 | 39 | 23 | 130 | 9 | ... | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...
Lucknow | 967·0 | 774,163 | 800·6 | 605,625 | 161,369 | 797 | 5,769 | 553 | 379 | 193 | 66| ...| ...| ...| 12
Unâo | 1778·0 | 953,636 | 536·4 | 877,451 | 73,920 | 8 | 106 | 123 | 28 | ... | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...
Râê Bareli | 1751·2 | 1,036,521 | 591·7 | 950,290 | 85,965 | 23 | 145 | 2 | 96 | ... | ...| ...| 6| ...| ...
Sîtapur | 2254·9 | 1,075,413 | 476·9 | 916,680 | 157,639 | 234 | 717 | 88 | 44 | 1 | 4| ...| ...| ...| ...
Hardoi | 2324·5 | 1,113,211 | 478·9 | 998,339 | 114,674 | 13 | 167 | ... | 16 | 2 | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...
Kheri | 2964·8 | 903,615 | 304·7 | 784,855 | 113,057 | 10 | 505 | 132 | 56 | ... | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...
Faizâbâd | 1728·1 | 1,216,959 | 703·7 | 1,076,831 | 138,461 | 161 | 1,254 | 55 | 171 | ... | 4 | 22| ...| ...| ...
Gonda | 2879·9 | 1,459,229 | 506·6 | 1,253,514 | 205,425 | ... | 248 | ... | 42 | ... | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...
Bahrâich | 2680·3 | 1,000,432 | 373·2 | 829,701 | 169,798 | 48 | 124 | 37 | 721 | ... | ...| 3| ...| ...| ...
Sultânpur | 1709·9 | 1,075,851 | 629·2 | 958,952 | 116,846 | ... | 53 | ... | ... | ... | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...
Partâbgarh | 1438·2 | 910,895 | 633·4 | 819,835 | 90,838 | 130 | 77 | ... | 15 | ... | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...
Bârabanki | 1740·2 | 1,130,906 | 649·9 | 943,740 | 185,938 | 1,043 | 147 | ... | 35 | ... | ...| ...| ...| 3| ...
+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~
Total | 107,502·8 | 46,905,085 | 436·4 |40,380,168 |6,346,651 | 84,601 | 58,441 |22,053 |11,343 | 1,387 | 342| 60| 14| 3| 22
=============+===================+============+=============+===========+==========+========+==========+=======+=======+=========+======+====+=======+======+============
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS AND ANTHROPOMETRICAL DATA.
=======+============+==================+======================+==============================+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+======================
1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 | 11 | 12 | 13 | 14 | 15 | 16 | 17 | 18 | 19 | 20 | 21 | 22
~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Number.| Caste. | Name. | Residence. | Occupation. |Height of Vertex.
| | | | | |Height of Trunk.
| | | | | | |Span.
| | | | | | | |Left Foot.
| | | | | | | | |Left Middle Finger.
| | | | | | | | | |Right Ear Height.
| | | | | | | | | | |Round Head.
| | | | | | | | | | | |Inion to Glabella.
| | | | | | | | | | | | |Tragus to Tragus.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | |Vertex to Chin.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Anteroposterior Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Maximum Transverse Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Minimum Frontal Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Bizygomatic Diameter.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Nasal Width.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Nasal Height.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Facial Angle (Cuvier).
~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
1 |Agariya |Musai |Billi Bari, Mirzapur |Iron smelting |1610| 800|1690| 244| 107| 57| 540| 340| 340| 212| 187| 135| 109| 130| 41| 50| 65
2 |Baheliya |Thakuri |Mirzapur |Shikari |1700| 840|1760| 250| 113| 63| 550| 330| 330| 193| 185| 136| 108| 134| 38| 56| 73
" | " |Prayâg | Ditto | Ditto |1710| 860|1800| 252| 110| 57| 540| 340| 340| 216| 187| 135| 105| 132| 36| 57| 70
3 |Bairâgi |Baldeo Dâs |Niraon, Mirzapur |Begging |1630| 810|1669| 250| 110| 62| 560| 360| 360| 196| 190| 145| 107| 134| 32| 56| 64
4 |Baiswar |Bagesari Lâl |Chatarwar, Mirzapur |Agriculture |1670| 860|1710| 263| 114| 64| 540| 330| 330| 215| 192| 135| 109| 133| 40| 59| 67
" | " |Deo Nârâyan | Ditto | Ditto |1650| 870|1670| 259| 117| 61| 550| 350| 350| 209| 192| 137| 104| 130| 35| 60| 71
" | " |Mohan | Ditto | Ditto |1600| 810|1640| 260| 110| 62| 540| 340| 340| 205| 180| 137| 103| 132| 33| 54| 75
" | " |Mithai Lâl | Ditto | Ditto |1590| 820|1590| 244| 111| 57| 560| 350| 340| 218| 194| 136| 107| 124| 37| 57| 70
5 |Banya |Girdhâri |Robertsganj, Mirzapur |Grain-dealer |1690| 850|1770| 249| 115| 62| 550| 350| 350| 214| 195| 139| 108| 135| 35| 61| 68
36 |Bhotiya | ... | ... | ... | Not measured.
7 |Bhuiyâr |Raghunandan |Arjhat, Mirzapur |Wood-cutter and ploughman |1610| 800|1660| 249| 109| 56| 530| 330| 340| 199| 179| 132| 113| 128| 38| 50| 70
8 |Bind |Ramphal |Robertsganj, Mirzapur |Ploughman |1690| 840|1760| 268| 117| 54| 560| 350| 360| 213| 190| 144| 110| 142| 37| 56| 70
9 |Biyâr |Bhuar |Sajaur, Mirzapur | Ditto |1620| 820|1700| 239| 106| 57| 560| 350| 340| 187| 192| 140| 115| 135| 35| 52| 60
" | " |Raghu |Ghuas, Mirzapur | Ditto |1520| 780|1580| 231| 103| 56| 530| 330| 320| 190| 184| 132| 107| 123| 32| 54| 58
10 |Chamâr |Mekhuri |Gothani, Mirzapur |Shoemaker and ploughman |1630| 810|1660| 229| 108| 67| 540| 330| 330| 202| 185| 133| 107| 137| 30| 53| 60
" | " |Nathua (child) | Ditto | Ditto | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...
11 |Chero |Chhandu |Birar, Mirzapur |Wood-cutter and ploughman |1590| 800|1630| 246| 108| 59| 540| 340| 350| 200| 186| 139| 114| 140| 37| 54| 60
" | " |Faujdâr |Katauli, Mirzapur | Ditto |1650| 830|1770| 245| 114| 62| 550| 350| 350| 217| 188| 136| 105| 132| 36| 55| 63
" | " |Muniya (female) |Salkhan, Mirzapur |Wood-cutter and field-labour |1490| 720|1460| 237| 108| 58| 560| 360| 350| 214| 191| 135| 107| 127| 36| 49| 69
" | " |Katwâru (female) | Ditto | Ditto |1560| 770|1560| 229| 105| 66| 540| 340| 330| 200| 187| 132| 108| 123| 35| 53| 62
" | " |Mangaru | Ditto | Ditto |1600| 830|1600| 233| 104| 63| 550| 340| 340| 209| 183| 131| 108| 128| 35| 55| 66
12 |Dhângar |Beni |Bardiha, Mirzapur |Field-labour and basket-making|1710| 850|1800| 245| 115| 59| 560| 360| 350| 206| 195| 138| 114| 140| 35| 53| 66
" | " |Dukhi | Ditto | Ditto |1560| 800|1540| 239| 102| 65| 530| 330| 340| 214| 182| 135| 107| 132| 40| 54| 67
" | " |Har Lâl | Ditto | Ditto |1700| 820|1760| 245| 110| 63| 550| 350| 340| 206| 189| 134| 110| 135| 36| 55| 68
" | " |Râj Kali (female) | Ditto | Ditto |1530| 760|1580| 230| 106| 66| 530| 340| 350| 206| 175| 129| 102| 125| 35| 54| 70
" | " |Sugiya (female) | Ditto | Ditto |1400| 650|1400| 210| 96| 59| 520| 320| 320| 186| 181| 131| 100| 122| 31| 52| 69
" | " |Child | Ditto | Ditto | ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...| ...
13 |Dharkâr |Dipu |Robertsganj, Mirzapur |Basket-making |1560| 790|1610| 229| 103| 54| 540| 350| 340| 199| 181| 143| 112| 129| 36| 53| 65
" | " |Ekadasiya (female)| Ditto | Ditto |1500| 770|1520| 224| 104| 53| 530| 330| 340| 190| 178| 128| 100| 123| 35| 52| 63
14 |Dom |Dwârika | Ditto |Working in bamboo |1710| 850|1730| 260| 115| 60| 550| 340| 340| 209| 139| 134| 110| 137| 38| 55| 68
" | " |Bhagwanti (female)| Ditto | Ditto |1600| 810|1620| 236| 112| 58| 560| 360| 360| 206| 186| 139| 110| 132| 37| 53| 61
15 |Ghasiya |Baghola |Katauli, Mirzapur |Ploughman and wood-cutter |1670| 850|1620| 256| 114| 65| 540| 340| 350| 215| 189| 131| 105| 130| 42| 58| 61
16 |Gond |Buddhu |Sanjaur, Mirzapur | Ditto |1620| 810|1730| 249| 111| 53| 530| 330| 330| 205| 177| 142| 111| 133| 31| 58| 68
17 |Jalâli |Amîr Ali Shâh |Mirzapur |Beggar |1670| 860|1680| 250| 112| 60| 570| 360| 360| 201| 195| 134| 112| 132| 35| 49| 72
18 |Kol |Machhal |Chirahuli, Mirzapur |Ploughman |1640| 810|1760| 251| 112| 59| 540| 330| 330| 213| 182| 130| 105| 129| 33| 49| 65
18 |Kol |Bhondu |Sahijan, Mirzapur |Ploughman |1720| 850|1790| 264| 116| 64| 560| 360| 350| 221| 195| 140| 103| 133| 38| 51| 71
" | " |Biranjiya (female)| Ditto | Ditto |1540| 790|1490| 232| 100| 54| 550| 340| 340| 190| 187| 129| 106| 124| 38| 57| 76
19 |Korwa |Karîman |Bisrâmpur, Mirzapur | Ditto |1530| 820|1560| 245| 110| 60| 540| 330| 340| 209| 186| 134| 110| 135| 42| 51| 69
20 | " |Bodhu | Ditto | Ditto |1640| 820|1720| 259| 118| 67| 550| 350| 350| 218| 190| 134| 102| 132| 41| 52| 64
" | " |Chhotu | Ditto | Ditto |1580| 790|1630| 252| 117| 60| 540| 340| 330| 213| 185| 133| 109| 130| 35| 51| 62
21 |Kumhâr |Sarnâm |Robertsganj, Mirzapur.|Potter |1570| 820|1580| 242| 105| 61| 530| 340| 340| 202| 183| 127| 99| 128| 37| 54| 62
22 |Mahâbrâhman.|Murlidhar |Kusumha, Mirzapur |Funeral priest |1620| 820|1630| 243| 107| 66| 570| 360| 360| 200| 194| 140| 115| 136| 32| 56| 68
" | " |Baban | Ditto | Ditto |1540| 790|1540| 225| 100| 56| 550| 350| 350| 201| 189| 134| 112| 125| 31| 50| 65
23 |Mallâh |Makholi |Kota, Mirzapur |Boatman and fisherman. |1570| 810|1680| 252| 114| 59| 520| 330| 340| 204| 175| 132| 114| 130| 35| 50| 67
" | " |Mangaru | Ditto | Ditto |1640| 860|1680| 251| 114| 60| 560| 360| 350| 219| 193| 133| 107| 131| 35| 56| 64
=======+============+==================+======================+==============================+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+====+======================
THE TRIBES AND CASTES OF THE
NORTH-WESTERN PROVINCES AND OUDH.
VOLUME I.
A
Abhyâgat.—(Sans. “Abhyâgata,” “a guest,” “a visitor”) is hardly a
special sect. It is referred generally to mendicants and Brâhmans who
live by begging. It is practically synonymous with Atît (q.v.). Some
live a solitary life, others associate in monasteries (math) under an
abbot (mahant).
Agariya. [99]—A Dravidian tribe found in scanty numbers only in the
hilly parts of Mirzâpur south of the Son, where, according to the last
Census, they number 481 males and 457 females, in all 938 souls. The
Mirzâpur Agariyas confined themselves almost entirely to mining and
smelting iron. They are certainly quite a different people from those
described by Colonel Dalton and Mr. Risley in Chota Nâgpur, [100] who
claim to be Kshatriya immigrants from the neighbourhood of Agra and
live by cultivation. The Mirzâpur Agariyas seem to be almost certainly
of non-Aryan origin. A tribe of the same name and occupation in the
Mandla District of the Central Provinces is described as a sub-division
of the Gonds and among the laziest and most drunken of that race. [101]
Colonel Dalton and Mr. Risley again describe a people of the same name
as a sub-division of the Korwas, who are undoubtedly Dravidians. [102]
It is with these people that the Mirzâpur tribe are almost certainly
connected.
[Appearance.] 2. In appearance the Agariyas approximate very closely to
allied Dravidian tribes, such as the Korwas, Parahiyas, etc., but they
have a particularly gaunt appearance and worn expression of
countenance, which is undoubtedly the result of the severe occupation
which they follow.
[Tribal organization.] 3. Those in Mirzâpur have seven exogamous septs
all of totemistic origin. The Markâm is also a sept of the Mânjhis
(q.v., paragraph 3). The word means “a tortoise,” which the members of
this sept will neither kill nor eat. The Goirâr take their name from a
tree so called, which the members of this sept will not cut. The
Paraswân take their name from the palása tree (Butea frondosa), and
members of this sept will not cut the tree or eat out of platters
(dauna) made of its leaves. The Sanwân say that they take their name
from san or hemp, which they will not sow or use. The Baragwâr are
named from the bar tree (Ficus Indica), from the leaves of which they
will not eat, and which they will not cut or climb. [103] Banjhakwâr,
the name of the fifth sub-division, is said to be a corruption of
Bengachwâr from beng, “a frog,” which the members of this sept will not
kill or eat. The Gidhlê, which is also the name of a sept of the Bengal
Orâons, [104] will not kill or even throw a stone at a vulture (Gidh).
The Census returns give the chief sept as Bâjutheb, which was not
recorded by the members of the tribe examined on the spot.
[Tribal council.] 4. They have a tribal council (panchâyat) at which
all adult males attend. The meetings, in default of any specially
urgent business, assemble when the members meet on the occasion of
marriages or deaths. The members are summoned by the President of the
council (mahto), who circulates a root of turmeric among them. The
council deals with caste matters, such as adultery, fornication, and
the like. The orders are enforced in the usual way (see Mânjhi,
paragraph 9). The office of President is permanent and hereditary. If
the incumbent happens to be a minor he can select another clansman to
act for him until he becomes competent to fill the post.
[Rules of exogamy.] 5. The only rule of exogamy is that no one may
marry within his sept (kuri). This obviously admits of very close
marriage connections, but it is not supplemented by the usual formula
which prohibits marriage in the family of both the paternal and
maternal uncles and paternal and maternal aunts. It is, in fact,
admitted on all sides that a man may marry the daughter of his paternal
uncle. It is essential that the bridegroom must not be engaged in any
degrading labour, such as shoe-making or groom’s work. There is no
restriction as to place of origin or family worship, but he must
nominally conform to the tribal religion.
[Traditions of origin.] 6. The Mirzâpur Agariyas say that some five or
six generations ago they emigrated from Rîwa, hearing that they could
carry on their business in peace in British territory. Their first
settlement was in the village of Khairahi in Pargana Dudhi. Their
head-quarters in Rîwa are at the village of Rijaura; they do not make
any pilgrimages to their original settlements or draw their priests or
tribal officials from there.
[Marriage.] 7. The bride is purchased and her price by tribal custom is
fixed at ten rupees. Polygamy is permitted, and an Agariya may have as
many wives as he can afford to purchase and maintain. The senior wife
(Jethi Mehrâru) is head of the household; she joins her husband in the
family worship and she receives a degree of respect among the clansmen
at marriages, etc., which is denied to the junior wives. If there are
more wives than one they live in the same house, but in separate huts.
Concubinage with women who are not members of the tribe and polyandry
are prohibited. The women enjoy a considerable amount of liberty both
before and after marriage. If an unmarried girl is detected in an
intrigue with a clansman, her father can get her married to her lover
on paying a tribal fine of ten rupees and providing a feast for the
clansmen to the amount of one goat and the necessary quantity of rice.
If she offends with a stranger she is permanently expelled.
[Marriage ceremonies.] 8. The age for marrying girls is between five
and ten, and the parents are disgraced if they do not marry their
daughters at an early age. The boy’s maternal uncle (mâmu) arranges the
marriage. [105] There are no professional marriage brokers. The consent
of the parents on both sides is essential, and the parties have no
freedom of choice. When the preliminaries are arranged, the boy’s
father sends to the girl’s father ten rupees and two loin cloths
(dhoti). This is the invariable rate whatever the means of the parties
may be. None of this becomes the property of the bride and bridegroom,
except one of the loin cloths which is given to the bride; but her
father is expected to spend the cash received on the marriage feast. No
physical defects are a bar to marriage, and if after marriage the
bridegroom discovers any defect in the bride he must take her home. But
this very seldom happens because the relatives on both sides take care
to inspect the bride and bridegroom before the preliminaries are
arranged. The betrothal consists in the approval of the bride by the
boy’s maternal uncle and his acceptance of a dinner from the father of
the girl. After this the wedding day is fixed. Their marriages usually
take place in the light half of the month of Mâgh (January–February).
Five days before the wedding day, the matmângar ceremony is performed
in the usual way. On the marriage day the bridegroom comes with his
procession to the house of the bride. They are put up in a place
(Janwânsa) arranged for their reception. On that day it is not the
custom for the father of the bride to entertain the party. Next morning
the bridegroom comes with his friends to the bride’s house, and going
into the inner chamber, where she is hiding, drags her out into the
courtyard. This, and the rule of not entertaining the friends of the
bridegroom before the marriage, are obvious survivals of marriage by
capture. In the courtyard is fixed up a sort of pavilion (mânro), in
the centre of which is planted a branch of the sâl tree (Shorea
robusta). The sâl is the sacred tree of many of the Dravidian races,
and its use at marriages seems to imply that tree marriage was the
original custom. Round this the pair walk five times, and then the
bride’s father makes a mark with turmeric on the foreheads of both, and
warns them to live in unity. After this the clansmen are fed, and the
bride is sent home with her husband. When she arrives at the door of
her husband’s house his sister (nanad) bars the entrance, and will not
admit the bride until the bridegroom gives her a couple of pice. After
this the bridegroom’s father feeds his clansmen, who return home next
day. Before they enter their new home there is a sort of confarreatio
ceremony when the pair have to sit down outside and eat together. The
essential part of this marriage ceremony, which is known as charhauwa,
because the bride is offered (charhâna) to the bridegroom, is the
payment of the bride price and the marking of the foreheads of the pair
by the father of the bride.
[Divorce.] 9. There is no real divorce: merely expulsion of the
faithless wife from hearth and home. The only ground for expulsion is
proof of the wife’s adultery to the satisfaction of the clansmen. In
fact, it is understood that no proof short of her being caught in the
act of adultery will be sufficient. If a woman is put away for
adultery, she cannot be remarried in the tribe. Concubinage with
strange women is forbidden. All the sons of all the wives rank and
share equally. If a woman has a child by a man of another tribe, he is
not received into the caste, cannot be married in the tribe, and the
clansmen will not eat with him.
[Widow Marriage.] 10. Widow marriage in the Sagâi form is allowed. When
a man proposes to marry a widow, he can do so with the consent of the
head of the family. Both parties give a tribal dinner, and the man rubs
some oil on the woman’s head and some red lead on the parting of her
hair, and brings her home. When he brings her home he has to entertain
the clansmen. The levirate is permitted, with the usual restriction
that it is only the younger brother of her late husband who is entitled
to claim her. It is only on his renouncing his right to her that she
can marry an outsider. If she have children by her first husband, they
do not accompany her to her new home, but remain with their father’s
brother. The widow, on re-marriage, has no rights to her first
husband’s property. If the children are very young, the uncle, who
maintains them, gets half their property as his remuneration. In the
same way if their uncle does not care to look after them, and they go
to their step-father, he receives half their inheritance, and in this
case the children are considered to be his own.
[Adoption.] 11. Adoption is permitted to a sonless man or one whose son
is permanently expelled from caste; but there is no idea of religious
merit in adoption. The son adopted must be of the sept (kuri) of the
adopter, and is in most cases a brother’s son. Having once adopted he
cannot adopt again as long as the adopted son is alive. A bachelor, an
ascetic, or a blind man cannot adopt, nor can a married woman without
the leave of her husband, and under no circumstances has the widow this
power. A man may give his eldest, but not his only son, in adoption to
another. There is no condition of age in the boy to be adopted. Girls
cannot be adopted. The adopted son is not excluded from succeeding to
his natural father, and will do so if he have no other son. If a
natural son be born after adoption, both share equally in the estate.
These are the rules as stated in a meeting of the caste, but they
obviously represent the influence of their Hindu neighbours. It is very
doubtful if the real Agariyas have any idea of adoption.
[Succession.] 12. The rules of succession are very similar to those of
the Mânjhis (q.v.). When a man dies leaving a widow or widows, a son or
sons, a daughter or daughters, brothers or other relatives, the sons
alone inherit, and primogeniture is so far observed that the eldest son
gets one animal or article, an ox, a brass pot, etc., in excess of the
others. The sons take their shares per capita. When a man leaves only a
sonless widow, his brothers inherit with the obligation of maintaining
the widow for her lifetime or until she marries again. She can be
expelled for unchastity. Stepsons inherit only the amount of their
father’s property which their step-father may have received, but he is
bound to support and marry them. Many of the elaborate rules which the
tribe pretend to observe are derived from Hindu practice; and it is
obvious that it is seldom difficult for an Agariya to dispose of his
simple property.
[Relationship.] 13. The relations of the husband are regarded as
relations of the wife, and vice versâ. The scheme of relationship
agrees with that of the Kols (q.v.).
[Birth ceremonies.] 14. There are no ceremonies during pregnancy.
Contrary to ordinary Hindu custom the woman lies on a bed facing east
during delivery. She is attended during seclusion by the Chamâin
midwife, who cuts the cord and buries it outside under the eaves of the
house. The mother is dosed with a decoction of dill (ajwâin), and gets
in the evening a mess of boiled sâwân, millet and konhrauri or balls
made of urad pulse, and cucumber (konhra). On the sixth day the clothes
of the mother and all the household are washed by one of them. They do
not employ a Dhobi which, as the birth pollution is much dreaded, marks
a very low stage of ceremonial purity. On the same day mother and child
are bathed by the midwife, who gets a loin cloth (dhoti) as her fee.
The mother then cooks for the family and a few of the neighbouring
clansmen. On the same day the delivery room (saur) is cleaned and
replastered by the sister of the husband (nanad), who receives a fee of
four annas for her trouble. On the twelfth day the clansmen and their
wives who live in the neighbourhood are fed.
[Couvade.] 15. The husband is allowed to do no work on the day his wife
is delivered, and has to take the first sip of the cleansing draught
which is given her after delivery. He does not cohabit with his wife
for a month after her confinement.
[Puberty ceremonies.] 16. There is no regular ceremony on arrival at
puberty. The only rite in the nature of initiation is the ear-boring,
which is done both for boys and girls in the fifth year. Up to this
they may eat from the hands of a person of any caste. After this
ceremony they must conform to tribal usage.
[Death ceremonies.] 17. The dead, except young children and those dying
of small-pox, are cremated in the jungle. This is done very carelessly,
and in times of epidemic disease the corpses are merely exposed in the
jungle to be eaten by wild animals. The corpse is laid face upwards on
the pyre with the feet to the south. The nearest kinsman moves five
times round the pyre and touches the face of the corpse five times with
a straw torch. As soon as the pyre blazes all go and bathe. Then they
fill their vessels (lota) with water and return to the house of the
deceased, where each pours the water he has brought in the court-yard.
No fire is lit and no cooking done in the house that day. The food is
cooked at the house of the brother-in-law (bahnoi) of the dead man. On
the tenth day the clansmen assemble at some running water, and then go
and eat at the house of the deceased. The bones which remain after
cremation are thrown into the nearest running stream. They are not
buried, and subsequently, when convenient, conveyed to the Ganges, as
is the custom with the similarly named tribe in Chota Nâgpur. [106]
[Ancestor worship.] 18. On the day of the Phagua (Holi) they feed a
fowl with gram and kill it in the name of the sainted dead. But they
recognise no deceased ancestor beyond their father and mother, in whose
name after the sacrifice they pour a little water on the ground. Only
the members of the family eat the flesh of the victim. They do not
employ Brâhmans at funerals; they have no Srâddha, and the sister’s son
has no special functions on this occasion.
[Religion.] 19. They call themselves Hindus, but worship none of the
regular Hindu deities. In the month of Aghan they get the Baiga to
worship the village gods (dih). The offering consists of five fowls and
a goat. The Baiga chops off the heads of the victims with his axe and
takes the heads as his perquisite, while the worshipper and his family
cook and eat the rest of the meat at the shrine. In the month of Pûs
they worship the tribal deity—the goddess of iron—Lohâsur Devi. To her
is offered a female goat which has never borne a kid and some cakes
made of flour and molasses fried in butter. These cakes are broken into
pieces before dedication. A fire offering (hom) is lit and some of the
scraps of cake are thrown into it. The remainder are eaten by the
worshippers. There is no temple or image of this deity. Brâhmans are
never employed by them, and they do all their religious business
themselves, except the worship of the village gods, which is entrusted
to the Baiga. Among them the Baiga is always one of the Parahiya (q.v.)
caste. The village gods are worshipped at their special shrine;
offerings to Lohâsur Devi and the sainted dead are made in the
court-yard of the house. It is only in the case of the sacrifice to the
local gods that the Baiga receives the head of the victim; in other
cases the whole of the meat is consumed by the worshippers themselves.
No substitutes are used in sacrifice, and they do not offer parts of
their own bodies, such as locks of hair, drops of blood, etc.
[Festivals.] 20. Their festivals are the Phagua or Holi and the
Baisâkhi called after the months in which they occur. At both they
sacrifice to deceased ancestors and drink liquor. Both these are
regular fixed feasts. They have no other Hindu holidays, nor at the
Phagua do they light the holy fire as Hindus do. Before they offer the
black goat to Lohâsur Devi they worship it, and before sacrificing it
pour water on its head. Ancestors are worshipped to ward off evil from
the household. They do not sacrifice animals at funerals, nor do they
make any funeral offerings.
[Ghosts.] 21. They dread the ghosts of the dead who appear in dreams,
not because their obsequies have not been duly performed, but because
they have not received their customary periodical worship. They are
then appeased by the sacrifice of goats and fowls.
[Tattooing.] 22. All the Dravidian tribes of Mirzapur, the Kharwâr,
Majhwâr, Patâri, Panka, Ghasiya, Bhuiya, Parahiya, Bhuiyâr, Korwa,
Agariya, etc., have their bodies tattooed. This is done both to married
and unmarried girls as soon as they attain to puberty. A widow cannot
get herself tattooed, unless she marries again by the sagâi form. If a
widow gets tattooed it is believed to bring trouble on the village.
There are twenty-four forms of tattoo, any of which may be used by any
woman of any of the castes. In general opinion tattooing is a sacred
rite by which the body is sanctified. They say that the road to the
heaven of Parameswar is full of difficulties, and at the end is a great
gate guarded by terrible demons. The keepers will let no woman pass who
is not tattooed. Accordingly every woman has to be tattooed, and in
particular it is advisable to have the mark of some god marked on the
body. They also believe that women who are not tattooed during life are
tortured by the keepers of the gate of heaven. They burn them in the
fire and brand them with a hot iron. They also roll them among thorns
and afflict them in sundry ways. Some are taken to the top of the gate
and flung down from thence. The only ornament which accompanies the
soul to the other world is the godna or tattoo. [107] Besides being a
religious obligation the tattoo is used as a decoration, and it hence
takes the form of various kinds of jewelry. The tattooing is done by
the women of the Bâdi or Malâr tribes of Nats. The remuneration varies
according to the wealth of the patient and the character of the
ornament. It ranges from half an anna to four annas. Women get
themselves tattooed on the wrists, arms, shoulders, neck, breast,
thighs, knees and below the knees. It is done with lamp-black mixed
with the milk of the patient. If a woman be unmarried or barren, the
milk of another woman of the family is used. If the milk of a woman of
another caste be used it is considered most injurious to health. While
the operation is going on, the patient is kept amused by the recitation
of verses usually obscene. Tattooing is also used as a remedy for pains
in various parts of the body. The black substance is made by burning
the roots of certain jungle plants known as the gaihora and Chainshora.
Opium is also mixed with the black pigment to reduce the pain. A
favorite remedy for barrenness is to tattoo the part of the stomach
below the navel. In the same way a woman whose children are unhealthy
and die gets a tattoo mark made on her armpit or stomach.
The chief forms of tattoo used by these jungle tribes are as
follows:—The elephant; this is the sign of Ganesa, and women have it
done on both arms; the sacred book (pothi),—this is done on the
shoulders and arms; Mahâdeva,—this represents the name of Siva and is
done on the breast; sankha or the conch shell,—this is done on the
wrist, but is prohibited to women of the Majhwâr and Patâri tribes. It
is the sign of coverture, and the woman who wears it does not become a
widow in this world or in the life to come; pahunchi and chûra—these
represent bangles or bracelets; the pahunchi is done on the arms, and
the chûra below the knee; Jata Mahâdeva—this represents the matted
locks of Siva and is done on the breast and other parts of the body;
the hansuli or necklace—this is made on the neck in the place where the
necklace is worn. While this mark is being tattooed, the mother of the
girl seats her daughter on her knee because it is believed that the
existence of this mark ensures that they both shall meet in the next
world; the person who makes this mark receives extra remuneration. Pân
pattar or betel leaf, châwal or rice mark, and the kharwariya are done
on the arms in the place where the ornaments known as the bâju or
jaushan are worn. Women of the Bhuiya and Parahiya tribes call this
mark rijhwâr or “pleasing.” The bhanwara or large bumble bee is done on
the knees and thighs. The murli-manohar is the representation of
Krishna as the flute-player. It is done on the wrists and arms. The
phulwâri or flower garden is done on the breasts and arms. The dharm
gagariya is a mark which is supposed to make the wearer holy in the
world to come. The râwana is the sign of Rawana, the enemy of Râma
Chandra. It is done on the breast and hands. Garur is the sign of the
bird Garuda, the vehicle of Vishnu. It is done on the arms chiefly by
women of the Majhwâr, Patâri and Panka tribes. Chandrama is the sign of
the moon, and is delineated on the breast and arms. Râdha Krishna is
the sign of Krishna and his consort, done on the breast, wrist, and
arms. The dhandha or “work” is the mark made below the navel by barren
women in the hope of obtaining offspring. Muraila is the mark of the
peacock made on the breast. Many of these marks are probably totemistic
in origin, but the real meaning has now been forgotten, and they are at
present little more than charms to resist disease and other
misfortunes, and for the purpose of mere ornament.
[Tree worship.] 23. The only tree they respect is the sâkhu or sâl
which is used at these marriages.
[Clothes and jewelry.] 24. There is nothing peculiar about their
clothes, except their extreme scantiness. The men wear rings of brass
or gold in the ear-lobes. The women wear ear ornaments made of
palm-leaf (tarki), glass bangles (chûri), heavy pewter anklets (pairi),
and on the arm brass rings (ragari), with bead necklaces on the throat.
[Oaths.] 25. They swear on the head of their son and believe that they
die if they forswear themselves. They have no form of ordeal.
[Witchcraft.] 26. There appears to be no idea that their women, like
those of the Bengal Agariyas, are notorious witches. [108] They have
Ojhas in the tribe, who announce, by counting the grains of rice put
before them in a state of ecstacy, what particular Bhût has attacked
the patient. The usual result is that he decides that some particular
godling (deota) is clamouring for an offering. They believe in dreams
which are interpreted by the oldest man in the family. They are usually
due to inattention to the wants of the sainted dead. They do not
profess to believe in the Evil Eye. But this is more than doubtful.
[Food.] 27. They eat all kinds of meat, including beef. They will not
touch a Dom; they will touch a Chamâr, Dharkâr, Ghasiya, or Dhobi, but
will not eat from their hands. They have a special detestation for
Doms.
[Taboos.] 28. They will not touch a menstrual woman or their younger
brother’s wife, or mother-in-law, or a connection through the marriage
of children (Samdhin). They will not name their wives or elders in the
family or the dead. In the morning they will not speak of death or
quarrels or unlucky villages or persons of notorious character. They
will not eat the flesh of monkeys, horses, crocodiles, lizards or
snakes.
[Social usages.] 29. Children eat first, then the men and women eat
together, but in separate vessels. They have no ceremony at eating.
They use liquor and chewing tobacco freely; they do not use the huqqa,
but smoke out of pipes made of the leaf of the sâl tree. When they
cannot get liquor to offer to deceased ancestors they mix flowers of
the Mahua (Bassia latifolia) in water. They believe that the use of
liquor keeps off sickness, but consider drunkenness disreputable. They
salute in the same form as the Mânjhis (q.v.). They will eat food
cooked in butter (pakka) from the hands of Kahârs, and boiled rice from
Chhatris. There is no caste which will drink water touched by them.
[Occupation.] 30. They practically do no agriculture. Their business is
smelting and forging iron. The following account of the manufacture is
given by Dr. Ball [109]:—“The furnaces of the Agariyas are generally
erected under some old tamarind or other shady tree on the outskirts of
a village, or under sheds in a hamlet where Agariyas alone dwell, and
which is situated in convenient proximity to the ore or to the jungle
of sâl (Shorea robusta), or bijay sâl (Pterocarpus marsupium), where
the charcoal is prepared. The furnaces are built of mud and are about
three feet high, tapering from below upwards from a diameter of rather
more than two feet at base to eighteen inches at top, with an internal
diameter of about six inches, the hearth being somewhat wider.
Supposing the Agariya and his family to have collected the charcoal and
ore, the latter has to be prepared before being placed in the furnace.
The magnetic ores are first broken into small fragments by pounding,
and are then reduced to a fine powder between a pair of mill-stones.
The hematite ores are not usually subjected to any other preliminary
treatment besides pounding. A bed of charcoal having been placed on the
hearth, the furnace is filled with charcoal and then fired. The blast
is produced by a pair of kettle-drum-like bellows, which consist of
basins loosely covered with leather in the centre of which is a valve.
Strings attached to these leather covers are connected with a rude form
of springs which are simply made by planting bamboos or young trees
into the ground in a sloping direction. The weight of the operator, or
pair of operators, is alternately thrown from one drum to the other,
the heels acting at each depression as stoppers to the valves. The
blast is conveyed to the furnace by a pair of hollow bamboos, and has
to be kept up steadily without intermission for from six to eight
hours. From time to time ore and fuel are sprinkled on the top of the
fire, and as fusion proceeds the slag is tapped off by a hole pierced a
few inches from the top of the hearth. For ten minutes before the
conclusion of the process, the bellows are worked with extra vigour,
and the supply of ore and fuel from above is stopped. The clay luting
of the hearth is then broken down, and the ball (giri) consisting of
semi-molten iron slag and charcoal is taken out and immediately
hammered, by which a considerable portion of the included slag which is
still in a state of fusion is squeezed out. In some cases the Agariyas
continue the further process, until after various reheatings in open
furnaces and hammerings, they produce clean iron fit for the market, or
even at times they work it up themselves into agricultural tools, etc.
Not unfrequently, however, the Agariya’s work ceases with the
production of the giri which passes into the hands of the Lohârs. Four
annas or six-pence is the price paid for an ordinary giri, and as but
two of these can be made in a very hard day’s work of fifteen hours’
duration, and a considerable time has also to be expended on the
preparation of charcoal and ore, the profits are very small. The fact
is that although the actual price which the iron fetches in the market
is high, the profits made by the native merchants (Mahâjan) and the
immense disproportion between the time and labour expended and the
outturn, both combine to leave the unfortunate Agariya in a miserable
state of poverty.” Some further enquiries recently made in Mirzapur
prove the hopelessness of competition between native and imported iron.
The native iron is specially valued for tools, etc., but with the
diminution of jungle its manufacture will probably soon disappear.
Agariya: Agari.—There is another set of people known under this name
who are found in the Central Ganges-Jumna Duâb who have no connection
with the Agariyas of Mirzâpur. They claim to be Chauhân Râjputs, and
say that they emigrated to Bulandshahr about two centuries ago from
Sambhal in the Morâdâbâd district. They are, as a rule, settled, but in
the hot weather they migrate to Rohtak, in the Panjab, where they
settle in rude huts near villages and pursue their trade of making salt
(khâri nimak) and saltpetre. They follow the customs of Râjputs in
their marriage ceremonies, except that they levy a bride price from the
relations of the bridegroom. They profess not to permit widow marriage,
but they recognise the levirate. A wife may be put away for adultery or
other misconduct with the sanction of the tribal council, and then she
can re-marry by the karâo form. Some of them now live by agriculture.
Gûjars, they say, will eat and smoke with them.
2. A caste known as Agari are miners and smelters in the hills: there
they are regarded as a branch of the Doms.
3. Of the Agaris of the Panjab Mr. Ibbetson writes:—“The Agari is the
salt-maker of Râjputâna and the east and south-east of the Panjab, and
takes his name from the Agar or shallow pan in which he evaporates the
saline water of the lakes or wells at which he works. The city of Agra
derives its name from the same word. The Agaris would appear to be a
true caste, and in Gurgâon are said to claim descent from the Râjputs
of Chithor. There is a proverb,—“The Ak, the Jawása, the Agari and the
cartman: when the lightning flashes these four give up the ghost:”
because, I suppose, the rain which is likely to follow would dissolve
their salt. The Agaris are all Hindus and are found in the Sultânpur
tract on the common borders of the Delhi, Gurgâon and Rohtak districts,
where the well water is exceedingly brackish, and where they
manufacture salt by evaporation. Their social position is fairly good,
being above that of the Lohârs, but, of course, below that of Jâts.”
[110]
4. Another name for them in these provinces is Gola Thâkur, or
illegitimate Râjput. At the last Census they were included in the
Luniyas.
Agarwâla. [111]—Usually treated as a sub-caste of the great Banya
caste, a wealthy trading class in Upper India. There are various
explanations of the name. According to one account they take their
title from dealing in the aromatic wood of the agar (Sans. aguru), the
eagle wood tree (Aquilaria agallocha). There is, however, no evidence
that the sale of this article is, or ever was, a speciality of the
Agarwâlas. Another story is that there were a thousand families of
Agnihotri Brâhmans settled in Kashmîr, and that they were supplied with
agar wood for their sacrifices by a special tribe of Vaisyas. When
Alexander the Great invaded India he broke their sacred fire pits (Agni
kunda), and these Vaisyas were dispersed and settled in the
neighbourhood of Agra, whence they derived their name. A third legend
again refers the name to Agroha, an ancient town in the Hissâr district
of the Panjab, where a lâkh of families of Vaisyas were settled by King
Agra Sena. Round this Râja Agra Sena there is a whole cycle of legend.
His ancestor was Dhana Pâla, Râja of Pratâpnagar, which some identify
with the present State in Râjputâna, and some place vaguely in the
Dakkhin or Southern India. He had eight sons—Shiu, Nala, Anala, Nanda,
Kunda, Kumuda, Vallabha, Suka, and a daughter, Mukuta. At that time
there was a Râja Visâla, who had eight daughters—Padmâvati, Mâlati,
Kanti, Subhadra, Sra, Srua, Basundhara and Râja. They were married to
the eight sons of Dhana Pâla. Each of these, except Nala, who became an
ascetic, had a kingdom of his own. In the family of Shiu there reigned
in succession Vishnu Râja, Sudarsana, Dhurandhara, Samadi, Mohan Dâs
and Nema Nâtha, who populated Nepâl and called it after his own name.
His son Vrinda performed a great sacrifice at Brindâban, and named the
place after himself. His son was Râja Gurjara, who occupied Gujarât.
Râja Harihar succeeded him, and he had one hundred sons. One of these,
Rangji, became Râja, and the others, for their impiety, were degraded
into Sûdras. To him, in the fifth generation, succeeded Râja Agra Sena.
At that time, Râja Kumuda of Nâga Loka, or “Dragon land,” had a very
beautiful daughter named Mâdhavi, who was wooed by the God Indra; but
her father preferred to marry her to Râja Agra Sena. After his marriage
he performed notable sacrifices at Benares and Hardwâr, and then went
to Kolhâpur where he won the daughter of the Râja Mahidhara in the
swayamvara. Finally he settled in the neighbourhood of Delhi and made
Agra and Agroha his capitals. His dominions reached from the Himâlaya
to the Ganges and the Jumna, and as far as Mârwâr on the west. He had
eighteen queens, who bore him fifty-four sons and eighteen daughters.
In his latter days he determined to perform a great sacrifice with each
of his queens. Each of these sacrifices was in charge of a separate
Achârya or officiant priest, and the gotras which sprang from him are
named after these Achâryas. When he was performing the last sacrifice,
he was interrupted, and so there are seventeen full gotras and one half
gotra. There are considerable differences in the enumeration of these
gotras. One list, which seems authoritative, gives them as follows with
the Veda, Sâkha and Sutra, to which they conform:—
Gotra. Veda. Sâkha. Sutra.
1. Garga Yajurveda. Mâdhyandina. Kâtyâyana.
2. Gobhila ,, ,, ,,
3. Gautama ,, ,, ,,
4. Maitreya ,, ,, ,,
5. Jaimini ,, ,, ,,
6. Saingala Sâmaveda. Kausthami. Gobhila.
7. Vâsala ,, ,, ,,
8. Aurana Yajurveda. Mâdhyandina. Kâtyâyana.
9. Kausika ,, ,, ,,
10. Kasyapa Sâmaveda. Kausthami. Gobhila.
11. Tandeya Yajurveda. Mâdhyandina. Kâtyâyana.
12. Mândavya Rigveda. Sakila. Aswilâin.
13. Vasishtha Yajurveda. Mâdhyandina. Kâtyâyana.
14. Mudgala Rigveda. Sakila. Aswilâin.
15. Dhânyâsha Yajurveda. Mâdhyandina. Kâtyâyana.
16. Dhelana } ,, ,, ,,
Dhauma }
17. Taitariya ,, ,, ,,
17½. Nagendra Sâmaveda. Kausthami. Gobhila.
The lists given by both Mr. Risley and Mr. Sherring differ considerably
from this. Mr. Risley gives—
(1) Garg; (2) Goil; (3) Gâwâl; (4) Batsil; (5) Kâsil; (6) Singhal; (7)
Mangal; (8) Bhaddal; (9) Tingal; (10) Airan; (11) Tairan; (12) Thingal;
(13) Tittal; (14) Mittal; (15) Tundal; (16) Tâyal; (17) Gobhil; (17½)
Goin.
Mr. Sherring gives the Gotras as follows:—
(1) Garga; (2) Gobhila; (3) Garwâla; (4) Batsila; (5) Kasila; (6)
Sinhal; (7) Mangala; (8) Bhadala; (9) Tingala; (10) Erana; (11) Tâyal;
(12) Terana; (13) Thingala; (14) Tittila; (15) Nîtal; (16) Tundala;
(17) Goila and Goina; (17½) Bindal.
Agarwâlas again have the divisions Dasa and Bîsa, the “tens” and the
“twenties” like the Oswâls (q.v.). One account of their origin is that
when the daughters of Râja Vâsuki, the king of the snakes, married the
sons of Râja Agra Sena, they each brought a handmaid with them, and
their descendants are the Dasas. The Bîsa or pure Agarwâlas do not eat,
drink or intermarry with the Dasas.
[Connection of the Agarwâlas and Nâgas.] 2. Regarding the legend of the
connection of the Agarwâlas and Nâgas Mr. Risley [112] writes:—“With
the Agarwâlas, as with all castes at the present day, the section names
go by the male side.
In other words a son belongs to the same gotra as his father, not to
the same gotra as his mother, and kinship is no longer reckoned through
females alone. Traces of an earlier matriarchal system may perhaps be
discerned in the legend already referred to, which represented Râja
Agar Nâth as successfully contending with Indra for the hand of the
daughters of two Nâga Râjas, and obtaining from Lakshmi the special
favor that his children by one of them should bear their father’s name.
The memory of this Nâga princess is still held in honor. “Our mother’s
house is of the race of the snake” (jât kâ nânihâl nâgbansi hai) say
the Agarwâlas of Behâr; and for this reason no Agarwâla, whether Hindu
or Jain, will kill or molest a snake. In Delhi Vaishnava Agarwâlas
paint pictures of snakes on either side of the outside doors of their
houses, and make offerings of fruit and flowers before them. Jaina
Agarwâlas do not practise any form of snake-worship. Read in the light
of Bachofen’s researches into archaic forms of kinship, the legend and
the prohibition arising from it seem to take us back to the prehistoric
time when the Nâga race still maintained a separate national existence,
and had not been absorbed by the conquering Aryans; when Nâga women
were eagerly sought in marriage by Aryan chiefs; and when the offspring
of such unions belonged by Nâga custom to their mother’s family. In
this view the boon granted by Lakshmi to Râja Agar Nâth that his
children should be called after his name, marks a transition from the
system of female kinship, characteristic of the Nâgas, to the new order
of male parentage introduced by the Brâhmans, while the Behâr saying
about the Nânihâl is merely a survival of those matriarchal ideas
according to which the snake totem of the race would necessarily
descend in the female line. In the last of the six letters entitled
“Orestes—Astika, Eine Griechisch—Indische Parallele” Bachofen has the
following remarks on the importance of the part played by the Nâga race
in the development of the Brâhmanical polity. The connection of
Brâhmans with Nâga women is a significant historical fact.
Wherever a conquering race allies itself with the women of the land,
indigenous manners and customs come to be respected, and their
maintenance is deemed the function of the female sex. A long series of
traditions corroborate it in connection with the autochthonous Nâga
race. The respect paid to Nâga women, the influence which they
exercised, not merely on their own people, but also in no less degree
on the rulers of the country, the fame of their beauty, the praise of
their wisdom—all this finds manifold expression in the tales of the
Kashmîr chronicle, and in many other legends based upon the facts of
real life.”
[Snake-worship among Agarwâlas.] 3. In connection with these
speculations it may be noted that Agarwâlas have a special form of
worship in honor of the Saint Astika Muni. He was the son of Jaratkâru
by the sister of the great serpent Vâsuki and saved the life of the
serpent Takshaka, when Janmejaya made his great sacrifice of serpents.
This worship appears to be peculiar to the Agarwâlas, and is said to be
performed only by Tiwâri Brâhmans. On the fourth day of the light half
of Sâwan they bathe in the Ganges and make twenty-one marks on the wall
of the house with red lead and butter; and an offering is presented
consisting of cocoa-nuts, clothes, five kinds of dry fruits, and
twenty-one pairs of cakes (pâpar), some yellow sesamum (sarson) flowers
and a lamp lighted with butter. Some camphor is then burnt, and the
usual ârti ceremony performed.
These things are all provided by the Agarwâla who does the worship.
Astika Muni they believe to have been the preceptor (Guru) of the Nâga,
and Agarwâlas call themselves Nâga Upâsaki or snake-worshippers. After
this the women of the family come to the house of the officiating
Brâhman. The ârti ceremony is again done by burning camphor, and the
Brâhman marking their foreheads with red (rori) gives them part of the
cakes as a portion of the sacred offering (prasâda). Each woman
presents two pice to the Brâhman in return. This sesamum they sprinkle
in their houses as a preservative against snake-bite.
They are taught a special mantra or spell for this purpose which is
said to run:—“I say that at whosoever’s birth the ceremony of Astika is
performed the most poisonous snake runs away when he calls out Snake!
Snake!”
This ceremony is performed once a year, and the day after it each
person who joins in it gives the officiating Brâhman a present of
uncooked grain.
[Exogamy.] 4. Agarwâlas follow the strict rules of the Shâstras in
regulating the prohibited degrees. “All the sections are strictly
exogamous, but the rule of unilateral exogamy is supplemented by
provisions forbidding marriage with certain classes of relations. Thus
a man may not marry a woman, (a) belonging to his own gotra; (b)
descended from his own paternal or maternal grandfather,
great-grandfather or great-great-grandfather; (c) descended from his
own paternal or maternal aunt; (d) belonging to the grand maternal
family (nânihâl) of his own father or mother. He may marry the younger
sister of his deceased wife, but not the elder sister, nor may he marry
two sisters at the same time. As is usual in such cases, the classes of
relations barred are not mutually exclusive. All the agnatic
descendants of a man’s three nearest male ascendants are necessarily
members of his own gotra, and, therefore, come under class (a) as well
as class (b). Again, the paternal and maternal aunt and their
descendants are included among the descendants of the paternal and
maternal grandfathers, while some of the members of the nânihâl must
also come under class (b). The gotra rule is undoubtedly the oldest,
and it seems probable that the other prohibited classes may have been
added from time to time as experience and the growing sense of the true
nature of kinship demonstrated the incompleteness of the primitive rule
of exogamy.” [113]
[Birth ceremonies.] 5. In these Provinces when the moment of delivery
comes, it is the etiquette for the husband to go himself and call the
Chamârin midwife. This is always so in case of the birth of a son; but
if it is a girl he can either go himself or send a servant to fetch
her. She comes and cuts the cord, which is not, as is the case with
many other castes, buried in the delivery room. A fire (pasanghi) is
kept burning near the mother to keep off evil spirits, and guns are
fired to scare the dreaded demon Jamhua. After the child is born the
mother is given a dose of assafœtida and water, the bitterness and
smell of which she is not under the circumstances supposed to be able
to feel. The Chamârin remains three days in attendance, and during that
time the mother is fed on fruits and not allowed to eat grain in any
form. On the third day she is bathed and the Chamârin dismissed. After
this she is fed on grain. On the sixth day is the Chamar Chhathiya when
the women keep awake all night and have lamps burning. All the women
take lamp-black from one of these lamps and mark their eyes with it to
bring good luck, and a little is also put on the eyes of the baby.
Within fifteen days of delivery when the Pandit fixes an auspicious
time the mother is bathed. There is no twelfth day (barahi) ceremony.
The astrological (râs) name is fixed by the Pandit; the ordinary name
by the head of the family. The mother is again bathed on the fortieth
day, and is then pure and can rejoin her family. If the family can
afford it, after this the Pandit is sent for and there is a formal
naming ceremony (nâma karma), but this is not absolutely necessary.
[Marriage ceremonies.] 6. There is no fixed age for marriage. The
wealthier members of the tribe marry their daughters in infancy; poorer
people keep them till they are grown up in default of a suitable match
being arranged. The marriage follows the usual high caste form. When
the horoscopes agree (râs barag) and the friends are satisfied, a
Pandit is asked to fix a lucky day. No bride price is given or
received. Then the boy’s father sends to the bride’s house a maund of
curds, some sweets and two rupees in cash to clench the proposal. The
curds are sent in an earthen pot smeared with yellow; some red cloth is
put over the mouth and on this the money is placed. This constitutes
the betrothal. When the marriage day approaches the boy’s father sends
the bride some ornaments made of alloy (phûl), a silken tassel, some
henna and pomegranates, some sweetmeats, toys and a sheet (sâri). The
number of trays of presents should be at least eleven and not more than
one hundred and twenty-five. The girl’s father keeps for the bride only
the shawl, some sweets and flowers, and sends back the rest. Next day
these flowers are tied in the bride’s hair. If the marriage takes place
in a town she goes to a temple and worships, and there she meets her
future mother-in-law for the first time. After this follows the
anointing of the bride and bridegroom, known as Tel-hardi. When the
bridegroom reaches the house of the bride, he is seated on a wooden
stool, and the women of the family take up the bride in their arms and
revolve her in the air round the bridegroom. During this the bride
sprinkles rice (achhat) over him.
This ceremony is known as Barhi phirâna. Then comes the Sakhran
ceremony. Some curds are put in a bag and hung up. When all the whey
has escaped, the remainder is mixed with the same quantity of milk and
sugar, some cardamoms, pepper and perfume; this is first offered to the
family god (kula-deva), the other godlings (deota), and to a Brâhman,
and is then distributed in the form of a dinner (jeonâr). This is
always given on the day the tilak ceremony is performed. The girl is
brought into the marriage pavilion by a near relation (mân), generally
her father’s son-in-law, and seated in her father’s lap. He puts her
hand in his with some wheat dough and a gold ring. Then he does the
Kanyâdân or solemn giving away of the bride to the bridegroom, while
the priest reads the formula of surrender (sankalpa). Then a cloth is
hung up, and behind it in secret the bridegroom puts five pinches of
red-lead on the parting of the bride’s hair, and they march round the
pavilion five times. The girls of the family tie the clothes of the
pair in a knot. When this is over they are taken to the retiring room
(kohabar) where they are escorted by the next-of-kin (mân) of the
bride, who sprinkles a line of water on the ground as they proceed.
There the bridegroom’s head-dress (sehra) is removed. It is not the
custom for the bride to return at once with her husband; there is a
separate gauna. This gauna must take place on one of the odd years
first, third or fifth after the regular marriage.
[Adoption.] 7. In a recent [114] case it was held that according to the
usage prevailing in Delhi and other towns in the North-Western
Provinces among the sect of Agarwâlas who are Sarâogis, a sonless widow
takes an absolute interest in the self-acquired property of her
husband, has a right to adopt without permission from her husband or
consent of his kinsmen, and may adopt a daughter’s son who on the
adoption takes the place of a son begotten. It was questioned whether
on such an adoption a widow is entitled to retain possession of the
estate either as proprietor or as manager of her adopted son.
[Agarwâlas and Chamârs.] 8. Between the Agarwâla, who is perhaps, in
appearance, the best bred of the tribes grouped under the name of
Banya, and the dark non-Aryan Chamâr, it is difficult to imagine any
possible connection, but it is curious that there are legends which
indicate this. Thus it is said that an Agarwâla once unwittingly
married his daughter to a Chamâr. When after some time the parents of
the bridegroom disclosed the fact, the Agarwâla murdered his
son-in-law. He became a Bhût and began to trouble the clansmen, so they
agreed that he should be worshipped at marriages. Hence, at their
weddings they are said to fill a leather bag with dry fruits, to tie it
up in the marriage shed, to light a lamp beneath it, and to worship it
in the form of a deity called Ohur, which is supposed to save women
from widowhood. A similar story is told at Partâbgarh:—“I have heard it
alleged (and the story is current, I believe, in parts of the Panjab)
that once upon a time a certain Râja had two daughters, named Chamu and
Bamu. These married and each gave birth to a son, who in time grew up
to be prodigies of strength (pahalwân). An elephant happened to die on
the Râja’s premises, and being unwilling that the carcase should be cut
up and disposed of piecemeal within the precincts of his abode, he
sought for a man of sufficient strength to carry it forth whole and
bury it. Chamu’s son undertook and successfully performed this
marvellous feat. The son of Bamu, stirred no doubt by jealousy,
professed to regard this act with horror and broke off all relations
with his cousin and pronounced him an outcaste. Chamârs are asserted to
be descendants of the latter and Banyas of the former, and hence the
former in some parts, though admitting their moral degradation, have
been known to assert that they are in reality possessed of a higher
rank in the social scale than the latter.” [115] The story is worth
repeating as an instance of some of the common legends regarding the
original connection of castes. Why the Chamârs should have selected in
the Agarwâla Banyas the most unlikely people with whom to assert
relationship, it is very difficult to say. Agarwâlas are also said at
marriages to mount the bridegroom secretly on an ass which is
worshipped. If this be true, it is probably intended as a means of
propitiating Sîtalâ mâi, the dreaded goddess of small-pox, whose
vehicle is the ass.
[Religion.] 9. Most of the Agarwâlas are Vaishnavas; some are Jainas or
Sarâogis. At the last Census 269,000 declared themselves as Hindus, and
38,000 as Jainas. A small minority are Saivas or Sâktas, but in
deference to tribal feeling they abstain from sacrificing animals and
using meat or liquor. As Mr. Risley says [116]:—“Owing, perhaps, to
this uniformity of practice in matters of diet, these differences of
religious belief do not operate as a bar to intermarriage; and when a
marriage takes place between persons of different religions, the
standard Hindu ritual is used. When husband and wife belong to
different sects, the wife is formally admitted into her husband’s sect
and must in future have her own food cooked separately when staying at
her father’s house.” Their tribal deity is Lakshmi. They venerate
ancestors at the usual Srâddha. They worship snakes at the Nâgpanchami
in addition to the special tribal worship described in para. 3. Among
trees they venerate the pîpal, kadam, sami and babûl. Their priests are
generally Gaur Brâhmans. Some of them profess to abstain from wearing
certain kinds of dress and ornaments, as they say, under the orders of
their family Sati.
[Social rules.] 10. As regards food, the use of the onion, garlic,
carrot and turnip is forbidden. At the commencement of meals a small
portion is thrown into the fire, and a little known as Gogrâs is given
to the family cow. “All Pachhainiya and most Purabiya Agarwâlas wear
the sacred thread. In Behâr they rank immediately below Brâhmans and
Kâyasths, and the former can take water and certain kinds of sweetmeats
from their hands. According to their own account they can take cooked
food only from Brâhmans of the Gaur, Tailanga, Gujarâti and Sanâdh
sub-castes; water and sweetmeats they can take from any Brâhmans,
except the degraded classes of Ojha and Mahâbrâhman, from Râjputs, Bais
Banyas, and Khatris (usually reckoned as Vaisyas), and from the
superior members of the so-called mixed castes, from whose hands
Brâhmans will take water. Some Agarwâlas, however, affect a still
higher standard of ceremonial purity in the matter of cooked food, and
carry their prejudices to such lengths that a mother-in-law will not
eat food prepared by her daughter-in-law. All kinds of animal food are
strictly prohibited, and the members of the caste also abstain from
jovanda rice which has been parboiled before husking. Jaina Agarwâlas
will not eat after dark for fear of swallowing minute insects. Smoking
is governed by the rules in force for water and sweetmeats. It is
noticed that the Purohits of the caste will smoke out of the same huqqa
as their clients.” [117]
[Occupation.] 11. The Agarwâlas are one of the most respectable and
enterprising of the mercantile tribes in the Province. They are
bankers, money-lenders and land-holders. These rights in land have
generally been acquired through their mercantile business. It is a joke
against them that the finery of the Agarwâla never wears out because it
is taken so much care of. They are notorious for their dislike to
horsemanship, and for the skill of their women in making vermicelli
pastry and sweetmeats. The greatness of Agroha, their original
settlement, is commemorated in the legend told by Dr. Buchanan [118]
that when any firm failed in the city, each of the others contributed a
brick and five rupees which formed a stock sufficient for the merchant
to recommence trade with advantage.
DISTRIBUTION OF AGARWÂLAS BY THE CENSUS OF 1891.
==============+=========+=========+========
District. | Hindus. | Jainas. | Total.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Dehra Dûn | 2,109 | 234 | 2,343
Sahâranpur | 26,448 | 5,988 | 32,436
Muzaffarnagar | 28,237 | 9,029 | 37,266
Meerut | 37,792 | 16,307 | 54,099
Bulandshahr | 26,272 | 1,053 | 27,325
Aligarh | 16,083 | 9 | 16,092
Mathura | 27,323 | 1,196 | 28,519
Agra | 22,439 | 1,447 | 23,886
Farrukhâbâd | 2,281 | 122 | 2,403
Mainpuri | 2,350 | 157 | 2,507
Etâwah | 2,048 | 137 | 2,185
Etah | 2,518 | 69 | 2,587
Bareilly | 7,401 | 4 | 7,405
Bijnor | 12,222 | 779 | 13,001
Budâun | 1,968 | 3 | 1,971
Murâdâbâd | 10,968 | 255 | 11,223
Shâhjahânpur | 1,065 | 33 | 1,098
Pilibhît | 2,255 | 11 | 2,266
Cawnpur | 6,004 | 70 | 6,074
Fatehpur | 543 | | 543
Bânda | 860 | ... | 860
Hamîrpur | 1,542 | ... | 1,542
Allahâbâd | 3,340 | ... | 3,340
Jhânsi | 3,482 | 14 | 3,496
Jâlaun | 1,907 | | 1,907
Lalitpur | 119 | | 119
Benares | 2,833 | 3 | 2,836
Mirzâpur | 1,920 | ... | 1,920
Jaunpur | 263 | ... | 263
Ghâzipur | 1,067 | 26 | 1,093
Ballia | 510 | ... | 510
Gorakhpur | 1,539 | 40 | 1,579
Basti | 277 | | 277
Azamgarh | 1,049 | | 1,049
Kumâun | 260 | | 260
Garhwâl | 1,755 | | 1,755
Tarâi | 1,348 | 36 | 1,384
Lucknow | 2,831 | 422 | 3,253
Unâo | 149 | 8 | 157
Râê Bareli | 140 | 23 | 163
Sîtapur | 266 | 124 | 390
Hardoi | 106 | ... | 106
Kheri | 276 | ... | 276
Faizâbâd | 1,022 | ... | 1,022
Gonda | 802 | ... | 802
Bahrâich | 292 | 30 | 322
Sultânpur | 205 | ... | 205
Partâbgarh | 295 | ... | 295
Bâra Banki | 500 | 887 | 1,387
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~
Grand Total | 269,761 | 38,516 | 308,277
==============+=========+=========+=========
Agastwâr.—A sect of Râjputs found principally in Pargana Haveli of
Benares. They claim to take their name from the Rishi Agastya, who
appears to have been one of the early Brâhman missionaries to the
country south of the Vindhya range, which he is said to have ordered to
prostrate themselves before him.
Aghori, Aghorpanthi, Aughar. [119]—(Sanskrit aghora “not terrific,” a
euphemistic title of Siva), the most disreputable class of Saiva
mendicants. The head-quarters of the sect are at Râmgarh, Benares. The
founder of it was Kinna Râm, a Râjput by caste, who was born at
Râmgarh, and was a contemporary of Balwant Sinh, Râja of Benares. When
he was quite a boy he retired to a garden near Benares and meditated on
the problems of life and death. He became possessed of the spirit and
his parents shut him up as a mad-man. When they tried to wean him from
the life of an ascetic and marry him, he made his escape and retired to
Jagannâth. Some time after he was initiated by a Vaishnava Pandit from
Ghâzipur. Then he went to Ballua Ghât at Benares and began to practise
austerities. Some time after one Kâlu Râm came from Girnâr Hill, and
Kinna Râm attended on him for some years. One day he announced his
intention of making a second pilgrimage to Jagannâth, when Kâlu
said,—“If I bring Jagannâth before your eyes here will you give up your
intention?” Kinna Râm agreed, and then by his supernatural power Kâlu
Râm did as he had promised to do. This shook the faith of Kinna Râm and
he abandoned the Vaishnava sect and was initiated as a Saiva. From that
time he became an Aughar or Aghori. Kâlu Râm gave him a piece of
burning wood which he had brought from the Smasâna Ghât or cremation
ground at Benares, and ordered him with this to maintain the perpetual
fire. After this Kâlu Râm returned to Girnâr and Kinna Râm went to the
garden where he had stayed at the opening of his life and erected a
monastery there. He performed miracles and attracted a number of
disciples out of his own tribe.
2. Some time after his own Guru who had initiated him into the
Vaishnava sect came to see him. Kinna Râm directed him to go to Delhi,
where a number of Sâdhus were then suffering imprisonment at the hands
of the Muhammadan Emperor for their faith, and to procure their release
by working miracles. The Guru went there and shared their fate. Long
after when the Guru did not return Kinna Râm went himself to Delhi in
order to effect his release. Kinna Râm, on his arrival, was arrested
and sentenced to work on the flour-mills. He asked the Emperor if he
would release him and the other Sâdhus, if he was able, by his
miraculous power to make the mills move of themselves. The Emperor
agreed and he worked the miracle. The Emperor was so impressed by his
power that he released the Sâdhus and conferred estates on Kinna Râm.
The Sâdhus whom he had released became his disciples, and he returned
to Benares, where at Râmgarh he established the Aghori sect and became
the first leader. He lived to a good old age, and was succeeded by one
of the members elected by general vote of the society.
[Form of initiation.] 3. The form of initiation into the sect is as
follows:—The candidate for initiation places a cup of liquor and a cup
of bhang on the stone which covers the tomb of Kinna Râm. It is said
that those who wish to become Aughars without losing caste drink only
the bhang, while those who desire to be fully initiated drink both the
bhang and spirits. Some say that when the candidate has perfect faith,
the cups come to his lips of themselves. Then a sacrifice is performed
in which various kinds of fruits are thrown into the fire which has
been kept alight since it was first lighted by Kinna Râm, and an
animal, usually a goat, is sacrificed. It is believed that the animal
thus sacrificed often comes to life again when the function is over.
After this the hair of the candidate is moistened in urine, by
preference that of the head of the sect, and shaved. Subsequently the
candidate has to meditate on the precepts and teaching of Kinna Râm,
which are recorded in a book known as the Bîjaka. Those who are
illiterate have these read over to them by other Aughars. The
initiation ceremony ends with a feast to all the disciples present, at
which spirits and meat are distributed. This is followed by a probation
term of twelve years, during which the initiated eats any kind of
filthy food, the flesh of corpses being included. Their life is spent
in drinking and smoking intoxicating drugs, and they are most abusive
to those who will not give them alms. When they go to beg they carry a
bottle either empty or full of spirits. They demand alms in the words
Jây Kinna Râm ki (Glory to Kinna Râm). It is said that after leading
this life for twelve years they abandon the use of spirits and only eat
filthy food.
4. A great resort of this class of ascetics is the Asthbhuja hill near
Bindhâchal in the Mirzapur District. According to Lassen, quoted by Mr.
Risley, [120] the Aghoris of the present day are closely related to the
Kapâlika or Kapâladhârin sect of the middle ages who wore crowns and
necklaces of skulls and offered human sacrifices to Châmunda, a
horrible form of Devi or Pârvati. In support of this view it is
observed that in Bhavabhuti’s Drama of Mâlati Mâdhava, written in the
eighth century, the Kapâlika sorcerer, from whom Mâlati is rescued, as
she is about to be sacrificed to Châmunda, is euphemistically described
as an Aghorakantha, from aghora, “not terrible.” The Aghoris of the
present day represent their filthy habits as merely giving practical
expression to the abstract doctrine of the Paramahansa sect of the
Saivites that the whole universe is full of Brahma, and consequently
that one thing is as pure as another. The mantra or mystic formula by
which Aghoris are initiated is believed by other ascetics to be very
powerful and to be capable of restoring to life the human victims
offered to Devi and eaten by the officiating priest. Not long since a
member of the sect was punished in Budaun for eating human flesh in
public. Of the Panjab Mr. MacLagan [121] writes:—“The only real
sub-division of the Jogis which are at all commonly recognised are the
well-known sects of Oghar and Kanphattas. The Kanphattas, as their name
denotes, pierce their ears and wear in them large rings (mundra)
generally of wood, stone or glass; the ears of the novice are pierced
by the Guru, who gets a fee of Re. 1–4–0. Among themselves the word
Kanphatta is not used; but they call themselves Darshani or ‘one who
wears an ear-ring.’ The Oghar, on the contrary, do not split their
ears, but wear a whistle (nâdha) of wood, which they blow at morning
and evening and before meals. Kanphattas are called by names ending in
Nâth, and the names of the Oghar end in Dâs. The Kanphattas are the
more distinctive sect of the two, and the Oghars were apparently either
their predecessors or seceders from their body. One account says that
the Kanphattas are the followers of Gorakhnâth, the pupil of
Jalandharanâth, who sometimes appears in the legends as an opponent of
Gorakhnâth. Another account would go further back and connect the two
sects with a sub-division of the philosophy of Patanjali.” The
difference between the Aughar and Aghori does not seem to be very
distinct; the Aghori adds to the disgusting license of the Aughar in
matters of food the occasional eating of human flesh and filth.
DISTRIBUTION OF AGHORPANTHIS AND AUGHARS BY THE CENSUS OF 1891. [122]
===============+=======+====================+=======
| | Aghori including |
District. |Aughar.| Kinnarâmi. | Total.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Dehrà Dûn | 86 | ... | 86
Muzaffarnagar | 1,235 | ... | 1,235
Meerut | 1,646 | ... | 1,646
Bulandshahr | 49 | ... | 49
Agra | 32 | 13 | 45
Etah | 8 | ... | 8
Bijnor | 821 | ... | 821
Budâun | 15 | ... | 15
Morâdâbâd | 52 | ... | 52
Pilibhît | 16 | 9 | 25
Cawnpur | ... | 8 | 8
Bânda | ... | 6 | 6
Hamîrpur | 14 | 9 | 23
Allahâbâd | 1 | 17 | 18
Jhânsi | 2 | ... | 2
Benares | 186 | ... | 186
Ghâzipur | 9 | 100 | 109
Ballia | ... | 67 | 67
Gorakhpur | ... | 260 | 260
Basti | ... | 96 | 96
Azamgarh | 7 | ... | 7
Kumâon | 5 | ... | 5
Tarâi | 54 | ... | 54
Lucknow | 6 | 29 | 35
Râî Bareli | ... | 3 | 3
Unâo | 1 | ... | 1
Sîtapur | 12 | ... | 12
Faizâbâd | ... | 13 | 13
Gonda | 45 | ... | 45
Sultânpur | 15 | ... | 15
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Grand Total | 4,317 | 630 | 4,947
===============+=======+====================+=======
Agnihotri. [123]—A class of Brâhmans who are specially devoted to the
maintenance of the sacred fire. The number of such Brâhmans now-a-days
is very limited, as the ceremonies involve heavy expenditure and the
rules which regulate them are very elaborate and difficult. They are
seldom found among the Pancha Gaur Brâhmans, who are not devoted to the
deep study of the Vedas; they are most numerous among the Pancha
Drâvira or Dakshini Brâhmans. In one sense, of course, the offering of
part of the food to fire at the time of eating is one of the five daily
duties of a Brâhman; but the regular fire sacrifice is the special duty
of the Agnihotri. In order to secure the requisite purity he is bound
by certain obligations not to travel or remain away from home for any
lengthened period; to sell nothing which is produced by himself or his
family; not to give much attention to worldly affairs; to speak the
truth; to bathe and worship the deities in the afternoon as well as in
the morning; to offer pindas to his deceased ancestors on the 15th of
every month before he takes food; not to eat food at night; not to eat
alkaline salt (khâri nimak), honey, meat, and inferior grain, such as
urad pulse or the kodo millet; not to sleep on a bed, but on the
ground; to keep awake most of the night and study the Shâstras; to have
no connection with, or unholy thoughts regarding, any woman except his
wife; or to commit any other act involving personal impurity.
2. In the plains there are three kinds of Agnihotris: first, hereditary
Agnihotris; second, those who commence maintaining the sacred fire from
the time they are invested with the Brâhmanical cord; and third, those
who commence to do so later on in life. The proper time to begin is the
time of investiture. If any one commence it at a later age, he has to
undergo certain purificatory rites, and if subsequently the maintenance
of the fire is interrupted, the ceremony of purification has to be
undergone again. The ceremony of purification is of the kind known as
Prajâpatya vrata, which is equal to three times the krichchhra, which
latter lasts for four days, and consists in eating the most simple food
once in the 24 hours; to eat once at night on the second day; not to
ask for food, but to take what is placed before him; to eat nothing on
the fourth day. This course, carried out for twelve days, constitutes
the Prajâpatya vrata. In default of this the worshipper has to give as
many cows to Brâhmans as years have passed since his investiture. In
default of this he must tell the gâyatri mantra ten thousand times for
every year that has passed since he was invested. Or finally, if he can
do none of these, he may place in the sacrificial pit (kunda) as many
thousand offerings (âhuti) of sesamum (tila) as years have passed.
3. Agnihotri Brâhmans keep in their houses a separate room, in which is
the pit at which the fire sacrifice is performed, and a second pit out
of which is taken fire to burn the Agnihotri himself or any of his
family when they die; besides these, a third pit is maintained from
which fire is taken when it is required for ordinary household work.
The first is known as the havaniya kunda, the second dagdha kunda, and
the third, grâhya patya. The pit is one cubit in cubic measurement. All
three are of the same dimensions. Around it is a platform (vedi),
twelve finger breadths in width, and made of masonry or clay. One-third
of it is coloured black, and is known as tama, “darkness” or “passion”;
one-third, coloured red, is rajas, or “impurity,” and one-third, white,
signifying sat, or “virtue.” Sometimes the pit is made in the form of
the leaf of a pîpal tree and has the mouth in the shape of the yoni. In
the morning the Agnihotri should place in the pit an oblation (âhuti)
of ghi: this should be the product of the cow; if this be not
procurable, it may be replaced with buffalo ghi, or that of the goat,
sesamum oil, curds, milk, or, in the last resort, pottage (lapsi). On
certain occasions an offering of rice-milk (khîr) is allowed. Some also
offer incense.
4. The sacrifice is made in this way: First of all the pit should be
swept with a bundle of kusa grass, and the ashes and refuse thrown into
a pure place in the house facing the north-east; next the pit is
plastered with cow-dung; then three lines are drawn in the middle with
a stalk of kusa grass; from these lines three pinches of dust are
collected and thrown towards the north-east. The pit and altar are then
sprinkled with water from a branch of kusa grass. Fire is then kindled
with the arani, or sacred drill, and lighted with wood of the sandal
tree, or palâsa, which are also used for replenishing the fire. After
this is performed the nândi srâddha, or commemorative offering to the
manes preliminary to any joyous occasion, such as initiation, marriage,
etc., when nine balls (pinda) are offered in threes—three to the
deceased father, his father, and grandfather; three to the maternal
grandfather, great-grandfather, and great-great-grandfather; three to
the mother, paternal grandmother, and great-grandmother. Water is then
filled into the sacrificial vessel (pranîta), and twenty blades of kusa
grass are arranged round the altar, so that the heads of all be facing
the east. All the sacrificial vessels (pâtra) are arranged north of the
pit and the altar. First of all the pranîta is so placed; then three
blades of kusa grass; then another sacrificial vessel called the
prokshani pâtra; then the âjya or ajyasthalipâtra, which holds the
offering of ghi; after these the samârjana, or brush, the sruva, or
sacrificial ladle, and the pûrna pâtra, another vessel. The vessels are
purified with aspersion from a bunch of kusa grass dipped in water,
after which the ghi is poured on the fire out of a bell-metal cup, and,
with a prayer to Prajâpati, the fire is replenished with pieces of wood
soaked in ghi.
5. Certain ceremonies (sanskâra) are incumbent on Agnihotris. On the
fifteenth of every Hindu month they must perform the srâddha for their
deceased ancestors: on the last day of every month they must do the
srâddha and fire sacrifice (homa) every day during the four months of
the rainy season. They must do the homa on a large scale: they must do
the srâddha on the eighth day of both the fortnights in Sâwan and
Chait: they must do a great fire sacrifice in Aghan and feed Brâhmans.
Whenever a man begins to perform the fire sacrifice he always starts on
the Amâvas, or fifteenth day of the month. There is a special elaborate
ritual when an offering of rice-milk is made, in which sacred mortars
and pestles and sacred winnowing fans are used with special mantras in
extracting the rice from the husk.
[The Agnihotris of the Hills.] 6. Of these, Pandit Janardan Datta Joshi
writes:—“They originally came from Gujarât, and are worshippers of the
Sâma Veda. An Agnihotri commences fire worship from the date of his
marriage. The sacred fire of the marriage altar is carried in a copper
vessel to his fire-pit. This fire is preserved by a continual supply of
fuel, and when the Agnihotri dies this fire alone must be used for his
funeral pyre. He takes food once a day only and bathes three times. He
must not eat meat, masûr pulse, the baingan, or egg-plant, or other
impure articles of food. He never wears shoes: he performs the fire
sacrifice (homa) daily with ghi, rice, etc., and recites the mantra of
the Sâma Veda. The fire-pit which I have seen was forty feet long and
fifteen broad, and is known as Agni Kunda. He has to feed one Brâhman
daily before he can take his food, and he eats always in the afternoon.
Generally, the eldest son alone is eligible for this office, but other
sons may practise it if they choose.
7. “The method of producing fire by the arani is as follows:—The base
is formed of sami wood one cubit long, one span broad and eight finger
breadths deep. In the block a small hole is made four finger breadths
deep, emblematical of the female principle (sakti yoni). The middle
arani is a shaft eighteen inches long and four finger breadths in
diameter. An iron nail, one finger breadth long, is fixed to its end as
an axis or pivot. The top arani, which is a flat piece of wood, is
pressed on this nail, and two priests continue to press the bottom
arani and maintain them in position. The point in the drill where the
rope is applied to cause it to revolve, is called deva yoni. Before
working the rope the gâyatri must be repeated, and a hymn from the Sâma
Veda in honour of the fire god Agni. After repeating this hymn the fire
produced by the friction is placed in a copper vessel, and powdered
cowdung is sprinkled over it. When it is well alight it is covered with
another copper vessel, and drops of water are sprinkled over it while
the gâyatri is recited three times. The sprinkling is done with kusa
grass. Again a Sâma Veda hymn in honour of Agni is recited. It is then
formally consigned to the fire-pit. If the Agnihotri chance to let his
fire go out he must get it from the pit of another Agnihotri, or
produce it by means of the arani.”
Agrahari: Agrehri.—A sub-caste of Banyas found in considerable numbers
in the Allahâbâd, Benares, Gorakhpur, Lucknow, and Faizâbâd divisions.
They claim partly a Vaisya and partly a Brâhmanical descent, and wear
the sacred cord. Their name has been connected with the cities of Agra
and Agroha. Mr. Nesfield derives it from the agara or aloe wood, which
is one of the many things which they sell. There is no doubt that they
are closely connected with the Agarwâlas, and Mr. Nesfield suggests
that the two groups must have been “sections of one and the same caste
which quarrelled on some trifling question connected with cooking or
eating, and have remained separate ever since.” Mr. Sherring remarks
that they, unlike the Agarwâlas, allow polygamy, and Mr. Risley [124]
suggests that if this be true it may supply an explanation of the
divergence of the Agraharis from the Agarwâlas. In Mirzapur they do
allow polygamy, but with this restriction, that a man cannot marry a
second wife in the lifetime of the first without her consent.
[Internal organisation.] 2. They have a large number of exogamous
groups (gotra), the names of which are known only to a few of their
more learned Bhâts. In Mirzapur they name seven—Sonwân; Payagwâr or
Prayâgwâl; Lakhmi; Chauhatt; Gangwâni; Sethrâê; and Ajudhyabâsi. There
are also the Purbiya or Purabiya, “those of the East;” Pachhiwâha,
“those of the West,” and Nariyarha. To these Mr. Sherring adds, from
Benares, Uttarâha, “Northern;” Tanchara; Dâlamau from the town of
Dalmau, in the Râê Bareli District; Mâhuli from the Pargana of Mâhul,
in Azamgarh; Ajudhyabâsi, from Ajudhya, and Chhiânawê, from a Pargana
of the name in Mirzapur. In Mirzapur they regard the town of Kantit,
near Bindhâchal, as their head-quarters. The levirate is recognised,
but is not compulsory on the widow.
[Religion.] 3. Some of them are initiated in the Sri Vaishnava sect and
some are Nânakpanthis. To the east of the Province their clan deities
are the Pânchonpîr and Mahâbîr, and, as a rule, the difference of
worship is a bar to intermarriage. Their family priests are Sarwariya
Brâhmans. The use of meat and spirits is prohibited; but a few are not
abstainers, and these do not intermarry with the more orthodox
families.
[Occupation.] 4. They are principally dealers in provisions
(khichari-farosh) and they have acquired some discredit as compared
with their kinsfolk the Agarwâlas by not isolating their women and
allowing them to attend the shop. They also specially deal in various
sweet-smelling woods which are used in religious ceremonies, such as
agara or aloe-wood and sandal-wood (chandana), besides various
medicines and simples. The richer members of the caste are bankers,
dealers in grain, etc., or pawnbrokers. All Banyas, but not Brâhmans,
or Kshatriyas, will eat pakki from their hands; only low castes, like
Kahârs or Nâis, will eat kachchi cooked by them, and they will
themselves eat kachchi only if cooked by one of their own caste or by
their Brâhman Guru.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE AGRAHARI BANYAS ACCORDING TO CENSUS, 1891.
============+==========
District. | Numbers.
============+==========
Dehra Dûn | 4
Meerut | 26
Farrukhâbâd | 1
Cawnpur | 856
Fatehpur | 5,708
Bânda | 3,605
Allahâbâd | 5,871
Benares | 2,984
Mirzapur | 6,354
Jaunpur | 9,600
Ghâzipur | 744
Ballia | 11
Gorakhpur | 6,106
Basti | 17,256
Azamgarh | 3,564
Lucknow | 898
Unâo | 42
Râê Bareli | 7,439
Faizâbâd | 9,713
Gonda | 796
Bahrâich | 88
Sultânpur | 14,944
Partâbgarh | 4,597
Bârabanki | 21
+~~~~~~~~~~
Total | 1,01,228
============+==========
Ahar.—A pastoral and cultivating tribe found principally in Rohilkhand
along the banks of the Râmganga and west of that river. These tracts
are familiarly known as Aharât. Sir H. M. Elliot [125] says that they
smoke and drink in common with Jâts and Gûjars, but disclaim all
connection with Ahîrs, whom they consider an inferior stock, and the
Ahîrs repay the compliment. Ahars say that they are descended from
Jâdonbansi Râjputs; but Ahîrs say that they are the real Jâdonbansi,
being descended in a direct line from Krishna, and that Ahars are
descended from the cowherds in Krishna’s service, and that the
inferiority of Ahars is fully proved by their eating fish and milking
cows. It seems probable that the name and origin of both tribes is the
same. The Collector of Mathura reports that the names Ahîr and Ahar
appear to be used indiscriminately, and in particular in most cases the
Ahîr clans of Bhatti, Deswâr and Nugâwat appear to have been recorded
as Ahars. To the east of the Province Ahar appears to be occasionally
used as a synonym for Aheriya, and to designate the class of
bird-catchers known as Chiryâmâr.
2. At the last census the Ahars were recorded under the main sub-castes
of Bâchar, or Bâchhar, Bhirgudi, Deswâr, Guâlbans, and Jâdubans. In the
returns they were recorded under no less than 976 sub-castes, of which
the most numerous in Bulandshahr are the Nagauri and Rajauliya; in
Bareilly the Alaudiya, Baheriya, Banjâra, Bharthariya, Bhusangar,
Bhijauriya, Dirhwâr, Mundiya, Ora, Rajauriya, and Siyârmâr, or “Jackal
killers;” in Budâun the Alaudiya, Baisgari, Bareriya, Bhagrê, Chhakrê,
Doman, Gochhar, Ghosiya, Kara, Kathiya, Mahâpachar, Mahar, Murarkha,
Ora, Rahmaniyân, Rajauriya, Sakariya, Sansariya and Warag; in Morâdâbâd
the Alaudiya, Bagarha, Baksiya, Bhadariya, Bhosiya, Chaudhari,
Janghârê, Mahar, Nagarha, Ora, Rajauriya, Râwat, Saila and Sakoriya; in
Pilibhît the Bharthariya and Dhindhor. The analogy of many of these
with the Ahîrs is obvious, and many of the names are taken from Râjput
and other sources.
3. In manners and customs they appear to be identical with the Ahîrs.
They have traditions of sovereignty in Rohilkhand, and possibly enjoyed
considerable power during the reign of the Tomars (700 to 1150 A. D).
[126]
DISTRIBUTION OF THE AHARS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
===========+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=======+========
District. | Sub-Castes. | Total.
|Bâchar. |
| |Bhirgudi. |
| | |Deswâr. |
| | | |Guâlbans. |
| | | | |Jâdubans. |
| | | | | |Others.|
~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Meerut | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 2,632| 2,632
Bulandshahr| ... |1,953| 2| 78|1,420| 1,765| 5,218
Etah | ... |1,414| ... | ... | 298| 102| 1,814
Bareilly |5,291| 335|2,040| 360| 649| 36,083| 44,758
Bijnaur | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 3| 3
Budâun | ... | ... |1,514| 97| 7|137,846|139,464
Morâdâbâd | ... | 60|2,163| 203| 712| 31,913| 35,051
Pilibhît |2,419| 221| 74|3,789| 767| 5,447| 12,717
Kumâon | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 36| 36
Tarâi | 8| ... | 145| 243| 856| 1,221| 2,473
~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Total |7,718|3,983|5,938|4,770|4,097|217,048|244,166
===========+=====+=====+=====+=====+=====+=======+=======
Ahban.—(Probably Sans. ahi, “the dragon,” which may have been the
tribal totem.) A sept of Râjputs chiefly found in Oudh. Their first
ancestors in Oudh are said to have been Gopi and Sopi, two brothers of
the Châwara race, which ruled in Anhalwâra Pâtan of Gujarât. Of the
Châwaras or Chauras, Colonel Tod writes [127]:—“This tribe was once
renowned in the history of India, though its name is now scarcely
known, or only in the chronicles of the bard. Of its origin we are in
ignorance. It belongs neither to the Solar nor to the Lunar race; and
consequently we may presume it to be of Scythic origin. The name is
unknown in Hindustân, and is confined with many others originating
beyond the Indus to the peninsula of Saurâshtra. If foreign to India
proper, its establishment must have been at a remote period, as we find
individuals of it intermarrying with the Sûryavansa ancestry of the
present princes of Mewâr when this family were the Lords of Ballabhi.
The capital of the Châwaras was the insular Deobandar on the coast of
Saurâshtra; and the celebrated temple of Somnâth, with many others on
this coast, dedicated to Balnâth, or the Sun, is attributed to this
tribe of the Sauras, or worshippers of the Sun; most probably the
generic name of the tribe as well as of the peninsula. By a natural
catastrophe, or, as the Hindu superstitious chroniclers will have it,
as a punishment for the piracies of the prince of Deo, the element
whose privileges he abused rose and overwhelmed his capital. As this
coast is very low, such an occurrence is not improbable; though the
abandonment of Deo might have been compelled by the irruptions of the
Arabians, who at this period carried on a trade with these parts, and
the plunder of some of their vessels may have brought this punishment
on the Châwaras. That it was owing to some such political catastrophe,
we have additional grounds for belief from the Annals of Mewâr, which
state that its princes inducted the Châwaras into the seats of the
power they abandoned on the continent and peninsula of Saurâshtra.”
After describing their subsequent history Colonel Tod goes on to
say:—“This ancient connection between the Sûryavansi chiefs and the
Châwaras or Chauras of Saurâshtra is still maintained after a lapse of
more than one thousand years, for, though an alliance with the Râna’s
family is the highest honour that a Hindu prince can obtain, as being
the first in rank in Hindustân, yet is the humble Châwara sought out
even at the foot of fortune’s ladder, whence to carry on the blood of
Râma. The present heir-apparent of a line of one hundred kings, prince
Jovana Sinh, is the offspring of a Châwara woman, the daughter of a
petty chieftain of Gujarât.”
2. These two leaders, Gopi and Sopi, are said to have come into Oudh
shortly after the commencement of the Christian era. The former
obtained the Pargana Gopamau, in Hardoi, and a descendant of the latter
took possession of Pataunja, near Misrikh, in Pargana Nîmkhâr, of
Sîtapur District. “This is the reputed residence of the Dryad Abbhawan,
who is alleged to have given supernatural assistance to the Châwar
chief, her favourite, who thenceforth took the name of Ahban. At any
rate Pataunja became a centre of secular and religious power. A tribe
of Kurmis and a gotra of Tiwâri Brâhmans have called themselves after
Pataunja—a fact which tends to indicate that, although now a mere
village, it was formerly the capital of a state possessing some
independence.” [128] The Ahban race rose afterwards to great
prosperity; “how great it is impossible to state, for of all Chhatri
clans they are the most mendacious, and many plans for the advancement
of individuals have been foiled by this defect of theirs. The sept
labours under a superstitious aversion to build houses of brick or line
wells with them.
3. Of the Ahbans General Sleeman writes [129]:—“No member of the Ahban
tribe ever forfeited his inheritance by changing his creed; nor did any
of them, I believe, change his creed except to retain his inheritance,
liberty, or life, threatened by despotic and unscrupulous rulers. They
dine on the same floor, but there is a line marked off to separate
those of the party who are Hindus from those who are Musalmâns. The
Musalmâns have Musalmân names, and the Hindus have Hindu names, but
they still go under the common patronymic name of Ahban. The Musalmâns
marry into Musalmân families, and the Hindus into Hindu families of the
highest class, Chauhân, Râthaur, Raikwâr, Janwâr, etc. Their conversion
took place under Muhammad Farm ’Ali, alias Kâlapahâr, to whom his uncle
Bahlol, king of Delhi, left Bahrâich as a separate inheritance a short
time before his death, which occurred in 1488 A.D. This conversion
stopped infanticide, as the Musalmân portion of the tribe would not
associate with the Hindus who practised it.”
4. In Sîtapur they generally supply brides to the Tomar and
occasionally to the Gaur septs, while they marry girls of the Bâchhal,
Janwâr, and occasionally of the Gaur. In Kheri their daughters many
Chauhâns, Kachhwâhas, Bhadauriyas, Râthaurs, and Katheriyas, and their
sons marry girls of the Janwâr, Punwâr, Bais Nandwâni or Bâchhal septs.
In Hardoi their gotra is Garga, and they give brides to the Sômbansi,
Chauhân, Dhâkrê and Râthaur septs, and take brides from the Dhâkrê,
Janwâr, Kachhwâha, Râikwar and Bâchhal.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE AHBAN RÂJPUTS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
=============+=======
District. |Number.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Agra | 1
Farrukhâbâd | 125
Shâhjahânpur | 116
Pilibhît | 52
Bânda | 1
Ballia | 16
Lucknow | 333
Râê Bareli | 30
Sîtapur | 998
Hardoi | 2,413
Kheri | 1,331
Bahrâich | 71
Sultânpur | 3
Partâbgarh | 2
Bârabanki | 520
~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Total | 6,012
=============+=======
Aheriya. [130]—(Sans. akhetika, a hunter.) A tribe of hunters, fowlers,
and thieves found in the Central Duâb. Their ethnological affinities
have not as yet been very accurately ascertained. Sir H. M. Elliot
describes them as a branch of the Dhânuks, from whom they are
distinguished by not eating dead carcases, as the Dhânuks do. They are
perhaps the same as the Hairi or Heri of the Hills, a colony of whom
Bâz Bahâdur settled in the Tarâi as guards, where they, and some
Mewâtis settled in a similar way, became a pest to the country. [131]
At the same time Mr. Williams describes the Heri in Dehra Dûn as
aborigines and akin to the Bhoksas, with whom in appearance and
character the Aheriyas of Aligarh and Etah seem to have little
connection. They are almost certainly not the same as the Ahiriya or
Dahiriya of the Gorakhpur Division, who are wandering cattle-dealers
and apparently Ahîrs. [132] In Gorakhpur, however, there is a tribe
called Aheliya, said to be descended from Dhânuks, whose chief
employment is the capture of snakes, which they eat. There is again a
tribe in the Panjab known as Aheri, who are very probably akin to the
Aheriyas of the North-West Provinces. [133] They trace their origin to
Râjputâna, and especially Jodhpur and the prairies of Bikâner. “They
are vagrant in their habits, but not infrequently settle down in
villages where they find employment. They catch and eat all kinds of
wild animals, pure and impure, and work in reeds and grass. In addition
to these occupations they work in the fields, and especially move about
in gangs at harvest time in search of employment as reapers, and they
cut wood and grass and work as general labourers on roads and other
earthworks.” Mr. Fagan describes them in Hissâr as making baskets and
winnowing fans and scutching wool. He thinks that the Jodhpuriya
section, who appear to have been the ancestors of the tribe, may
possibly have been Râjputs, and the other Aheris are probably descended
from low castes who intermarried with them. In default of any distinct
anthropometrical evidence, the most probable theory seems to be that
the Aheriyas of these Provinces are connected with the Bhîl and their
congeners, the Baheliya, who are a race of jungle hunters and fowlers.
In Aligarh, they distinctly admit that in former times, owing to a
scarcity of women in the tribe, they used to introduce girls of other
castes. This, they say, they have ceased to do in recent years, since
the number of their females has increased. This may, perhaps, point to
the prevalence of infanticide in the tribe; but in any case it is very
probable that a tribe of this character should become a sort of Cave of
Adullam for every one who was in debt, and every one that was in
distress or discontented.
[The Aligarh tradition.] 2. In Aligarh they seem to be known
indifferently by the names of Aheriya, Bhîl, or Karol. They call
themselves the descendants of Râja Piryavart, who (though the Aheriyas
know nothing about him) is probably identical with Priyavrata, who was
one of the two sons of Brahma and Satarûpa. According to the mythology
he was dissatisfied that only half the earth was illuminated at one
time by the sun’s rays; so he followed the sun seven times round the
earth in his own flaming car of equal velocity, like another celestial
orb, resolved to turn night into day. He was stopped by Brahma, and the
ruts which were formed by his chariot wheels were the seven oceans;
thus the seven continents were formed. The Aheriyas say that the son of
the solar hero, whose name they have forgotten, was devoted to hunting,
and for the purpose of sport took up his abode on the famous hill of
Chitrakût, in the Bânda District. Here he became known as Aheriya, or
“sportsman,” and was the ancestor of the present tribe. Thence they
emigrated to Ajudhya, and, after the destruction of that city, spread
all over the country. They say that they came to Aligarh from Cawnpur
some seven hundred years ago. They still keep up this tradition of
their origin by periodical pilgrimages to Chitrakût and Ajudhya.
[Tribal council.] 3. They have a tribal council (panchâyat),
constituted partly by election and partly by nomination among the
members or the tribe. They decide all matters affecting the tribe, but
are not empowered to take up social questions suo motu. They have a
permanent, hereditary chairman (sarpanch). If the son of a deceased
chairman happen to be a minor, one of the members of the council is
appointed to act for him during his minority. At the same time, if the
new chairman, on coming of age, is found to be incompetent, he may be
removed, and a new candidate selected by the votes of the council.
[Marriage rules.] 4. They have no exogamous or endogamous
sub-divisions. The marriage of first cousins is prohibited, and a man
cannot be married in a family to which during memory a bride from his
family has been married. Difference of religious belief is no bar to
marriage, provided there has been no conversion to another faith, such
as that of Christians or Muhammadans. They can have as many as four
wives at the same time, and may marry two sisters together. An apparent
survival of marriage by capture is found in the ceremony which follows
marriage when the newly-married pair are taken to a tank. The wife
strikes her husband with a thin switch of the acacia (babûl). She is
then brought into the house, where the relations of her husband give
her presents for letting them see her face (munh-dikhâi). The senior
wife rules the household, and those junior to her have to do her
bidding. They live, as a rule, on good terms, and it is only under very
exceptional circumstances that separate houses are provided for them.
The age for marriage varies from seven to twenty. Any marriage is
voidable at the wish of the parties with the approval of the tribal
council. The match is arranged by some relation of the youth with the
help of a Brâhman and barber. When the parties are grown up, their
wishes are considered, but in the case of minors the match is arranged
by their friends or guardians. There is no regular bride price; but if
the girl’s father is very poor the friends of the boy assist him to
defray the cost of the marriage feast. In other cases the girl’s father
is supposed to give something as dowry (jahez). As to the ownership of
this there is no fixed rule; but it is understood that the presents
which the bride receives at the munh-dikhâi ceremony, above described,
become her private property. Leprosy, impotency, idiocy, or mutilation
occurring after marriage are considered reasonable grounds for its
annulment; but if any physical defects were disclosed before the
marriage, they are not held to be a ground for dissolving the union.
Charges of adultery are brought before the tribal council, and, if
proved, a divorce is declared. Divorced women can marry again by the
karâo form; but women divorced for adultery, though such a course is
possible, are seldom remarried in the tribe. Children born of a father
or mother who are not members of the tribe are called lendra, and are
not admitted to caste privileges.
[Widow marriage.] 5. When a man desires to marry a widow, he provides
for her a suit of clothes, a set of glass bangles (chûri) and a pair of
toe-rings (bichhua). The council is assembled and the woman is asked if
she accepts her suitor. If she agrees, an auspicious day is selected by
the advice of a Brâhman, and the new husband dresses her in the clothes
and ornament and takes her home. After this he gives a feast to the
brotherhood. In this form of marriage, known as karâo or dhareja, there
is no procession (bârât), and no walking round the sacred fire
(bhanwar). The levirate is enforced unless the younger brother of her
late husband is already married, in which case the widow may live with
an outsider. If she marries a stranger she loses her right to
maintenance from the estate of her first husband, and also the
guardianship of his children, unless they are of tender age. There is
no trace of the fiction that children of the levir are attributed to
his deceased brother.
[Birth ceremonies.] 6. When pregnancy is ascertained the caste men are
assembled and some gram and wheat boiled with molasses is distributed.
Contrary to prevailing Hindu custom the woman is delivered on a bed
with her feet turned towards the Ganges. The midwife is usually a
sweeper woman, and after delivery her place as nurse is taken by a
barber woman. When the child is born molasses is distributed to
friends; and women sing songs and play on a brass tray (thâli). On the
sixth day (chhathi) they worship Sati, and throw a little cakes and
incense into the fire in her honour. On the twelfth day the mother is
bathed, and seated in the court-yard inside a sacred square (chauk)
made by a Brâhman, with wheat-flour. He then names the child, and
purifies the house by sprinkling water all about it and reciting texts
(mantra). The caste-men are feasted, and the women sing and dance. This
is known as the Dashtaun. But if the child happen to be born in the
asterism (nakshatra) of Mûl the Dashtaun is performed on the nineteenth
or twenty-first day. Leaves of twenty-one trees or plants, such as the
lime, mango, siras, jâmun, pomegranate, nîm, custard apple, etc., are
collected. They also bring water from twenty-one wells, and little bits
of lime stone (kankari) from twenty-one different villages. These
things are all put into an earthen jar which is filled with water, and
with this the mother is bathed. Grain and money are given to Brâhmans,
and the purification is concluded. If twins are born, the father and
mother sit together inside the sacred square on the day of the
Dashtaun, and the Brâhman ties an amulet (râkhi), made of thread, round
the wrists of both to keep off ill-luck.
[Adoption.] 7. On an auspicious day selected by a Pandit the father of
the boy makes him over to the person adopting him. The adopter then
dresses the boy in new clothes and gives him sweetmeats. A feast is
then given to the clansmen. The child to be adopted must be under the
age of ten.
[Marriage ceremonies.] 8. The marriage ceremonies begin with the
betrothal, which is finished by the boy eating some betel sent to him
by a barber from the house of the bride. It seems to be the custom in
many cases to betroth children in their infancy. Then comes the lagan,
consisting of cash, clothes, a cocoanut and sweets sent by the father
of the bride with a letter fixing the marriage day; inside this is
placed some dûb grass. The Brâhman recites verses (mantra) as he gives
these things to the boy seated in a sacred square, while the women beat
a small drum and sing songs. This goes on the whole night (ratjaga).
Next follows the anointing (ubtana) of the bride and bridegroom. During
this time the pair are not allowed to leave the house through fear of
the Evil Eye and the attacks of malignant spirits. On the day fixed in
the lagan some mango and chhonkar leaves, some turmeric and two pice
are tied on a bamboo, which is fixed in the court-yard by some relation
on the female side, or by the priest. He is given some money, clothes,
or grain, which is called neg. Then a feast of food, cooked without
butter, known as the marhwa, or “pavilion,” is given to the friends.
The bridegroom is dressed in a coat (jâma) of yellow-coloured cloth,
and wears a head-dress (maur) made of palm leaves. When they reach the
bride’s village, they are received in a hut (janwânsa), prepared for
them. The bridegroom’s father sends, by a connection (mân), some
sharbat to the bride, and she sends food in return: this is known as
barauniya. After this the pair walk seven times round the sacred fire,
and a fire sacrifice (homa) is offered. Then follows the “giving away”
of the bride (kanyâdân), and the pair are taken into an inner room,
where they eat sweetmeats and rice together; this is known as sahkaur,
or confarreatio. A shoe is tied up in cloth, and the women try to
induce the boy to worship it as one of the local godlings. If he falls
into the trap there is great merriment. The knot which has been tied in
the clothes of the bride and bridegroom is then untied, his crown is
taken off, and the marriage being over he returns to the janwânsa.
Among poor people there is no lagan and no betrothal. Some money is
paid to the bride’s father, and the girl is taken to her husband’s
house and married there. No pavilion is erected, and the ceremony
consists in making the girl and boy walk round the sacred fire, which
is lighted in the court-yard. Girls that are stolen or seduced are
usually married in this way, which is known as dola.
[Disposal of the dead.] 9. Rich people cremate the dead; poorer people
bury, or consign the corpse to some river. The dead are buried face
downwards to bar the return of the ghost; the feet face the north; some
bury without a shroud. After cremation the ashes are usually taken to
the Ganges, but some people leave them at the pyre. Fire is provided by
a sweeper, who gets a small fee and the bamboos of the bier as his
perquisite. After the cremation is over, some on their way home bathe,
but this is not essential. After they bathe they collect a little kusa
grass and throw it on the road by which the corpse was removed. Then
they throw some pebbles in the direction of the pyre. The popular
explanation of this practice is, in order that “affection for the dead
may come to an end” (moh chhût jâwê); the real object is to bar the
return of the ghost. On the third or seventh day after the cremation
the son or person who has lighted the pyre shaves; then he has some
large cakes (tikiya) cooked, and some is placed on a leaf of the dhâk
tree (butea frondosa), and laid in a barley field for the support of
the ghost. The clansmen are feasted on the thirteenth day; thirteen
pieces of betel-nut and thirteen pice are placed, one in each of
thirteen pots, and this, with some grain, is divided among thirteen
Brâhmans. Then a fire-sacrifice is made. There is no regular srâddha;
but they worship the souls of the dead collectively in the month of
Kuâr, and throw cakes to the crows, who represent the souls of the
dead.
[Ceremonial pollution.] 10. The death pollution lasts for thirteen
days; after child-birth for ten, and after menstruation for three days.
The first two are removed by regular purification; the third by bathing
and washing the hair of the head.
[Religion.] 11. Devi is their special object of worship, but Mekhâsur
is the tribal godling. His name means “Ram demon,” but they can give no
account of him. His shrine is at Gangîri, in the Atraula Tahsîl. He is
worshipped on the eighth and ninth of Baisâkh, with sweets and an
occasional goat. An Ahîr takes the offering. Zâhir Pîr is the well
known Gûga. His day is the ninth of the dark half of Bhâdon, and his
offering cloth, cloves, ghi and cash, which are taken by a Muhammadan
Khâdim. Miyân Sâhib, the saint of Amroha, in the Morâdâbâd District, is
worshipped on Wednesday and Saturday with an offering of five pice,
cloves, incense, and cakes, which are taken by the faqîrs who are the
attendants (mujâwir) at his tomb. They also make a goat sacrifice known
as kandûri, and consume the meat themselves. Jakhiya has a square
platform at Karas, in the Iglâs Tahsîl, at the door of a sweeper’s hut.
His day is the sixth of the dark half of Mâgh, and his offering is two
pice and some betel and sweets. These are taken by the sweeper
officiant. They also sometimes sacrifice a pig, and the sweeper rubs a
little of the blood on the children’s foreheads in order to ward off
evil spirits. Barai is a common village godling. He is represented by a
few stones under a tree; his offering is a chhakka or six cowries, some
betel and sweets, which are taken by a Brâhman Panda. This godling is
the special protector of women and children. His days are the seventh
of the light half of Chait and the seventh of the light half of Kuâr.
Mâta, the small-pox goddess, and Masâni, the spirit of the burning
ground, are represented by some stones placed on a platform under a
tree. They are worshipped on the same days as Barai by women and
children, and a Brâhman takes the offerings. Châmar also has his abode
under a tree, and is worshipped on the first Monday of every Hindu
month. His offering is a wheat cake; and a ram is offered in serious
cases, and consumed by the worshippers. When cattle are sick or lose
their milk, a little unboiled milk is poured on the shrine. Bûrha Bâba
has his shrine at Chândausi, in the Khair Tahsîl. His day is the third
of the light half of Baisâkh, and he is presented with cloth, betel and
sweets, which are taken by a Brâhman. Sâh Jamâl, who appears to be one
of the Pânch Pîr, has a shrine near the city of Aligarh. The offerings
here are taken by a Muhammadan Khâdim.
[Patron Saint.] 12. Vâlmîki, the author of the Râmâyana, is a sort of
patron saint of the tribe. According to the Aheriya legend Vâlmîki was
a great hunter and robber. After he had taken many lives he one day met
the saint Nârada Muni in the jungle. As he was aiming his arrow at the
Rishi, Nârada asked him if he knew what a sin he was committing. At
last Nârada convinced him of his wickedness and tried to teach him to
say Râma! Râma! but for a long time he could get no nearer it than
Mâra! Mâra! (Kill! kill!) Finally his devotion won him pardon, and he
became learned enough to compose the Râmâyana. Hence he is the saint of
the Aheriyas.
[House worship.] 13. Some make a house shrine dedicated to Mekhâsur in
a room set apart for the purpose. Women regularly married are permitted
to join in this worship, but unmarried girls and karâo wives are
excluded. The sacrifices to these tribal godlings are done by some
member of the family, not by a regular priest. In the case of Miyân
Sâhib and Jakhiya they sometimes release the victim after cutting its
ear; in all other cases the animal is killed, and the flesh eaten by
the worshippers. Most of their festivals are those common to all
Hindus, which will be often mentioned. There is a curious survival of
human sacrifice in the observance at the festival known as the Sakat
Chauth, when they make the image of a human being of boiled rice, and
at night cut it up and eat it. They venerate the pîpal tree, and have a
special worship of the âonla (phyllanthus emblica) on the eleventh of
the light half of Phâlgun. Women bow down before the tree and offer
eight small cakes and water at noon. At the Nâgpanchami women draw
pictures of snakes on the walls of their houses and throw milk over
them. Men take milk to the jungle and place it near the hole of a
snake. Their favourite tattoo mark is Sîtâ ki rasoi, or a
representation of the cooking room of Sîta, which is still shown on the
Chitra Kûta hill. Their chief oath is on the Ganges, and this is made
more binding if the person taking it stands under a pîpal tree or holds
a leaf of it in his hand.
[Social rules.] 14. They cannot eat or drink with any other caste; but
they will eat kachchi cooked by Ahîrs, Barhais, Jâts, and Kahârs; they
eat pakki, cooked by a Nâi, but he will not eat pakki cooked by them.
[Industries.] 15. Their industries are what might have been expected
from their partially nomad life. Like the Musahar of the Eastern
Districts they make the leaf platters which Hindus use at meals (see
Bâri). They also collect reeds for basket-making, etc., honey and gum
from the dhâk and acacia, which they sell in the towns. But the
business which they chiefly carry on is burglary and highway robbery,
and they are about the most active and determined criminals in the
Province. A band of Aheriyas, arrested for committing a highway robbery
on the Grand Trunk Road, gave the following account of themselves to
Colonel Williams [134]:—“Our children require no teaching. At an early
age they learn to steal. At eight or nine years of age they commence
plundering from the fields, and as opportunities offer take brass
vessels or anything they can pick up. So that by fifteen or sixteen
they are quite expert, and fit to join in our expeditions. Gangs
consist of from ten to twenty. Sometimes two gangs meet on the road and
work together. I have known as many as forty in one highway robbery.
Our leaders (Jamadâr) are elected for their skill, intelligence, and
daring. A good Jamadâr has no lack of followers. The Jamadâr collects
his band, gets an advance from Banyas to support his followers during
the expedition, which money is repaid with interest, and our families
are never allowed to want while we are absent. We assemble in the
village and start together, but disperse into parties of two or three
to avoid observation, and generally state that we are Kâchhis, Lodhas,
or even Râjputs, going to Benares on pilgrimage. We do this as our
tribe has a bad name. We also avoid putting up at sarâis, and generally
encamp 100 or 200 paces from the high road to watch travellers, carts,
and vans passing. We all carry bludgeons, rarely weapons; one or two in
the gang may have a sword. Our mode of proceeding in highway robberies
is to look out for vans, carts, or camels laden with cloth: finding
such as are likely to afford a booty, the members of the gang are
warned to follow. The most expert proceed ahead to fix a spot for the
attack. We have followed camels for three or four days before an
opportunity offered. We commence by pelting the guards with pieces of
limestone (kankar) or stones. This generally causes them to fly; but,
if not, we assemble and threaten them with our bludgeons. If they still
resist, we give up the attack. We, however, rarely fail, and at the
first shower of kankar the guards all fly. If any of our gang are
captured, it is the business of our Jamadâr to remain at hand, or
depute some intelligent man of the band for this special duty: no
expense is spared to effect their release. We find the Police readily
accessible. If separated, we recognise each other by the jackal’s cry;
but we have no peculiar terms or slang to distinguish each other. We
take omens. Deer and the sâras crane on the right, jackals, asses, and
white birds on the left, while proceeding on an expedition, are highly
propitious. Unfavourable omens cause the expedition to be deferred
until they become otherwise. On returning, if jackals, asses, and white
birds appear on the left, or deer, sâras, or owls on the right, we
rejoice exceedingly, and fear no evil. Some of our Jamadârs are so
brave that they don’t care for omens. We dispose of our booty through
middlemen (arhatiya), who sell it to the great Mahâjans. Of course they
know it is plundered property from the price they give; and how could
we have silk and fine linen for sale if not plundered? Our zamîndârs
know we live by plunder, and take a fourth of the spoil. Sometimes they
take such clothes as suit them. On returning from a highway robbery we
use great expedition, travelling all night. During the day the plunder
is concealed in dry wells; we disperse and hide in the fields. Two or
three of the sharpest of the gang go to the nearest village for food,
generally prepared food. We soon become acquainted with all the sharp
men on the road. One rogue readily finds a companion, and we thus get
information of parties travelling and suitable booty. Though we pilfer
and thieve wherever we can, we prefer highway robbery, as it is more
profitable, and if the booty is cloth, easily disposed of. Always
thieves by profession, we did not take to highway robbery till the
great famine of 1833. Gulba and Suktua, Baheliyas, first opened the way
for us, and taught us this easy mode of living. These two are famed
men, and resided near Mirzapur, in Pargana Jalesar (now in the Etah
District). The Baheliyas and Aheriyas of Mirzapur soon took a leading
part, and were highly distinguished. They are noted among us as expert
thieves and highway robbers.” Since this was written the Aheriyas have
begun to use the railway in their expeditions, and are known to have
made incursions as far as the Panjab, Central India, Bengal, and
Bombay. The Etah branch of the tribe is under the provisions of the
Criminal Tribes Act. Curiously enough they have escaped record at the
last Census.
DISTRIBUTION OF AHERIYAS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
=======================
District. | Number.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Muzaffarnagar | 125
Meerut | 1,437
Bulandshahr | 2,905
Aligarh | 9,877
Mathura | 765
Agra | 4
Mainpuri | 781
Bijnor | 229
Morâdâbâd | 481
Pilibhît | 29
Hamîrpur | 73
Benares | 668
Mirzapur | 6
Jaunpur | 129
Lucknow | 2,266
Faizâbâd | 4
+~~~~~~~
Total | 19,779
==============+=======
Ahîr [135]:—An important and widely-distributed caste of herdsmen and
agriculturists, found in large numbers throughout the Province.
According to the Brâhmanical tradition, as given by Manu, they are
descended by a Brâhman from a woman of the Ambastha, or tribe of
physicians. “In the Brahma Purâna it is said that they are descended
from a Kshatriya father and a woman of the Vaisya caste; but on the
question of the descent of the various tribes, the sacred books, as in
many other matters, differ very much from each other, and none are to
be implicitly trusted. This pastoral tribe of the Yâdubansi stock was
formerly of much greater consideration in India than it is at present.
In the Râmâyana and Mahâbhârata the Abhîras in the west are spoken of;
and in the Purânik Geography, the country on the western coast of
India, from the Tâpti to Devagarh is called Abhîra, or the region of
cowherds. When the Kattis arrived in Gujarât, in the eighth century,
they found the greater part of the country in the occupation of the
Ahîrs. The name of Asirgarh, which Farishta and Khizâna Amîra say is
derived from Asa, Ahîr, shows that the tribe was of some importance in
the Dakkhin also, and there is no doubt that we have trace of the name
in the Abiria of Ptolemy, which he places above Patalene. Ahîrs were
also Râjas of Nepâl at the beginning of our era, and they are perhaps
connected with the Pâla, or shepherd dynasty, which ruled in Bengal
from the 9th to the latter part of the 11th century, and which, if we
may place trust in monumental inscriptions, were for some time the
universal rulers of India.” [136]
[Origin of the tribe.] 2. On the tribe to the east Mr. Risley writes
[137]:—“The traditions of the caste bear a highly imaginative
character, and profess to trace their descent from the god Krishna,
whose relations with the milk-maids of Brindâban play an important part
in Hindu mythology. Krishna himself is supposed to have belonged to the
tribe of Yâdavas, or descendants of Yadu, a nomadic race, who graze
cattle and make butter, and are believed to have made an early
settlement in the neighbourhood of Mathura. In memory of this
tradition, one of their sub-castes, in the North-Western Provinces, is
called Yadu, or Jâdubansi, to the present day. Another story, quoted by
Dr. Buchanan, makes out the Guâlas to be Vaisyas, who were degraded in
consequence of having introduced castration among their herds, and
members of the caste who are disposed to claim this distinguished
ancestor may lay stress upon the fact that the tending of flocks and
herds is mentioned by the authorities among the duties of the Vaisya
order. Taken as a whole, the Guâla traditions hardly can be said to do
more than render it probable that one of their earliest settlements was
in the neighbourhood of Mathura, and that this part of the country was
the centre of distribution of the caste. The large functional group
known by the name Guâla seems to have been recruited not merely by the
diffusion along the Ganges valley of the semi-Aryan Guâlas of the
North-Western Provinces, but also by the inclusion in the caste of
pastoral tribes who were not Aryans at all. These, of course, would
form distinct sub-castes, and would not be admitted to the jus connubii
with the original nucleus of the caste. The great differences of make
and feature which may be observed among Guâlas seem to bear out this
view, and to show that whatever may have been the original constituents
of the caste, it now comprises several heterogeneous elements. Thus,
even in a district so far from the original home of the caste as
Sinhbhûm, we find Colonel Dalton remarking that the features of the
Mathurâbâsi Guâlas are high, sharp and delicate, and they are of a
light brown complexion. Those of the Magadha sub-caste, on the other
hand, are undefined and coarse. They are dark-complexioned, and have
large hands and feet. Seeing the latter standing in a group with some
Sinhbhûm Kols, there is no distinguishing one from the other. There
has, doubtless, been much intermixture of blood. These remarks
illustrate both the processes to which the growth of the caste is due.
They show how representatives of the original tribe have spread to
districts very remote from their original centre, and how at the same
time people of alien race who followed pastoral occupations have become
attached to the caste, and are recognized by a sort of fiction as
having belonged to it all along.”
3. Another account represents them to be the descendants of the Abars,
one of the Scythian tribes who in the second or first century before
Christ entered India from the north-west, or, and this is perhaps more
probable, they are regarded as an old Indian or half-Indian race who
were driven south before the Scythian invasion. That they were very
early settlers in these Provinces and the neighbourhood is certain. The
Nepâl legend [138] states that the Kirâtas obtained possession of the
valley after expelling the Ahîrs. In the Hindu drama of the Toy-Cart,
[139] the successful usurper who overthrows Pâlaka, King of Ujjain, is
Aryaka, of the cowherd caste; and similarly in the Buddhist chronicles
Chandragupta is described as a cowherd of princely race. In Oudh they
appear to have been early, probably aboriginal, inhabitants before the
Râjput invasion. They are also said to be closely connected with the
Bhars, and they attend at great numbers on the occasion of a fair at
Dalmau in the Râê Bareli district held in honor of the Bhar hero Dal,
who has been, in connection with that tribe shown to be mythical. [140]
General Cunningham [141] assumes from the reference to them in Manu
that they must certainly have been in India before the time of
Alexander, and that as they are very numerous in the eastern districts
of Mirzapur, Benares, and Shâhâbâd, they cannot possibly, like the Jâts
and Gûjars, be identified with the Indo-Scythians, whose dominions did
not extend beyond the Upper Ganges. It is merely a conjecture of Mr.
Nesfield that the Kor or Kur sub-caste is derived from the Kols of the
Vindhyan plateau. [142]
4. At the same time, as might have been expected, some of their
traditions indicate a tendency to aspire to a higher origin than those
which would associate them with menial tribes such as the Bhars. Thus
in Bulandshahr [143] they claim to be Chauhân Râjputs. The Rohilkhand
branch say that they came from Hânsi Hissâr about 700 years ago. In
Gorakhpur the Bargaha sub-caste provide wet-nurses in Râjput families
[144]: others call themselves Jâts and refer their origin to Bharatpur,
while they call themselves Kshatriyas. There is again a very close
connection between the Dauwa sub-caste and the Bundela Râjputs for whom
they provide wet-nurses. [145] In Azamgarh [146] they claim to have
been once Kshatriyas who ruled the country; in Mainpuri [147] they
assert that they are descendants of Râna Katîra of Mewâr, who had been
driven from his own country by an invasion of the Muhammadans and took
refuge with Digpâla, Râja of Mahâban, whose daughter, Kânh Kunwar his
son subsequently married, and by her became the ancestor of the Pâthak
sub-caste. They are the highest clan in that part of the country, and
there is a ridiculous legend in explanation of their name, that Râna
Katîra was attacked by the King of Delhi, and that out of the twelve
gates (phâtak) of his capital only one held out to the end. When the
enemy had retired, the Râna, in order to commemorate the signal bravery
shown by the guard of the twelfth gate, issued a decree that they and
their descendants should be for ever designated by the title of Pâthak
or Phâtak.
[Internal structure.] 5. At the last Census the Ahîrs were recorded in
eighteen main sub-castes—Benbansi, the offspring of Râja Vena, the
famous sinner of the mythology; Bhirgudi; Dauwa; Dhindhor; Gaddi;
Gamel; Ghorcharha, “riders on horses;” Ghosi, or “Shouters;” Gûjar;
Guâlbans; Jâdubans, “of the Yâdava race;” Kamariha; Khunkhuniya; Kur;
Nandabans, “of the race of Nanda,” the foster-father of Krishna;
Pâthak; Rajauriya, and Râwat. The internal classification of the Ahîrs
was very carefully worked out by Sir H. M. Elliot, who writes:—“There
appear to be three grand divisions among them,—the Nandbans, the
Jâdubans and the Guâlbans, which acknowledge no connection except that
of being all Ahîrs. Those of the Central Duâb usually style themselves
Nandbans; those to the west of the Jamuna and the Upper Duâb, Jâdubans;
and those in the Lower Duâb and Benares, Guâlbans. The latter seem to
have no sub-divisions or gotras. The principal gotras of the Nandbans
are Samarphalla, Kishnaut, Bhagta, Bilehniya, Diswâr, Nagauwa,
Kanaudha, Dûnr, Râwat, Tenguriya, Kur, Kamariya, Barausiya, Mujwâr,
Dahima, Nirban, Kharkhari, Dirhor, Sitauliya, Jarwariya, Barothi, Gonda
and Phâtak—amounting in all to eighty-four. In Bighoto, besides many of
these there are the Molak, Santoriya, Khosiya, Khalliya, Loniwâl,
Aphariya or Aphiriya, Maila, Mhaila, Khoro, Sesotiya, Gandwâl, Gird,
Bhamsara, Janjariya, Kankauriya and Niganiya, amounting in all to
sixty-four. Many of the two last-named clans have been converted to the
Muhammadan faith, and are known as Rângars. The two villages whence
they derive their name are celebrated in local legends for turbulence
and contumacy.
Dihli ten paintîs kos Kanhaur Nigâna; Apni boi âp khâen, hâkim ne na
den dâna.—“Thirty-five kos from Delhi are Kanhaur and Nigâna. There the
people eat what they sow, and do not give a grain to the Government.”
6. Amongst these the Khoro rank first; but their claim to superiority
is denied by the Aphiriya, who have certainly in modern times attained
the highest distinction. They all, including the Khoro, intermarry on
terms of equality, avoiding, like all other Ahîrs, only the four gotras
nearest related. A man, for instance, cannot marry into his father’s,
mother’s paternal or maternal gotras; and no intermarriages take place
between distant clans. Thus those of the Duâb and Bighoto hold little
or no personal intercourse, and each declares the other an inferior
stock.”
7. In Agra we find the Guâlbans, Nandbans, Kamariha and Ghusiya. The
Nandbans call themselves the offspring of Nanda, the foster-father of
Krishna, and the Guâlbans say that they are descended from the Gopis
who danced with the god in the woods of Brindâban and Gokul. The
Nandbans women wear bangles (chûri) of glass (kâncha) and white
clothes. Those of the Guâlbans wear bangles of lac and coloured or
embroidered dresses. All of them, at the time of marriage, except the
Ghusiya, wear a nuptial crown (maur) made of paper. That of the
Ghusiyas is made of the leaves of the palm (khajûr). The Kamariya
sub-caste have a curious custom of hanging up cakes made of wheat-flour
in the marriage pavilion while the ceremony is going on. All of them
admit widow marriage, and these sub-castes are strictly endogamous. In
Cawnpur the sub-castes are Nandbans, Jâdubans, Kishnaut, Kanaujiya,
Ghosi, Guâlbans and Illahâbâsi, or residents of Allahâbâd. In the east
of the Province there is a different set of sub-castes. Thus in
Mirzapur they are divided into the Churiya Guâl, who are so called
because their women wear bangles (chûri); Mathiya, who wear brass rings
(mâthi); Kishnaut; Maharwa, or Mahalwa; Dharora; Bhurtiya; and Bargâhi.
The Kishnaut sub-caste allege that it was among them that the infant
Krishna was nursed. The Maharwas or Mahalwas tell the following story
to account for their name:—“Once upon a time there lived an Ahîr at
Agori, the famous fortress of the Chandel Râjputs, on the river Son. He
was rich and devoted to gambling. The Râja of Agori also loved the
dice. One day they were playing, when the Ahîr lost all his property,
and, finally, staked his unborn child. He lost this also. When the
Ahîr’s wife brought forth a girl the Râja claimed her, and the Ahîr was
called Maharwa, because his daughter had to enter the harem (mâhal) of
the Râja.” Another version of the legend connects it with the
celebrated Lorik cycle. The Ahîr maiden is said to have been saved by
the hero, and took the name of Maharwa because she was saved from the
harem.
8. Another legend tells the origin of the Bhurtiyas in this way:—“Once
upon a time Sri Krishna blew his flute in the forest and all the girls
of Brindâban rushed to meet him. They were so excited at the prospect
of meeting him that they did not wait to adjust their dress or jewelry.
One of them appeared with brass rings (mâthi) on one wrist and lac
bangles (chûri) on the other; so she was called by way of a joke
Bhurtiya or ‘careless,’ and the name has clung to her descendants ever
since.” In memory of this the women of this sub-caste wear both kinds
of ornaments.
9. Bargâhi is said, again, in Persian to mean “one who attends a royal
court,” and the name is derived from the fact that the women of this
sub-caste used to serve as wet-nurses in the families of noblemen.
Among these the Churiya and Maharwa intermarry; all the others are
endogamous.
10. The detailed Census returns enumerate no less than 1,767 varieties
of Ahîrs. Of these, those most largely represented are—in Bulandshahr,
the Bhatti, Nirban and Ahar; in Aligarh, the Chakiya, Garoriya; in
Mainpuri, the Girdharpuriya and Tulasi; in Etah, the Barwa, Bharosiya,
Deswâr, Dholri, Kanchhariya, and Siyarê; in Bareilly, the Chaunsathiya
or “sixty-fours;” in Morâdâbâd, the Deswâr; in Shâhjahânpur, the
Bâchhar, which is the name of a well-known Râjput sept, Bakaiya,
Birhariya, Chanwar, Darswâr, Dohar, Kharê, Katha, Katheriya,
Manhpachchar, Râna, Rohendi and Sisariya; in Cawnpur, the Darswâr and
Sakarwâr, the latter of which is the title of a Râjput sept; in
Fatehpur, the Raghubansi; in Bânda, the Bharauniya; in Hamîrpur, the
Rautela; in Jhânsi, the Gondiya, Mewâr and Rautela; in Mirzapur, the
Kishnaut; in Ballia, the Kanaujiya, Kishnaut, Majraut; in Gorakhpur,
the Bargâh, Kanaujiya, Kishnaut, and Majnûn; in Basti, the Kanaujiya;
in Lucknow, the Raghubansi; in Unâo, the Gel, Gokuliya, and Guâlbansi;
in Sîtapur, the Râjbansi; in Hardoi, the Kauriya; in Sultânpur, the
Dhuriya; in Partâbgarh, the Sohar; in Bârabanki, the Bâchhar,
Dharbansi, Muriyâna and Râjbansi.
[The Lorik legend.] 11. No account of the Ahîrs would be complete
without some reference to the famous tribal legend of Lorik, which is
most popular among them and is sung at all their ceremonies. There are
various recensions of it, and it is most voluminous and embodies a
number of different episodes. In what is, perhaps, the most common form
of the legend, Siudhar, an Ahîr of the East country, marries Chandain,
and is cursed with the loss of all passion by Pârvati. His wife forms
an attachment for a neighbour named Lorik and elopes with him. The
husband pursues, fails to induce her to return, and fights Lorik, by
whom he is defeated. The pair then go on and finally meet Mahâpatiya, a
Dusâdh, the chief of the gamblers. He and Lorik play till the latter
loses everything, including his mistress. She urges that her jewels did
not form part of the stake, and induces them to try another throw of
the dice. She stands opposite Mahâpatiya and distracts his attention by
exposing her person to him. Finally Lorik wins everything back. The
girl then tells Lorik how she had been insulted by the low-caste man,
who saw her exposed, and Lorik with his two-maund sword cuts off the
gambler’s head, when it and his body were turned into stone, and are to
be seen to this day. Lorik and Chandain then continued their
wanderings, and he attacks and defeats the King of Hardui near Mongir.
The Râja is afterwards assisted by the King of Kalinga, defeats Lorik,
and imprisons him in a dungeon, whence he is released by the
intercession of the goddess Durga, recovers the kingdom and his
mistress Chandain, and after some years of happiness returns to his
native land.
12. Meanwhile the brother of Lorik, Semru, had been attacked and killed
by the Kols and all his cattle plundered. Lorik takes a bloody revenge
from the enemy. Before he left home with Chandain, Lorik had been
betrothed to an Ahîr girl named Satmanain, who by this time had become
a handsome woman, who lived in the hope that Lorik would some day
return and claim her. Lorik was anxious to test her fidelity, and when
he came near home, concealed his identity. When she and the other woman
came to sell milk in his camp he laid down a loin cloth at the
entrance. All the other women stepped over it, but such was the
delicacy of Satmanain that she refused. Lorik was pleased, and, without
her knowledge, filled her basket with jewels, and covered them over
with rice. When she returned, her sister found the jewels, and taxed
her with receiving them as the price of her honour. She indignantly
denied the accusation, and the son of Semru, the dead brother of Lorik,
set out to avenge on him the insult to his aunt. Finally, the matter
was cleared up, and Lorik reigned for many years in happiness with his
wives Chandain and Satmanain. But the god Indra determined to destroy
his virtue, and he induced Durga to take the form of his mistress and
tempt him. When he gave way to the temptation and touched her she
struck him so that his face turned completely round. Overcome by grief
and shame he went to Kâsi (Benares), and there they were all turned
into stone, and sleep the sleep of magic at the Manikarnika Ghât. [148]
[Marriage rules.] 13. As has been already said, the sub-castes are
endogamous. To the west the gotra system is in full force and marriage
is barred in the four gotras of father, mother, grand-father, and
grand-mother. To the east few of the rural Ahîrs seem to know anything
about their gotras. They will not marry in a family to which a sister
has been given in marriage until three generations have passed. In
Behâr, according to Mr. Risley, “the Brâhmanical gotras are unknown,
and marriage among the Guâlas is regulated by a very large number of
exogamous groups (mûl) of the territorial type. In some places where
the existing mûls have been found inconveniently large, and marriage
has been rendered unduly difficult, certain mûls have broken up into
purukhs or sub-sections. Where this has taken place a man may marry
within the mûl, but not within the purukh, the smaller and more
convenient group.” He goes on to explain at length how this rule of
exogamy works in practice, and how it is necessary to supplement it by
the standard formula of exogamy common to many of the lower tribes. Of
this elaborate system no trace has been found as yet among the western
Ahîrs, but it is quite possible that further local enquiry may supply
examples of this, or some analogous rule of exogamy prevailing in these
Provinces.
[Tribal council.] 14. The internal affairs of the caste are managed by
a panchâyat or tribal council. As an instance of its working, in
Mirzapur it is presided over by a permanent chairman (chaudhari) and,
as a rule, meets only on the occasion of weddings and funeral
ceremonies, when current business is brought before it. The cases
usually heard are connected with immorality, eating with a prohibited
caste, and family disputes about inheritance and property. The accused
person during the hearing of the case is not allowed to sit on the
tribal mat with his brethren. The president uses the members only as
assessors, and after enquiry announces the decision. A person found
guilty of immorality is usually fined eight rupees, and has to supply
two feasts for the brethren. Out of the fine the chairman receives one
rupee, and the rest is spent in purchasing vessels and other furniture
for use at the meetings. If a man is convicted of an intrigue with a
woman of the tribe, he is fined only one rupee and has to give two
dinners to the brotherhood. Any one who disobeys the orders of the
chairman is beaten with shoes in the presence of the council and is
excluded from all caste privileges until he submits. Instances of the
contempt of the orders of the council are seldom heard of.
[Marriage.] 15. To the west of the Province polygamy is allowed, but it
is discouraged. In Mirzapur it is said to be prohibited without the
express sanction of the council, which is given only in exceptional
cases, such as the hopeless illness or barrenness of the first wife,
and if a man ventures to take a second wife without sanction, he is
very severely dealt with. There seems to be very little doubt that
along the banks of the Jumna polyandry prevails in the fraternal form.
That it does exist among some of these tribes is shown by the common
saying, Do khasam ki joru chausar ki got (“The wife of two husbands is
no better than a draught in backgammon”). Among the Ahîrs of this part
of the country it has doubtless originated in the custom of one member
of the family remaining away grazing cattle often for a long time. It
is very difficult to obtain information about it, as, wherever it
exists, the custom is strongly reprobated. The eastern Ahîrs agree in
denying its existence, and express the utmost horror at the very idea
of such a family arrangement.
16. Marriage, except among the very poorest members of the caste, takes
place in infancy. As an example of the arrangements the customs in the
Mirzapur District may be described. The match is generally settled by
the brother-in-law of the boy’s father or by the brother-in-law of the
latter. In all cases the assent of the parents on both sides is
essential. The father of the boy pays as the bride price two rupees in
cash, two garments, and five sers of treacle and salt. No physical
defect, which was disclosed at the time of the betrothal, is sufficient
to invalidate the marriage. A husband may put away his wife for
habitual infidelity; but a single lapse from virtue, provided the
paramour be a member of the caste, is not seriously regarded. Widow
marriage is permitted as well as the levirate; but if the widow does
not take up with the younger brother of her late husband, she usually
marries a widower. Children of virgin brides and widows married a
second time rank equally for purposes of inheritance; but it has been
judicially decided [149] that an Ahîr, the offspring of an adulterous
connection, is incapable of inheriting from his father. At widow
marriage there is no regular ceremonial; the bridegroom merely goes to
the woman’s guardian with two rupees and a sheet on a day fixed by the
village Pandit. He pays the bride price and the woman is dressed in the
sheet. He eats that night with her family, and next morning takes his
wife home, and she is recognized as a duly married woman after the
brotherhood have been feasted. If she marry outside the family of her
late husband, his estate devolves on his sons by her first marriage; if
there be no sons, to the brothers of her late husband. If she marry her
husband’s younger brother, he acts as guardian of his nephews and makes
over to them the property of their father when they arrive at the age
of discretion. There is no fiction of attributing the children of the
second to the first husband.
[Adoption.] 17. Adoption prevails; and, as long as there is a sister’s
son available for adoption, no other relative can be selected. A man
may adopt, if his only son is disqualified from succession by being
permanently excluded from caste, or if he have lost his faith (dharm).
Adoption, while a son is alive, is forbidden. A widower may adopt, but
it is forbidden in the case of a woman, a bachelor, or a man who is
blind, impotent, or crippled. A widow can adopt only with the express
permission of her late husband, and not if her husband have adopted a
son during his lifetime. A man may adopt his nephew at any age; but in
the case of an outsider the child adopted must not be more than twelve
years of age. The boy adopted must, in any case, be of the same gotra
as his adoptive father. The adoption of a sister’s son is prohibited;
as a rule a man adopts the son of his brother or daughter. Adoption is
performed in the presence of and with the advice and approval of, the
assembled brethren. The man and his wife take their seats in the
assembly, and the wife takes the boy into her lap and acknowledges him
as her own child. A distribution of food or sweetmeats follows and
concludes the ceremony. There is no custom analogous to Beena marriage
recognised where the bridegroom is taken into the household of his
father-in-law and serves for his bride. They follow, as a rule, the
Hindu law of succession.
[Domestic ceremonies. Birth.] 18. There are no observances during
pregnancy. When the child is born the Chamârin midwife is called in;
she cuts the umbilical cord and buries it on the spot where the birth
occurred, lighting a fire and fixing up a piece of iron—a guard against
evil spirits. The mother gets no food that day, and next morning she is
dosed with a mixture of ginger, turmeric and treacle. The Chamârin
attends for six days, and after bathing the mother and child she is
dismissed with a present of two-and-a-half sers of grain and two annas
in cash. Then the barber’s wife attends, who cuts the nails of the
mother and child and dyes the soles of their feet with lac. The
purification of the confinement room is done by the sister of the
father of the child, who gets a present for the service. The father
does not cohabit with his wife for two months after her delivery.
[Marriage ceremonies.] 19. The following describes a marriage as
carried out in the Mirzapur District. When the match is settled the
father of the boy pays a visit to the girl’s father to make the final
preparations. Next follows the betrothal (sa’at), which is carried out
on a day fixed by the Pandit, who gets a fee of two annas. The father
of the boy goes to the house of the bride with the bride price already
described, pays it over, eats there, and returns next morning. Next
follows the matmangar or collection of the sacred earth, which is done
exactly as in the case of the Dravidian Bhuiyas, in the article on
which tribe the ritual is described. When the earth is brought back to
the house it is placed under the sacred water vessel (kalsa) near the
pole of siddh wood fixed up in the centre of the marriage shed. This
vessel is decorated with lumps of cowdung stuck in a line all round it,
and over these grains of barley are sprinkled. The mouth is filled with
mango leaves, and over them is placed an earthen saucer (kosa) full of
the sânwân millet or barley. When this is completed all the women
present are given some parched grain, which they receive in the part of
their sheet covering the breast.
20. When this is over the anointing (telhardi) of the bride and
bridegroom commences. This goes on every evening till the day before
the wedding (Bhatwân). Next morning the boy is bathed by the barber,
and the water is carefully kept for use in bathing the bride. The boy
is dressed in a yellow loin cloth and a red turban and coat, when his
mother takes him in her lap and five unmarried boys make him chew some
cakes folded up in mango leaves. Then he spits on the palm of his
mother’s hand and she licks it up, when the father and mother, with
their hands covered with a cloth so that no one may see them, grind
some urad pulse on the family curry stone (sil). This is made into
lumps and offered to the sainted dead of the household with the prayer
“Come and help us to bring the marriage to a successful issue!” Then
the boy gets into the litter, while his mother waves a pestle over his
head to drive off evil spirits. When the litter is raised the mother is
obliged to creep beneath it, and as she attempts to do so the Kahârs
put it down, and will not raise it until they receive a present. This
present is called pilâi or “a drink.” It is customary with them that
the procession should reach the house of the bride after nightfall, a
survival of marriage by capture. They then go to the house of the
headman of the village and present him with five chhatânks of betel-nut
and curd—a possible sign of the commutation of the jus prima noctis,
but more probably one of the ordinary dues taken by the village
landlord at marriages. They stay some time at his door and dance and
sing their own tribal song, the birha. Then they go to the reception
place (janwânsa), which is usually arranged under a tree near the
village. Then the bride’s barber appears and washes the feet of the
party, and a relative of the bride comes and feeds five boys of the
gotra of the bridegroom with him on curds and treacle. After this the
boy’s father sends to the bride the water in which the bridegroom had
been washed; in this she gets the marriage bath. This done the
bridegroom goes to the house of the bride, and is received at the door
by the mother of the bride, who waves over his head a piece of dough,
on which is laid a silver coin and a lighted lamp. This is the
parachhan ceremony, and is intended to scare away the evil spirits,
which are most to be dreaded at any crisis of life such as marriage.
Then the barber’s wife brings out the bride, who is seated on the thigh
of her father. The pair worship Gauri and Ganesa, of whom flour images
are made. The father then gives away his daughter in the regular
kanyâdân form, holding a bunch of kusa grass, water, and rice, in his
right hand. Then the bridegroom first performs the emblematical
marriage with the siddh tree forming the central pole of the marriage
shed, and he then marks the parting of the bride’s hair. The pair next
make five circuits round the siddh tree, and the ceremony ends with a
salute to the officiating Brâhman.
21. Next the bridegroom walks with the bride into the retiring room
(kohabar), an obvious survival of the custom still prevailing among
some of the Dravidian tribes, where consummation follows immediately on
the marriage ceremony. The sister-in-law of the bride attempts to
obstruct his passage, and he is obliged to carry in the bride by force.
The walls of the retiring room are decorated with rude drawings in red,
of elephants and horses. Over these the bridegroom is made to pour a
little butter. Then the women crack jokes with the boy. Pointing to a
rice pestle they say “That is your father! Salute him!” and taking up a
lamp they say, “That is your mother! Salute her!” On this he breaks the
lamp with the pestle. Then the knot joining the clothes of the pair is
opened and the boy returns to his own party.
22. Next morning the bridegroom is brought with two or three other boys
to go through the confarreatio or khichari rite. When he is asked to
eat in the house of the bride he holds out for some time, and will not
touch the food until he gets a present from his father-in-law; then his
party are feasted. Next morning the boy goes again into the marriage
shed, and his mother-in-law, as before, waves a pestle over his head
and gives him a present. This done, his father shakes one of the poles
of the shed and receives a present for so doing, which is known as
mânro hilâi. On this, the relations on both sides embrace, and the
wedding party start for home. If the bride be nubile she accompanies
her husband; if not, in the first, third, or fifth year there is the
gauna, when she is brought to the house of her husband. After the party
return, a burnt offering (hom) is made in honour of the village
godlings (dih), and the barber’s wife takes the marriage jar (kalsa) to
a neighbouring stream, where she washes it, and then, filling it with
water, pours the contents over the head of the mother of the
bridegroom, and asks her if she feels refreshed, meaning thereby if she
is satisfied with the marriage of her son. Of course she says that she
is satisfied, and blesses him and his wife.
[Death ceremonies.] 23. The married dead are cremated; children and
those who die of epidemic disease are buried. The cremation is carried
out in the orthodox way. After it is over the chief mourner plants by
the side of a river, or tank, a bunch of the jurai grass, as an abode
for the soul until the funeral rites are completed. He cooks for
himself, and daily places on a dung-hill a leaf platter (dauna) full of
food for the ghost of the dead man. On the tenth day he throws into a
tank ten balls of rice boiled in milk (khîr) in honour of the dead.
During this the Brâhman repeats texts; and the relatives, after
shaving, come home and offer a burnt offering. Clothes, vessels, a cow,
and other articles are given to a Mahâbrâhman in the belief that they
will pass for the use of the dead man in the next world.
[Religion.] 24. Ahîrs are all Hindus, but are seldom initiated into any
of the regular sects. To the east of the Province they worship, by
preference, Mahâdeva. They also worship the Pânchonpîr and Birtiya. The
latter, they say, was one of their forefathers, who fell in some fight
at Delhi. He is worshipped in the month of Sâwan, or at the Holi
festival, with a burnt offering, which is made either in the courtyard
of the house where the churn is kept, or in the cow-house. They also
pour spirits on the ground in his honour. They worship the Pânchonpîr
during the Naurâtri or first nine days of Chaitra. Birtiya is regarded
as the special guardian of cattle. The only one of the regular
pantheon, to whom they offer regular sacrifices, is the Vindhyabâsini
Devi, of Vindhyâchal, to whom they occasionally sacrifice a goat. In
other parts of the Province they seem, as a rule, to worship Devi. They
are served by Brâhmans of all the ordinary priestly classes.
[Worship of Kâsinâth.] 25. To the east of the province the worship of
Kâsinâth is very popular. In most of their villages there is a man who
is supposed to be possessed by this deity, who is generally a young,
strong man, who lets his hair grow. Once or twice a year Kâsinâth
“comes on his head,” as the phrase is. Then he begins to move his hands
and shakes his head, and in this state utters prophecies of the
prospects of the crops and other matters affecting the village. Then
they all assemble in some open ground, outside the village, and arrange
for the worship of the godling. They light several fires in a row, and
on each a pot of milk is set to boil. Opposite these a pile of parched
barley (bahuri) is collected. As soon as the milk begins to boil over,
the man possessed of the spirit of Kâsinâth, rushes up and pours the
contents of all the pots in succession over his shoulders. It is said
that he is never scalded. The rite concludes with the distribution of
the barley among the congregation.
[Worship of Bîrnâth.] 26. In parts of the Mirzapur District, south of
the River Son, you may notice, on the side of the road, here and there,
a little platform (chaura), with one, three or five rude wooden images,
about three feet high, with a sort of representation of a human face
and head at the top. These fetish posts are quite black with a
continual application of oil or ghi. This is the shrine of Bîrnâth, the
Ahîr cattle godling. He was an Ahîr, who, according to some, was killed
by a tiger, and he has now become a godling, and is worshipped by the
Ahîrs of the jungle as the protector of cattle. People make occasional
vows to him in seasons of sickness or distress, but his special
function is to keep the cattle safe from beasts of prey. He has no
special feast day, but is presented with occasional offerings of rice,
milk, and cakes. The worshipper first bathes; then fresh plasters the
platform of the godling, and deposits his offering upon it and says
“Bîrnâth Bâba keep our cattle safe, and you will get more!” This
worship is always done in the morning, and more particularly when the
cattle are sent into the jungle in the hot weather, or when cattle
disease is prevalent. The curious point about the worship is that it is
part of the faith of the aboriginal tribes, with whom the connection of
the Ahîrs cannot be very close. Thus Mr. S. Hislop [150] writes:—“In
the south of the Bhandâra District the traveller frequently meets with
squared pieces of wood, each with a rude figure carved in front, set up
somewhat close to each other. These represent Bangarâma, Bangara Bai,
or Devi, who is said to have one sister and five brothers, the sister
being styled Danteswari (“she with the teeth”), a name of Kâli, and
four out of the five brothers being known by the names of Ghantarâma,
Champarâma, Nâikrâma and Potlinga. These are all deemed to possess the
power of sending disease and death upon men, and under these or
different names seem to be generally feared in the region east of the
city of Nâgpur. I find the name of Bangara to occur among the Kols of
Chaibasa, where he is regarded as the god of fever, and is associated
with Gohem, Chondu, Negra and Dechali, who are considered respectively
the gods of cholera, the itch, indigestion, and death. Bhîm Sen, again,
is generally adored under the form of two pieces of wood, standing from
three to four feet in length above the ground, like those set up in
connection with Bangarâma’s worship.” There can be little doubt that
from this form of worship the cultus of Bîrnâth has been developed. The
quintette of the brethren may be a reminiscence of the Pândava legend,
on which much of the Pânchonpîr cycle is possibly based.
[Festivals.] 27. The Ahîrs observe the usual Hindu festivals,
particularly the Holi, which is the occasion for much drinking and rude
horse play. They have a special observance, which takes place a few
days after the Diwâli, which is known as the Dâng or “club” Diwâli, or
the Gobardhana, when the representation of images of the cattle of
Krishna are worshipped, and the herdsmen go round singing, playing, and
dancing, and collect money from the owners of the cattle they tend.
Connected with this is the Sohrâi, which takes place on the fifteenth
of Kârttik, when a cow is made to run or dance. Sometimes a young pig
is made to squeak near her calf, and the mother, followed by the whole
herd, pursue it and gore it to death. Sometimes, according to Mr.
Christian, [151] this cruel sport is humanely varied by dragging a
large gourd or a black blanket, at which the cows run to butt. Hence
the proverb Bûrh gâê sohrâi ke sâdh—“An old cow, and longing to take
part in the Sohrâi.”
[Social position and occupation.] 28. In Cawnpur they will eat kachchi
and pakki with all Brâhmans; pakki, with Râjputs and Banyas, and drink
and smoke with none but members of their own caste. In Mirzapur they
drink water from the hands of Brâhmans, Kshatriyas, and all Vaisyas,
except Kalwârs. They will eat Kachchi cooked by a Brâhman, but only if
they are well acquainted with him. In Behâr, according to Mr. Risley,
they rank with Kurmis and similar castes, from whose hands a Brâhman
can drink water. Towards Delhi, Sir H. M. Elliot states, that they eat,
drink, and smoke in common, not only with Jâts and Gûjars, but also
under a few restrictions with Râjputs. In other places Râjputs would
indignantly repudiate all connection with Ahîrs. In rural belief the
Ahîr is a boor, faithless, greedy, and quarrelsome. Like Gadariyas and
Gûjars, they are naturally dwellers in the jungle—
Ahîr, Gadariya, Gûjar,
Ye tînon châhen ûjar.
The other local proverbs are not much more complimentary to them—Ahîr
se jab gun niklê, jab bâlu se ghi—“You can as soon get good out of an
Ahîr as butter from sand”; “Blood out of a stone.” Ahîr dekh Gadariya
mastâna—“If the Gadariya gets drunk he learns it from the Ahîr.” Ahîr
ka pet gahir, Brâhman ka pet madar—“The Ahîr’s belly is deep, but the
Brâhman’s a bottomless pit.” Ahîr ka kya jajmân, aur lapsi ka kya
pakwân—“As soon be an Ahîr’s client as hold gruel a dainty.” His
primary business is the tending of cattle and making of ghi, and
selling milk. He is not above the suspicion of adulterating his ghi
with substances which are an abomination to orthodox Hindus or
Musalmâns. As a cultivator he does not take a high place, as he depends
more on his cattle than on his field, and in some places he is not free
from the suspicion of cattle stealing.
DISTRIBUTION OF AHÎRS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
==============================================================================+==========+=========+========+=====+=====+========+=====+======+=====+========+=========
| Sub-Castes. | Total.
+===+======+===+========+=====+======+=====+========+=======+==========+=========+========+=====+=====+========+=====+======+=====+========+=========
|Benbansi. |Guâlbans.
| |Bhirgudi. | |Jâdubans.
| | |Dauwâ. | | |Kamariha.
District. | | | |Dhindhor. | | | |Khunkhuniya.
| | | | |Gaddi. | | | | |Kur.
| | | | | |Gamel. | | | | | |Nandbans.
| | | | | | |Ghorcharha. | | | | | | |Pâthak.
| | | | | | | |Ghosi. | | | | | | | |Rajauriya.
| | | | | | | | |Gûjar. | | | | | | | | |Râwat.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |Others.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | | |
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~+~ ~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~
Dehra Dûn |...| ... |...| ... | 3| 25| ... | 1| ... | 1,782| 103| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 371| 2,285
Sahâranpur |...| ... |...| 11| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 2,594| 3,241| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 151| 5,997
Muzaffarnagar |...| ... |...| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 246| 307| ... | ... | ... | 38| 22| ... | ... | 382| 995
Meerut |463| ... |...| ... | ... | ... | ... | 139| ... | 3,180| 12,841| ... | ... | ... | 463| ... | ... | ... | 1,413| 18,499
Bulandshahr |...| ... |...| ... | 8| ... | ... | 289| ... | 165| 3,539| ... | ... | ... | 618| ... | ... | ... | 4,779| 9,398
Aligarh |...| ... |...| ... | ... | ... | ... | 753| ... | 327| 8,977| ... | ... | ... | 5,840| ... | ... | 4| 13,149| 29,050
Mathura |...| ... |...| ... | ... | ... | ... | 50| ... | 884| 1,557| 1| ... | ... | 2,716| 17| ... | ... | 946| 6,171
Agra |...| 8| 2| ... | ... | ... | ... | 1,474| 5 | 979| 627| 59| ... | ... | 29,778| 62| ... | 42| 1,640| 34,676
Farrukhâbâd |...|12,884|...| ... | ... | ... |1,133| 48,703| 32 | 4,460| 407| 4,202| 35| 30| 6,753| 801| 3,775| 168| 2,520| 85,903
Mainpuri |...| 1| 4| ... | ... | 28| ... | 69,554| ... | 99| 27| 48,392| 14| 1| 5,833|6,406| 7,984| 34| 2,532| 1,40,909
Etâwah |...| ... |...| ... | ... | ... | ... | 29,504| ... | 941| 4| 53,078| ... | ... | 5,571| ... | ... | ... | 1,691| 90,789
Etah |...| 2,875|...| 218| ... | ... | ... | 23,973| ... | 621| 470| 14,572| ... |2,153| 23,434| 160| ... |2,197| 8,234| 78,907
Bareilly |...| 1|...| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 38| 816| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 5,316| 6,171
Bijnor |...| ... |...| ... | ... | ... | 7| ... | ... | 239| 5,182| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 248| 5,676
Budâun |...| ... |...| ... | ... | ... | ... | 159| ... | 210| 36| ... | ... | ... | 102| ... | ... | ... | 354| 861
Morâdâbâd |...| 6|...| ... | ... | ... | ... | 700| ... | 139| 14,293| 5| ... | ... | 3| ... | ... | ... | 3,530| 18,676
Shâhjahânpur | 9|10,487|168| 322| ... | 1,849|1,970| 8,514| 40 | 19,088| 6,683| 1,350| ... | 11| 193| 218| 4|1,039| 20,273| 72,218
Pilibhît |...| ... |...| ... | ... | ... | ... | 5| 34 | 48| 257| ... | ... | ... | 1| ... | ... | 8| 728| 1,081
Cawnpur |...| 1,027| 22| 26,634| ... | 4| 43| 64,709| 12 | 5,756| 199| ... | 14| ... | 447| ... | ... | 33| 20,483| 1,19,383
Fatehpur |...| ... |...| 14,239| ... | 121| 20| 2,535| 158 | 35,375| 262| ... | 24| ... | 34| ... | ... | ... | 7,275| 60,033
Bânda |...| 1| 74| 9,534| ... | ... | ... | 3,669| 133 | 49,022| 1| 58| 18| ... | 11| ... | ... | ... | 7,131| 69,652
Hamîrpur |...| ... | 50| 5,383| ... | ... | ... | 11,910| ... | 1,906| 118| 1,809| 9| ... | 4,219| ... | ... | ... | 4,307| 29,711
Allahâbâd |...| ... |...| 247| ... | 83| ... | 78| 2 | 1,38,413| 11,297| ... | 1| ... | 142| ... | ... | ... | 1,186| 1,51,449
Jhânsi |...| ... | 9| ... | ... | ... | ... | 1,442| 68 | 852| 381| 1,489| ... | 408| 17,831| 26| ... | ... | 10,579| 33,085
Jâlaun |...| ... | 69| 2,902| ... | ... | ... | 2,850| 8 | 541| 24| 760| ... | ... | 5,042| ... | ... | ... | 2,393| 14,589
Lalitpur |...| 48| 46| 1| ... | ... | ... | 618| 2 | 21| 75| 20| ... | ... | 25,275| ... | ... | ... | 1,408| 27,514
Benares |...| ... |...| 10,581| ... | ... | ... | 3| 5 | 72,539| 13| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 2,303| 85,449
Mirzapur |...| ... |...| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 1 | 1,11,821| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 1,416| 1,13,238
Jaunpur |...| ... |...| 18,669| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 1,76,827| ... | ... | ... | ... | 201| ... | ... | ... | 1,031| 1,96,723
Ghâzipur |...| ... |...| 36,445| ... | ... | ... | 4| ... | 1,31,907| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 1| 1,213| 1,69,570
Ballia |...| ... |...| 40,753| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 33,699| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 22,606| 97,058
Gorakhpur |...| ... |...| 66,251| ... | ... | ... | 2| ... | 2,76,185| 1| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 4,559| 3,46,993
Basti |...| ... |...| 14,557| ... | ... | ... | ... | 156 | 1,60,143| 1,180| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 8,898| 1,84,934
Azamgarh |...| ... |...| 7,257| ... | ... | ... | ... | 31 | 2,34,522| ... | 14,296 | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 12,569| 2,68,675
Garhwâl |...| ... |...| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 35| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 2| 37
Tarâi |...| ... |...| ... | ... | ... | ... | 964| ... | 510| 460| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 11| 134| 2,079
Lucknow |...| ... |...| 20,974| ... | 7,438| 17| 2,757| 2 | 11,143| 25,620| ... | 39| ... | 3,260| ... | ... | ... | 2,552| 73,802
Unâo |...| ... |...| 19,818|3,040| 7,373| 137| 32,848| 13 | 23,025| 4,988| ... | 769| ... | 2,729| ... | ... | ... | 10,771| 1,05,511
Râê Bareli |...| 9,299|...| 43,664| ... |25,696| 62| 1,346| 254 | 46,610| 1,926| ... | 94| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 731| 1,29,682
Sîtapur |...| ... |...| 5,429| ... | 3,947| 104| 16,275| 17 | 48,784| 17,909| 65 | 46| ... | 93| 7| ... | 99| 4,118| 96,893
Hardoi |...| 1,099|...| ... | ... | ... |2,760| 42,644| 3 | 25,256| 3,070| 2,302 | ... | 61| ... | ... | ... | ... | 1,692| 78,887
Kheri |...| 84|...| 2,421| ... | 151| 96| 155| 242 | 65,425| 4,611| ... | 82| ... | ... | ... | ... | 94| 918| 74,279
Faizâbâd |...| ... |...| 3,859| ... | ... | ... | 36| 12 | 1,34,212| 213| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 332| 1,38,664
Gonda |...| ... | 29| 12,453| ... | 46| ... | ... | 30 | 1,33,891| 627| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 109| 1,47,185
Bahrâich |...| ... |...| 16,636| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 98,153| 484| ... | 19| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 366| 1,15,658
Sultânpur |...| ... |...| 6,566| ... | 871| ... | ... | ... | 1,18,936| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 2,196| 1,28,569
Partâbgarh |...| 139|...| 4,406| ... | 1,847| ... | ... |16,490 | 88,155| 21| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 1,510| 1,12,568
Bârabanki |...| ... |...| ... | ... | 909| ... | ... | ... | 92,981| 34,935| ... | 160| ... | ... | ... | 709| ... | 9,000| 1,38,694
+~~~+~~~~~~+~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~
Total |472|37,959|473|3,90,230|3,051|50,388|6,349|3,68,663|17,750 | 23,52,685| 1,67,782|1,42,458|1,324|2,664|1,40,627|7,719|12,472|3,730|2,12,050|3,918,826
==================+===+======+===+========+=====+======+=====+========+=======+==========+=========+========+=====+=====+========+=====+======+=====+========+=========
Ahiwâsi [152].—A land-owning, cultivating and labouring tribe found in
Mathura and Mewât. The name is derived from Ahi, “the dragon,” and
vâsa, “dwelling.” Their legend connects them with the Rishi Saubhari.
In his old age the sage was inspired with a desire for offspring, and
going to Râja Madhâtri demanded one of his fifty daughters. Afraid to
refuse, and yet unwilling to bestow a daughter upon such a suitor, the
king temporised and endeavoured to evade the request. At length it was
settled that if any one of the daughters should accept him as a
bridegroom the King would consent to the marriage. Saubhari was
conducted to the presence of the girls; but on his way he assumed a
fair and handsome form, so that all the girls were captivated and
contended with each other as to who should become his wife. It ended in
his marrying them all and taking them home. He caused Viswakarma to
build for each a separate palace, furnished in the most luxurious
manner, and surrounded with exquisite gardens, where they lived a most
happy life, each one of them having her husband always present with
her, and believing that he was devoted to her and her only. By his
wives he had one hundred and fifty sons; but as he found his hopes and
desires for them to daily increase and expand, he resolved to devote
himself wholly and solely to penance and the worship of Vishnu.
Accordingly, he abandoned his children and retired with his wives into
the forest. [153] The Mathura tradition runs that Saubhari, when he
retired to the forest, was wrath because birds used to drop offal and
dirt upon his hermitage; accordingly he cursed any bird with death who
should venture to approach the place. Just at that time Garuda was
engaged in one of his periodical attacks on the snakes, and they at
last had to make an agreement with him that they would provide him with
a victim daily if he agreed to spare the rest. To this Garuda
consented; but the great dragon, Ahi, or Kâliya, rescued the victims,
and Garuda, in his wrath, pursued him. Ahi sought everywhere for
protection, and at last he was advised to seek refuge with the Rishi
Saubhari, whose curse would ward off the attack of Garuda. Hence the
village of Sunrakh, in the Mathura District, where the hermitage of
Saubhari Rishi was situated, came to be known as Ahivâsa, or “the abode
of the dragon,” and from this the Ahiwâsis take their name. How far the
legend represents some early struggle between Vaishnavism and snake
worship it is impossible to say. The Ahiwâsis, then, make themselves
out to be the descendants of Saubhari Rishi, and consider Sunrakh to be
their headquarters. Sunrakh adjoins the Kâli-mardan ghât at Brindâban.
The Pandas of the great temple of Baladeva are all Ahiwâsis, and to use
Mr. Growse’s words,—“It is matter for regret that the revenues of so
wealthy a shrine should be at the absolute disposal of a community so
extremely unlikely ever to make a good use of them.” [154]
[Sub-divisions.] 2. Mr. Growse calls the Ahiwâsis “a Brâhmanical or
rather pseudo-Brâhmanical tribe,” and notes that they have as many as
seventy-two sub-divisions, two of the principal of which are called
Dighiya and Bajrâwat. [155] These gotras are exogamous, and a man
cannot marry in the gotra of his mother or grandmother; he may marry
two sisters. The only important gotra mentioned in the Census returns
is the Bhorak, of Bareilly.
[Tribal council.] 3. They have local tribal councils (panchâyat), with
hereditary chairmen (chaudhari), which deal with matters affecting the
caste, and punish offenders by fine or excommunication.
[Widow marriage, etc.] 4. Widow marriage, the levirate, concubinage,
and polyandry, are all prohibited.
[Marriage.] 5. The marriage customs are of the ordinary Hindu type.
[Religion.] 6. The tribal deities are Bhagwân and Dâûji. The temple of
Dâûji is at Baldeo, in the Mathura District. Mr. Growse notes that “The
temple garden was once a well planted grove. It is now a dirty,
unsightly waste, as the Pandas have gradually cut down all the trees
for fire-wood without a thought of replacing them. It is also asserted
to be a common practice for the younger members of the clan, when they
see any devotees prostrate in devotion before the god, to be very
forward in assisting them to rise and leading them away, and to take
the opportunity of despoiling them of any loose cash or valuable
ornaments that they can lay their hands upon. It is believed that
thefts of this kind are frequent; though the victim generally prefers
to accept the loss in silence, rather than incur the odium of bringing
a charge, that there might not be legal evidence to substantiate,
against a professedly religious community.” [156] Among the minor gods
Gangaji is worshipped on the Somwati Amâwas, or when the new moon
appears on a Monday. Hanumân is worshipped every Tuesday and Saturday.
They make pilgrimages to the shrine of Saubhari Rishi, already
mentioned. Their priests are Brâhmans of the Gaur, Sanâdhya and
Gujarâti tribes. Their chief festivals are the Diwâli, Dasahra, and
Holi. At the Diwâli the houses are cleaned, Lakshmi is worshipped, and
illuminations are made. On the Dasahra arms and horses are ornamented
and worshipped, and gifts are given to Brâhmans, who present blades of
barley. At the Salono, rice is cooked and alms given to Brâhmans, who
tie amulets round the wrists of their clients.
[Oaths.] 7. They swear by the Ganges, Jumna, and Baldeoji.
[Occupation.] 8. Mr. Whiteway, in his Mathura Settlement Report [157]
thus describes the Ahiwâsis:—“They are a race well marked by several
peculiarities. In appearance they are easily distinguished, the men by
their head-dress, and the women by their way of wearing their hair.
Their favourite occupation is the carrying trade. Trading in their own
carts, they carry salt from Râjputâna all over Northern India, bringing
back sugar and other commodities in return. The better off trade with
their own money, and, in fact, the heads of the community are very
fairly comfortable, and their villages are remarkable for the number of
good masonry houses. At the same time these distant journeys keep the
male population absent from the villages for months at a time, and the
tilling of the field is left entirely to the women. It is natural,
therefore, that easily as an Ahiwâsi may be recognised by his
appearance and his village by the number of carts, cattle, and masonry
houses, so his fields may be told by their slovenly and careless
cultivation. The Ahiwâsis complain bitterly of the havoc the net-work
of railways, now spreading over the country, is playing with their old
occupation.”
DISTRIBUTION OF THE AHIWÂSIS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
Mathura 8,265
Bareilly 1,070
Budâun 105
Morâdâbâd 11
Bahrâich 51
~~~~~~
Total 9,502
======
Ajudhyabâsi.—(Residents of Ajudhya) A sub-caste of Banyas found chiefly
in the Agra and Allahâbâd Divisions and Oudh. (See the article on
Audhiya).
DISTRIBUTION OF THE AJUDHYABÂSI BANYAS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
=============+========
District. | Number.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Agra | 30
Farrukhâbâd | 2,390
Mainpuri | 1,583
Etâwah | 1,279
Etah | 540
Budâun | 86
Shâhjahânpur | 1,044
Pilibhît | 140
Cawnpur | 2,594
Fatehpur | 800
Bânda | 6,914
Hamîrpur | 1,614
Allahâbâd | 67
Jhânsi | 16
Jâlaun | 102
Benares | 1
Gorakhpur | 35
Basti | 35
Lucknow | 413
Unâo | 18
Râê Bareli | 996
Sîtapur | 1,284
Hardoi | 173
Kheri | 967
Faizâbâd | 1,324
Gonda | 382
Bahrâich | 1,510
Sultânpur | 1,498
Bârabanki | 2,460
+~~~~~~~~
Total | 30,295
=============+========
Akâli; Nihang.—A few of these Sikh devotees are sometimes seen at
Benares, Hardwâr, and Prayâg. The best account of them is that of Mr.
MacLagan: [158] “The fanatical order of Akâlis or Nihangs owes its
origin to the express patronage of Guru Govind Sinh. There are two
accounts of the founding of this order. According to one, the Guru,
seeing his son, Fateh Sinh, playing before him with his turban peaked
in the fashion now adopted by Akâlis, blessed him, and instituted a
sect which should follow the same custom. According to the other
account, the Akâli dress was started by the Guru as a disguise when he
was fleeing from Chamkaur, in Ambâla, to the house of some friendly
Pathâns, at Machiwâra, in Samrâla. The name means ‘immortal.’ Some
understand the term to apply that the Akâlis are followers of the
‘immortal man’ (Akâl Purukh), that is, of God; others that they are
invincible in fight. The former is probably the true derivation. It is
said by some that Ajît Sinh, the youngest son of Govind, was the first
convert. The Akâlis came into prominence very early by their stout
resistance to the invocations introduced by the Bairâgi Banda, after
the death of Guru Govind, but they do not appear to have had much
influence during the following century until the days of Mahârâja
Ranjît Sinh. During the Mahârâja’s reign the celebrated Phûla Sinh
entered the Panth, and, being a man of great force of character,
induced a number of Sikhs to join it. They constituted at once the most
unruly and the bravest portion of the very unruly and brave Sikh army.
Their head-quarters were at Amritsar, where they constituted themselves
the guardians of the faith, and assumed the right to convoke synods.
They levied offerings by force, and were the terror of the Sikh chiefs.
Their good qualities were, however, well appreciated by the Mahârâja,
and when there were specially fierce foes to meet, such as the Pathâns,
beyond the Indus, the Akâlis were always to the front.
2. The Akâli is distinguished very conspicuously by his dark, blue, and
checked dress, his peaked turban, often surmounted by steel quoits, and
by the fact of his strutting about like Ali Babâ’s prince, ‘with his
thorax and abdomen festooned with curious cutlery.’ He is most
particular in retaining the five kakkas (kes, or uncut hair; kachh, or
short drawers; the kara, or iron bangle; the khanda, or steel dagger,
and the kangha, or comb), and in preserving every outward form
prescribed by Guru Govind Sinh. Some of the Akâlis wear a yellow turban
underneath the blue one, leaving a yellow band across the forehead; the
story being that a Delhi Khatri, called Nand Lâl (the author of the
Zindagi nâma), having a desire to see the true Guru in yellow, was
gratified by Govind Sinh to this extent. The yellow turban is worn by
many Sikhs at the Basant Panchami, and the Akâlis are fond of wearing
it at all times. There is a couplet by Bhâi Gurdâs, which says:—
Siâh, sufed, surkh, zardâi,
Jo pahne, soi Gurbhâi.
‘Those that wear black (the Akâlis), white (the Nirmalas), red (the
Udasis), or yellow, are all members of the brotherhood of the Sikhs.’
The Akâlis do not, it is true, drink spirits or eat meat as other Sikhs
do, but they are immoderate in the consumption of bhang. They are in
other respects such purists that they will avoid Hindu rites even in
their marriage ceremonies.
3. The Akâli is full of memories of the glorious days of the Khâlsa;
and he is nothing if he is not a soldier—a soldier of the Guru. He
dreams of armies, and he thinks in lakhs. If he wishes to imply that
five Akâlis are present, he will say that ‘five lakhs are before you;’
or, if he would explain that he is alone, he will say that he is ‘with
1,25,000 Khâlsa.’ You ask him how he is, and he replies that ‘the army
is well;’ you enquire where he has come from and he says, ‘the troops
marched from Lahore.’
4. These sectaries are also known as Nihang, ‘the reckless,’ (others
derive the word from nanga ‘naked,’ or the Sanskrit niranga, ‘having no
resources’). They meet together at such places as the Akâlbhunga, at
Amritsar; the Pîr Sâhib, at Attock, and the shrines of Govind Sinh, at
Patna and Apchalnagar; but their chief home is at Kiratpur, in the
Hoshyârpur District, where the sacred place of Phûla Sinh stands, and
at Anandpur at the shrine par excellence of the Akâlis, the Gurudwâra
Anandpur Sâhib, which was Guru Govind’s own house. The presence of
these Akâlis at the annual Holi fair at Anandpur renders disturbances
likely, and in 1864, a Missionary of the Ludhiâna Mission was killed at
this fair by a Sikh fanatic. The influence of these sectaries has,
however, very considerably diminished since the downfall of the Sikh
power. They have not for some time past had any political
significance.”
Akâshmukhi.—A Saiva sect so called because they keep their face (mukha)
turned towards the sky (akâsha) until the neck muscles become rigid,
and the head remains fixed in that position. Some live a lonely,
mendicant life: others associate in monasteries, where their natural
wants are provided for by the piety of the faithful. They allow the
hair of their head and face to grow, cover their bodies with ashes, and
wear clothes dyed with ochre (geru).
Alakhgir, Alakhnâmi, Alakhiya.—A Saiva sect said to have been founded
by a Chamâr, named Lâlgir. They are so called because when they beg
they cry Alakh! Alakh! “the invisible God” (Sans. Alakshya). They wear
usually a blanket cloak hanging down to their heels, and a high conical
cap. They come to a man’s door and raise their characteristic cry. If
their request is granted, they will accept alms: otherwise they go away
at once. They are considered a quiet, harmless, begging class. They are
generally classed among Jogis. The rule of their founder was that
charity was to be practised, the taking of life and use of meat as food
forbidden, and asceticism encouraged. The sole rewards he held out to
his followers in this life were the attainment of purity, untroubled
contemplation, and serenity. There was no future state: heaven and hell
(that is, happiness and misery), were within. All perishes with the
body, which is finally dissolved into the elements, and man cannot gain
immortality.
Amethiya.—A sept of Râjputs who take their name from Amethi, a Pargana
in the Lucknow District. Sir H. M. Elliot calls them Chauhân Râjputs of
the Bandhalgoti sept, of whom a few have settled in Salempur Majhauli
of Gorakhpur. But Mr. W. C. Benett [159] gives a different account of
them. According to him, “This tribe of Chhatris are a branch of the
Chamar Gaur, and are said to be the descendants of a pregnant Gaur
widow, who, at the extirpation of the Chhatris by the Brâhmans, found
an asylum in a Chamâr’s hut. The memory of this humble refuge is kept
alive among them by the worship of the cobbler’s cutting tool (rânpi).
Great numbers of the Chamar Gaurs now hold villages in the Hardoi
District, and it is probable that the Amethiyas were an offshoot of the
same immigration. Tradition first discovers them at Siupuri and
afterwards at the celebrated fortress of Kalinjar. Somewhere about the
time of the invasion of India by Tamurlane, Râê Pâl Sinh left Kalinjar
and settled at Amethi, in the Lucknow District. His descendants say
that he was sent by the Delhi Emperor to suppress a rebellion in Oudh,
and that he defeated and slew Balbhadra Sena Bisen with sixteen
thousand of his host. The figures are slightly improbable, and my
enquiries have failed to bring to light a Bisen Râja of that name. Râê
Pâl was wounded in the shoulder by a musket shot, and recompensed by a
dress of honour and the title of Râja of Amethi. Three or four
generations after this, three brothers—Dingur Sâh, Râm Sinh, and
Lohang, led the clan from Amethi to Jagdîspur, and came in contact with
the Muhammadans: the engagement resulted in the defeat of the Shaikhs,
and the occupation of their villages by the invaders. There is every
reason to believe that this occurred towards the end of the fifteenth
century, and was part of the general re-assertion of Hindu supremacy in
Oudh, consequent on the fall of the Jaunpur dynasty, a re-action whose
central event was the establishment of the Bais kingdom.” The
subsequent fortunes of the sept are given in detail by Mr. Benett, and
need not be repeated here. There are, however, other accounts. The Râê
Bareli [160] tradition brings them from Lucknow, and another account is
that they came from Siupur, near Dwârika, to Narkanjhîl, in Cawnpur,
and thence to Oudh. The Cawnpur family still recognise the Oudh branch.
According to Mr. Carnegy they were originally Bhars. [161] It is still
less probable that they are the modern representatives of the Ambastha
of Manu, descended from a Brâhman father of a Vaisya mother, and
practising as physicians. The sept still preserve their connection with
Amethi, their original head-quarters, by their worship of Shaikh
Bandagi Miyân, the local saint of that town.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE AMETHIYA RÂJPUTS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
=============+========+============+========
District. |Hindus. |Muhammadans.| Total.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Aligarh | 6 | | 6
Mainpuri | 9 | | 9
Etâwah | 6 | | 6
Budâun | 32 | | 32
Pilibhît | 1 | | 1
Cawnpur | 18 | | 18
Fatehpur | 1 | | 1
Allahâbâd | 4 | | 4
Benares | 4 | ... | 4
Ghâzipur | 8 | | 8
Gorakhpur | 1,747 | ... | 1,747
Basti | 1 | ... | 1
Azamgarh | 172 | ... | 172
Lucknow | 287 | 35 | 322
Unâo | 269 | | 269
Râê Bareli | 2,125 | 6 | 2,131
Sîtapur | 107 | ... | 107
Faizâbâd | 22 | | 22
Gonda | 3 | ... | 3
Bahrâich | 161 | 9 | 170
Sultânpur | 327 | 15 | 342
Partâbgarh | 8 | ... | 8
Bârabanki | 3,555 | 8 | 3,563
~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Total | 8,873 | 73 | 8,946
=============+========+============+========
Anantpanthi.—One of the reformed Vaishnava sects found in the Râê
Bareli and Sîtapur Districts. They number only 170 persons. They are
monotheists, and, as the name implies, worship Vishnu in the form of
Ananta, “The Infinite.”
Apapanthi.—A Vaishnava sect founded about a century ago by Munna Dâs, a
goldsmith ascetic of Mundwa, in the Kheri District, to whose miraculous
powers an escape from drought, which threatened the country, was
believed to be due, and who has since had a not inconsiderable number
of followers in the District of his birth, and Sîtapur and Bahrâich. It
does not appear that the tenets taught by Munna Dâs to any considerable
extent differ from those of the usual Vaishnava sects. [162] At the
last enumeration the Apapanthis numbered 4,267, and the Munna Dâsis,
2,636.
Arakh [163].—A tribe of cultivators and labourers found in Oudh, some
of the eastern districts, and scattered about in smaller numbers
through some of the western districts.
[Traditions of origin.] 2. All the traditions connect them with the
Pâsis and Parasurâma, the sixth Avatâra of Vishnu. One story runs that
Parasurâma was bathing in the sea when a leech bit his foot and caused
it to bleed. He divided the blood into two parts: out of one part he
made the first Pâsi and out of the second the first Arakh. Another
story is that the Pâsis were made out of the sweat (pasîna) of
Parasurâma. While Parasurâma was away the Pâsi shot some animals with
his bow, and the deity was so enraged that he cursed the Pâsi, and
swore that his descendants should keep pigs. This accounts for the
degradation of the Pâsis. Subsequently Parasurâma sent for some Pâsis
to help him in one of his wars; but they ran away and hid in an arhar
field, and were hence called Arakhs. Another story goes that Parasurâma
was once meditating in the jungle. From the dirt of his body he made a
figure, and gave it life by cutting his little finger and sprinkling
blood upon it. In Lucknow they have an extraordinary story that Tilok
Chand founded a Bhar dynasty and was a worshipper of the sun (arka), so
he called his family Arkabansi. The Arkabans became the Arakhs, and the
Râjbansi the Râjpâsi. [164] The Arakhs appear at an early date to have
obtained considerable power in Oudh, especially in Hardoi. In the early
history of Pargana Sandîla Arakhs occupy the place which is filled in
other parts of the district by the Thatheras. [165] Two brothers of the
tribe, Salhiya and Malhiya, are said to have founded the one Salhiya
Purwa, now Sandîla, the chief town of the Pargana; and the other,
Malihâbâd, in the adjacent Pargana of that name in the Lucknow
District. The Arakhs held the tract till towards the end of the
fourteenth century. Sayyid Makhdûm Ala-ud-dîn, the fighting apostle of
Nasîr-ud-dîn, the “lamp of Delhi,” undertook to drive out the infidels,
and to carry the faith and arms of Islâm a stage further to the south.
The promise of a royal revenue-free grant made the prospect of success
as tempting to the soldier as was the expulsion of the infidel to the
saint. How long or how fiercely the Arakhs resisted we know not. Only
the issue of the contest has been remembered. To this day the Arakhs of
Atraula, on the Râpti, 120 miles away to the east in Gonda, recall
their lost domains in Sandîla.
[Tribal organisation.] 3. In most places they divide themselves into
seven, or what are supposed to be seven exogamous clans. Thus, in
Cawnpur, they have the Arakh, Khagâr, Khidmatiya, Chobdâr and Adhrij
(which is the highest of all, claiming descent from a Brâhman), Guâr
and Bâchhar. These names show that the caste is very much mixed.
Khidmatiya means an “attendant,” and was the title given by Akbar to
his palace guards. Chobdâr means “mace bearer.” Guâr connects them with
the Guâla Ahîrs, and Bâchhar with the Bâchhal Râjputs. In Hardoi they
are reported to have no known sub-divisions. The Census returns give
their chief clans in Shâhjahânpur, Ratanjat; in Cawnpur, Balahar and
Sûpa Bhagat, which connects them with the Doms; in Basti, Maghariya,
and Sarjupâri, or “residents of Maghar and the land beyond the river
Sarju,” respectively; the Jonkiya, in Lucknow, Unâo, Sîtapur, and
Hardoi, who seem to take their name from catching leeches (jonk); in
Hardoi, the Mothi; in Gonda, the Adhrij or Adhurj, Bâgri and Baiswâr.
In Hardoi too they are said to have no permanent tribal council; the
elders merely attend whenever any case comes up for consideration.
[Marriage rules.] 4. The tendency seems to be towards the establishment
of regular exogamous sub-divisions, but these are reported not to be
known in Hardoi, and there the rule of exogamy is that a boy is not
married into a family to which a girl has been given in marriage. A man
can marry the sister of his late wife, but he cannot have two sisters
to wife at the same time. There is a regular ceremony whereby the
newly-married bride is introduced into her husband’s family. His
relatives assemble, eat food cooked by her, and then make her a
present. As a rule they practise monogamy. Polyandry is prohibited;
concubinage with a woman of the tribe in the Dharauna form is
recognised. Marriage is both infant and adult. A wife can be divorced
for infidelity, and after divorce she can live with a man by the
Dharauna form. A widow can marry by Dharauna: the only difference
between this and the regular marriage is that there is no walking round
(bhanwar) the sacred fire. The levirate prevails; but the widow is free
to marry an outsider if she pleases. If her children by the first
marriage are grown up, and she marries a person other than the younger
brother of her late husband, she leaves them with his relations; if the
children are very young she usually takes them to the house of her new
husband, and there they are brought up and supported. When she marries
a stranger she loses all claim on her husband’s estate, which falls to
his children if there are any; if there are no children, to his
associated brethren.
[Birth ceremonies.] 5. At a woman’s first pregnancy, in the seventh
month, sweets (gul-gula) are placed in her lap, and then distributed to
the caste people. Her parents at this time send her a present of
sweetmeats and money.
[Marriage ceremonies.] 6. The marriage ceremonies are of the usual
type; rich people use the ordinary charhauwa ritual; poor people take
the bride to her husband’s house and marry her there by the dola form.
[Death ceremonies.] 7. These are carried out in the usual way. They get
a Brâhman to perform the Srâddha ceremony. As in some of the menial
tribes, if a Brâhman’s services cannot be secured the sister’s son of
the deceased can take his place.
[Ceremonial impurity.] 8. The woman is impure for seven days after
child-birth, and four days after menstruation. The chief mourner is
impure for nine days, and is then purified by bathing and shaving.
[Religion.] 9. They are Hindus, not belonging to any particular sect,
visiting no particular shrine, and worshipping no special saint. Their
goddess is Devi, whom they propitiate with an offering of goats. Their
priests are Brâhmans of low social position. Their festivals are the
Holi, the Janamashtami, on the eighth of the dark half of Bhâdon. They
fast all day and eat at midnight. They observe the Diwâli, or feast of
lamps, and the Shivrâtri, on the thirteenth of the dark half of
Phâlgun, when they fast all day and night, and worship the idol of
Siva. At the Karwa Chauth, in the early part of Kârttik, women worship
the moon by pouring water on the ground from a pot (karwa).
[Demonology and superstition.] 10. Their demonology and superstitions
do not differ materially from the beliefs of the allied tribes.
[Social rules.] 11. They will eat anything except beef, pork, the flesh
of monkeys, fowls, crocodiles, snakes, lizards, jackals, rats, vermin
and the leavings of other people. During the fifteen days in the month
of Kuâr, sacred to the worship of the dead, they do not eat meat.
[Occupation.] 12. Arakhs say that their original occupation was
service. They hold no zamîndâri, but cultivate and work as ordinary
labourers. In some places they bear a somewhat equivocal reputation for
petty thieving.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE ARAKHS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
================+=============================================
| Sub-castes.
+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
District. | | | | | Total.
|Chobdâr.| Mal. |Pârasrâmi.| Others. |
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Meerut | 82| ... | ... | ... | 82
Bulandshahr | 6| ... | ... | ... | 6
Mathura | 170| ... | ... | ... | 170
Agra | ... | ... | ... | 83| 83
Farrukhâbâd | 1| ... | 164| 132| 297
Mainpuri | 80| ... | ... | ... | 80
Etâwah | 31| ... | ... | ... | 31
Etah | 10| ... | ... | ... | 10
Shâhjahânpur | ... | ... | 19| 1,913| 1,932
Pilibhît | ... | ... | 1| 287| 288
Cawnpur | ... | 799| 154| 696| 1,649
Fatehpur | ... | 1,867| ... | 2,061| 3,928
Bânda | ... |25,132| ... | 638| 25,770
Hamîrpur | ... | 2,334| ... | 149 | 2,483
Allahâbâd | ... | 2,071| ... | 432 | 2,503
Jhânsi | ... | ... | ... | 8 | 8
Mirzapur | ... | ... | ... | 1 | 1
Gorakhpur | ... | ... | ... | 250 | 250
Basti | ... | ... | ... | 3,539 | 3,539
Azamgarh | ... | ... | ... | 24 | 24
Tarâi | ... | ... | ... | 12 | 12
Lucknow | ... | ... | 481 | 595 | 1,076
Unâo | ... | ... | 1,733 | 624 | 2,357
Sîtapur | ... | ... | 5,181 | 1,251 | 6,432
Hardoi | ... | ... | 19,027 | 6,599 | 25,626
Kheri | ... | ... | ... | 9 | 9
Gonda | ... | ... | ... | 1,927 | 1,927
Partâbgarh | ... | ... | ... | 1 | 1
+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Total | 380 |32,203| 26,760 | 21,231 | 80,574
================+========+======+==========+=========+=======
Âshiqân.—(Literally “lovers”). A branch of the Madâri (q.v.) Muhammadan
Faqîrs.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE ÂSHIQÂN ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
==============+=======
District. |Number.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Muzaffarnagar | 18
Bulandshahr | 59
Mathura | 5
Agra | 4
Farrukhâbâd | 163
Mainpuri | 15
Etâwah | 12
Etah | 36
Bareilly | 735
Budâun | 108
Morâdâbâd | 7
Shâhjahânpur | 381
Pilibhît | 196
Cawnpur | 35
Allahâbâd | 2
Ghâzipur | 121
Gorakhpur | 197
Azamgarh | 111
Sîtapur | 5
Hardoi | 354
Kheri | 138
Gonda | 1
Bahrâich | 19
+~~~~~~~
Total | 2,722
==============+=======
Âtishbâz.—(Âtish, “fire,” bâz, bâkhtan or bazîdan “to play”.) Also
known as Hawaigar or rocket-maker—the maker of fire-works. The variety
of fire-works made is very great: the chief are the grenade (anâr), the
rocket (mahtâbi, hawai), and the squib (chachhundar). The trade is a
fluctuating one, as fire-works are chiefly in demand about the time of
Hindu marriages in May, June, and hardly any are used between the
Muharram and Chehlam, when Muhammadans do not marry. The caste is
purely occupational, and all are Muhammadans.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE ÂTISHBÂZ ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
================+=======
District. |Number.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Sahâranpur | 1
Muzaffarnagar | 12
Aligarh | 9
Farrukhâbâd | 8
Etah | 1
Bareilly | 1
Morâdâbâd | 43
Cawnpur | 1
Fatehpur | 28
Allahâbâd | 111
Benares | 33
Jaunpur | 134
Gorakhpur | 4
Azamgarh | 2
Râê Bareli | 17
Sultânpur | 37
Partâbgarh | 92
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~
Total | 534
================+=====
Atît [166].—(Sanskrit, Atîta—“past, gone by”.) A term of rather vague
significance, but usually regarded as synonymous with Sannyâsi. Some
who are known as Sannyâsi Atîts are regular ascetics. The Gharbâri or
house-holders have abandoned the celibate life and marry. They marry
usually at the age of seven or eight. Widow marriage is not allowed,
but it is understood that the widows of the caste very often leave the
family and form irregular connections. Concubinage is allowed.
2. Atîts are Saiva Hindus, and worship Mahâbîr, Mahâdeva and Bhairon
Nâth. Their priests are Brâhmans. At Mirzapur they put some fire into
the mouth of the corpse and throw it into the Ganges. The death
impurity lasts ten days, as in the case of high caste Hindus. They do
not feed Mahâpâtras after a death, but Dasnâmis. Many of them are
cultivators and some hold patches of rent-free land which have been
granted to them by land-holders. They wear clothes dyed in ochre
(geru), and carry a rosary of rudrâksha beads. Brâhmans, Kshatriyas and
Vaisyas will not eat either kachchi or pakki from their hands; Kahârs
and Nâis will do so. Brâhmans will, however, take water from them. They
do not use spirits or flesh. Other people salute them by Namo Nârâyan;
and they use the same form of salutation among themselves.
Audhiya. [167]—A tribe found in the Fatehpur District. They are known
as Audhiya or Audhya, Ajudhyabâsi or Avadhapuri, and take their name
from the city of Ajudhya, in Oudh. They prefer the title of
Ajudhyabâsi, or residents of Ajudhya; by outsiders they are usually
called Audhiya, or “Oudh men.” They claim to be really Banyas, and say
that they emigrated from Ajudhya; but they have no means of fixing the
time of their arrival in Fatehpur. One tradition is that their movement
was connected with the expedition of Râma Chandra against Lanka or
Ceylon.
[Divisions.] 2. They are divided into two classes—Ûnch or “high,” and
Nîch, or “low.” The former are those of pure blood; the latter, the
descendants of a woman of another caste, taken as a concubine. These
two classes are practically exogamous. Besides these they have no other
exogamous sub-divisions, the only other restriction on marriage being
that they do not receive brides from a family to which they have
already given a daughter in marriage, at any rate until all
recollection of the relationship has been lost.
[Council.] 3. A tribal council sits for the transaction of business
connected with the caste. A chairman (sarpanch) is appointed for each
meeting.
[Marriage rules.] 4. The marriage rules agree with those in force among
high caste Hindus. The number of wives a man may have is restricted to
two. If a girl is detected in immorality before marriage, she is
permanently excommunicated, and her parents are also put out of caste
until they give a tribal feast. Some money is paid by the relations of
the bride to those of the bridegroom; but there is no fixed price. A
married woman can be turned out by her husband on proof of adultery.
Only the children of the regularly married wives inherit their fathers’
estate.
[Birth ceremonies.] 5. In the fifth month of pregnancy the ceremony of
Panchmâsa is celebrated on a day selected by a Brâhman. Friends are
invited, and the relatives of the woman bring her presents of clothes
and sweetmeats. The woman is seated inside a holy square marked out on
the ground with flour by a Brâhman. The barber’s wife pares the nails
of all the women present, and after colouring the soles of the woman’s
feet with lac-dye (mahâwar) puts some red lead (sendur) in the parting
(mâng) of her hair. Her mother, if she be alive, or if not, some senior
woman of the family, fills her lap with rice and sweetmeats. She is
then dressed in a new suit of clothes in the presence of the women and
officiating Brâhman. On the next day the clothes are taken off and put
away carefully for use when the sixth month (chhahmâsa) and seven
months’ ceremony (satmâsa) are performed. At these ceremonies rice-milk
is cooked, and the woman is fed with it. The caste men are feasted,
Brâhmans fed and paid, and the whole day is spent in merry-making. The
sweeper or Chamâr midwife attends the woman for three days after
delivery; then her relatives and the wife of the barber nurse her for a
month. On the third day after delivery the mother is bathed at a time
fixed by the advice of a Brâhman. On the sixth day is the Chhathi, when
the mother, dressed in the clothes she wore at the Panchmâsa ceremony
already described, is seated in a sacred square made of flour by the
Brâhman, and she, with her husband’s younger brother (dewar), is fed on
choice food placed inside the square, at the four corners of which
lighted lamps are placed. After this the relatives are feasted and the
night is spent in merriment. During this ceremony some rude marks
supposed to represent Chhathi or Shashti, the protectress of children,
are made on the wall of the room (sobar) in which the woman was
delivered; and near the figures is placed an earthen vessel full of
water, covered with a saucer, on which a lamp is lighted. The mother
and child are taken in there for the night and left there alone, these
arrangements being supposed to be a protection against all kinds of
demoniacal influence. The only special rule about twins appears to be
that it is unlucky to take any thing from their hands.
[Adoption.] 6. The ceremony of adoption of a boy who has not been
initiated by the ear piercing ceremony (kanchhedan), is as follows:—The
pair who are about to adopt a son sit on a wooden seat (patta) inside a
sacred square (chauk) made by a Brâhman on a lucky day selected by him.
The parents of the boy about to be adopted, or, in their absence, his
nearest relatives, place him in the lap of the person adopting him. The
Brâhman then worships an earthen water vessel (kalsa), drums are
beaten, and alms distributed to the poor. The ceremony ends with a
tribal feast.
[Betrothal.] 7. In the betrothal ceremony the father or other near
relative of the girl visits the bridegroom and secretly presents him
with some money. After this, on a day fixed by a Brâhman, the father of
the girl sends by a Brâhman or barber some sweetmeats, clothes, rice,
betel and money, and these are laid before the boy in the presence of
his kinsfolk. The barber is then given a present and dismissed. The
acceptance of these presents ratifies the engagement.
[Marriage.] 8. The actual marriage ceremony is of the normal type. It
begins with the reception (agwâni) of the party of the bridegroom as
they approach the house of the bride. At the door two women stand, each
with a water pot (kalas) on her head. Sharbat mixed with bhang, known
as mirchwân, is distributed, and the boy being seated on a stool
(patta), the “door worship” (duâr-pûja), and the worship of Ganesa are
performed. The boy is seated in a sacred square (chauk) made of flour
by a Brâhman, and near him is placed a water vessel surmounted by a
lighted lamp, while the Brâhman recites sacred verses. After this the
father or other near relative of the bride makes a present of money,
cattle, clothes, ornaments, etc., to the bridegroom. Then follows the
bhanwar, or perambulation round the sacred fire, which is done in the
usual way. Poor people, however, do not go through all this elaborate
ritual. The father of the bride and his friends take her to the house
of the bridegroom, where he goes through the ceremony of pânw-pûja or
“the worshipping of the feet” of the bridegroom, and this is the
binding observance.
[Death.] 9. The dead are cremated in the ordinary way. If a person has
died of drowning or other accident, cholera, poison, small-pox, or
leprosy, the regular death ceremony (kriya karma) is not performed. In
such cases the observance is known as Nârâyana bala. The corpse is at
once consigned to the Ganges, and within a year a Mahâbrâhman is paid
to make a representation of the deceased in gram flour, upon which the
regular rites are performed. One Brâhman is fed at the end of each
month, and six at the close of the sixth month. When the anniversary of
the death comes round, twelve Brâhmans are feasted. The spirits of
ancestors who have died childless are propitiated in the same way, and
in some cases the relatives employ a Brâhman to go to Gaya and perform
the regular srâddha.
[Religion.] 10. Their tribal deity is Devi. Once their children began
to die, and they prayed to the goddess to save them; she heard their
prayer, and since then she has been held in honour. If possible they
make a pilgrimage to her shrine at Calcutta. Their family priests are
Kanaujiya Brâhmans, who suffer no degradation by serving them.
[Social rules.] 11. They will eat with no one but a member of the
caste, and object to touch none but a sweeper or Chamâr.
[Occupation.] 12. The Audhiyas are well known as a dangerous criminal
tribe. They deal largely in counterfeit coin and false jewelry: they
never commit crimes of violence. They wander over Northern India as
Faqîrs, their journeys commencing generally in June and ending in
April; but they are sometimes two or three years away. It is said that
if a member of the caste is imprisoned he is excommunicated. They bring
home cash only, and dispose of the plunder to agents at different large
cities. In the districts where they reside they are perfectly well
behaved. They are well-to-do, and to all appearance respectable in
their habits. Their women are well-dressed, with plenty of ornaments on
their persons. They have no apparent means of support. They neither
cultivate land nor trade; and all that appears on the surface is that
most of the men and boys go off after the rains and return at the end
of the cold weather. If asked how they support themselves, they reply,
by begging. Convictions have been obtained against them at Jabalpur,
Benares, Patna, Mongir, Calcutta, Gwâlior, Sâgar, Murshidâbâd and
Nadiya. They are not under the Criminal Tribes Act, but special Police
have been quartered on them in Fatehpur. These have recently been
removed. In 1890 there were ascertained to be 375 Audhiyas resident in
Cawnpur, and 159 in Fatehpur. The majority of the adult males continue
to absent themselves from time to time for the purpose of thieving and
uttering false coin in distant places. The Audhiyas are not shown
separately in the last Census returns, in which they have probably been
included with the Ajudhyabâsi Banyas.
Awadhût.—(Sans. Avadhûta “discarded, rejected.”)—A Saiva sect who
practise celibacy and make their living by begging. They wear as little
clothes as they can, and let their hair (jata) grow long. They crouch
over a fire in cold weather. Their life is one of the hardest led by
mendicants of this class.
Âzâd.—A Persian word signifying “free, uncontrolled,” connected with
the Sanskrit jâta, a class of Muhammadan Faqîrs, so recorded at the
last Census. There are two classes of Muhammadan ascetics, the regular
or Ba-shara, who follow the rules of Islâm as regards praying, fasting,
alms-giving and pilgrimage; and the irregular or Be-shara, who, though
nominally Musalmâns, do not accommodate their lives to the principles
of any religious creed. The former are known as Sâlik, or “travellers,”
and the latter as Âzâd, “free,” or Majzûb, “abstracted.” Dr. Herklots
says that the regular Âzâd class “shave their beards, moustaches,
eye-brows and eyelashes; in short, the hair in every part of the body,
and lead lives of celibacy. They have no inclination for reading
prayers daily. If they get anything to eat, be it good or bad, they
partake of it. They have no fixed place of abode; the generality of
them travel and subsist on alms.” [168]
DISTRIBUTION OF THE ÂZÂD FAQÎRS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
=============+=======
District. |Number.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Agra | 5
Farrukhâbâd | 27
Mainpuri | 62
Etâwah | 8
Etah | 293
Shâhjahânpur | 201
Cawnpur | 2
Fatehpur | 10
Allahâbâd | 223
Jâlaun | 1,188
Benares | 29
Gorakhpur | 19
Azamgarh | 174
Lucknow | 255
Unâo | 113
Râê Bareli | 56
Sîtapur | 454
Kheri | 49
Bahrâich | 93
Sultânpur | 201
Partâbgarh | 78
Bârabanki | 890
+~~~~~~~
Total | 4,430
=============+=======
B
Bachgoti.—A sept of Râjputs. Their story is thus told:—“After the
defeat of Prithivi Râj by Shahâbuddîn Ghori, some Chauhâns, under
Baryâr Sinh and Kâns Râê, descendants of Chahir Deo, brother of
Prithivi Râj, fled from Sambhalgarh, and wandering eastward, about 1248
A.D., settled at Jamwâwan, in the Sultânpur District. Even here,
however, they felt themselves unsafe while they continued to bear the
name of their proscribed race, so they deemed it prudent to adopt
another, to which they were equally entitled, and which they might own
with equal pride. If they belonged to the stock of their four-handed
predecessor, they also belonged to the gotra of their creative saint.
They accordingly adopted the device of concealing their lineal beneath
their spiritual descent.” There has been some dispute as to whether
they took their new name from Vatsa, who was the author of one of the
hymns of the Rig Veda, and who was perhaps the same as the sage Vatsa,
who, according to Manu, [169] “when attacked, as the son of a servile
mother, by the fire which pervades the world, burned not a hair by
reason of his perfect veracity,” or from the more celebrated Vasistha,
who is the centre of a large cycle of Vedic and post-Vedic legend. The
first theory is, however, the more probable of the two. A second
version of this story is that Râna Sangat Deo, great-grandson of Chahir
Deo, had twenty-one sons. Of these the youngest succeeded his father,
when he married a bride of the Tomar sept, and of the house of Jila
Patan. The other sons sought their fortunes in other parts. Baryâr Sinh
and Kâns Râê went to Mainpuri, and there joined the army of Ala-ud-dîn
Ghori then starting from that place on an expedition against the Bhars,
and thus found their way into Oudh. Both these accounts concur in
attributing the advent of the Bachgotis into Oudh to Muhammadan
influence; but the one declares that they were driven before the
invaders, and the other that they were led by them. It is in favour of
the first that it leaves a space of fifty-five years between Prithivi
Râja and Baryâr Sinh, and thus accords with the common belief that the
latter was a descendant of a brother of the former; it also affords a
possible explanation of the assumption of the name Bachgoti.
2. On the other hand there are grounds for casting doubt on the tale of
Baryâr Sinh’s flight from Musalmân persecution. In the first place,
there is a suspicious silence about the doings of Baryâr Sinh’s
ancestors during the fifty-five years interval. Again, the independent
legend of the Palwârs asserts that they settled in the Faizâbâd
District in 1248 A.D., the very year that Baryâr Sinh is said to have
come to Oudh, and yet there is no pretence that they rendered
themselves particularly obnoxious to the Musalmâns. Nor were the
Palwârs the only settlers contemporary with the Bachgoti; the twelfth
century, if clan traditions be believed, witnessed numerous Kshatriya
emigrations into Oudh, and it is impossible to conceive that they
sought refuge from Muhammadan tyranny, for governors of that creed had
been established in the Province since very soon after Prithivi Râja’s
overthrow. Least of all, moreover, was the spot selected by Baryâr Sinh
calculated to secure that end, for Jamwâwan lay within a mile or two of
Kathot, which is said to have been made the head-quarters of a Musalmân
officer simultaneously with the reduction of Sultânpur. On the whole it
seems more probable that Baryâr Sinh was the friend of the Musalmâns
rather than their foe. Shortly after his arrival at Jamwâwan he chanced
one day to be leaving the village accompanied by his servant, a Kahâr,
when the latter perceived a serpent on the ground with a wag-tail
(Khanjarît) perched upon its hood, and, unfortunately for himself, drew
his master’s attention to the fact. For the learned in such matters
have pronounced this to be an infallible omen that the beholder will
sooner or later wear a crown. And Baryâr Sinh, indignant that a menial
should be thus exalted, killed the Kahâr, and informed his brother,
Kâns Râê, who left him in disgust, and then Baryâr Sinh entered the
service of Râm Deo, chief of the Bilkhariya Dikhits of Kot Bilkhâr,
near Partâbgarh, and marrying his daughter, and killing his son, Dalpat
Sâh, gained his dominions. [170]
3. According to Sir C. Elliott, [171] the Bachgotis were, up to the
time of Tilok Chand, the premier Râjas of Oudh, and had been vested
with the right of affirming the title of each new Râja by affixing the
sacred mark (tilak) to his brow. The two most conspicuous chiefs of the
tribe are the Râja of Kûrwar and the Dîwân of Hasanpur Bandhua. “The
latter, notwithstanding his being a Musalmân, and hence called
Khân-Zada, invests all the Râjas of Banaudha with the tilak. The
Somabansi chief of Araur, the Bisen of Râmpur, the Kânhpuriya of Tiloi,
and Bandhalgoti of Amethi, would not be considered entitled to the
privileges exercised by their ancestors without receiving it from his
hands.” [172]
4. In Sultânpur they are said to take brides from the Bilkhariya,
Tashaiya, Chandauriya, Kath Bais, Bhâlê Sultân, Raghubansi, Gargbansi;
and to give girls to the Tilokchandi Bais, Mainpuri Chauhâns,
Sûrajbansis of Mahul, Gautams of Nagar, Bisens of Majhauli and
Bandhalgoti. Their gotra is said to be Vatsa. In Jaunpur they take
girls from the Raghubansi, Bais, Chaupat Khambh, Nikhumb, Dhanmast,
Gautam, Gaharwâr, Panwâr, Chandel, Saunak, Drigbansi; and give them to
the Kalhans, Sirnet, Gautam, Sûrajbansi, Rajwâr, Bisen, Kânhpuriya,
Gaharwâr, Baghel, and Bais. In Azamgarh they take girls from the
Chandel, Karmwâr, Kâkan, Birwâr, Râthaur, and Udmatiya, and give them
to the Bais, Kausik, and Gautam.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BACHGOTI RÂJPUTS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
===========+========
District. | Number.
~~~~~~~~~~-+~~~~~~~~
Sahâranpur | 1
Meerut | 1
Agra | 1
Bareilly | 2
Budâun | 75
Morâdâbâd | 6
Pilibhît | 1
Cawnpur | 3
Bânda | 41
Allahâbâd | 1,893
Lalitpur | 1
Benares | 141
Mirzapur | 911
Jaunpur | 2,969
Ghâzipur | 968
Ballia | 7
Gorakhpur | 390
Basti | 695
Azamgarh | 1,048
Lucknow | 81
Unâo | 31
Râê Bareli | 797
Hardoi | 1
Faizâbâd | 1,949
Gonda | 129
Bahrâich | 20
Sultânpur | 15,186
Partâbgarh | 8,644
+~~~~~~~~
Total | 35,992
===========+========
Bâchhil; Bâchhal.—A sept of Râjputs who are by one account said to
derive their name from the Hindi bâchhna, “to distribute.” According to
General Cunningham [173] they claim descent from Râja Vena, whose son
was Virât, the reputed founder of Baribhâr or Virâtkhera, and whom he
believes to be the same as Vîra Varma of the inscriptions. By another
extraordinary feat of folk etymology they are said to have been a
branch of the Pâsis, and to have derived their name from taking refuge
in a garden (bâgh). According to a writer in the Oudh Gazetteer [174]
“they are a possible link from the hoariest traditions of Indian
antiquity to a middle-age period, which has been fairly chronicled,
and, lastly, to the complete annals of modern times. It is the more
desirable to follow out the annals of this clan, first, because it is
one of the very few in Oudh which does rightfully claim an antiquity
equal to that of English noble families which came in with the
Conqueror; and, second, because its surviving members, though
respectable, are too poor to purchase false genealogies, and so humble
in the social scale as to render a fictitious pedigree of no value.
Consequently they now relate only the real traditions of their
ancestors.” ... “In 992 A.D. a local chief, named Lâla, governed at
Garh Gajana, or Ilahabâs, near Dewal. This place is 16 miles south-east
of Pilibhît, on the banks of the Katni rivulet. In fact, all the
capitals of the Bâchhil clan—Barkhar, Nigohi, Garh Gajana, Kâmp, on the
Sârda—are within a few miles of each other: two in Shâhjahânpur, west
of the Gûmti, and two in Kheri, east of the old river. We know nothing
of Lâla or his race, except from the inscription which he caused to be
cut, and the coins which are still to be found. The Bâchhils were an
enterprising race in those days; they were Hindus in faith; they
worshipped Vishnu under the boar avatâra; they had a coinage, both in
silver and gold, many specimens of which have been found near their old
capitals on the Katni. It seems, too, that their dynasty was of
sufficient intelligence and energy to construct no less than two
canals, about a hundred miles in length: one of them is still
navigable, the other has somewhat silted up.”
2. General Cunningham says:—“It is admitted by every one that the
Katehriyas succeeded the Bâchhils; but the Katehriyas themselves state
that they did not settle in Katehar till A.D. 1174. Up to this date,
therefore, the Bâchhil Râjas may be supposed to have possessed the
dominant power in Eastern Rohilkhand, beyond the Râmganga; while
Western Rohilkhand was held by the Bhidar, Guâla, and other tribes,
from whom the Katehriyas profess to have wrested it. Gradually the
Bâchhils must have retired before the Katehriyas, until they had lost
all their territory west of the Deoha or Pilibhît river. Here they made
a successful stand, and though frequently afterwards harried by the
Muhammadans, they still managed to hold their small territory between
the Deoha river and the primeval forests of Pilibhît. When hard pressed
they escaped to the jungle, which still skirts their ancient
possessions of Garh Ganjana, and Garh Khera. But their resistance was
not always successful, as their descendants confess that some 300 or
400 years ago, when their capital, Nigohi, was taken by the King of
Delhi, the twelve sons of Râja Udarana, or Aorana, were all put to
death. The twelve cenotaphs of these princes are still shown at Nigohi.
Shortly after this catastrophe, Chhavi Râna, the grandson of one of the
murdered princes, fled to the Lakhi jungle, where he supported himself
by plundering. But when orders were given to exterminate his band, he
presented himself before the King of Delhi, and obtained the district
of Nigohi as jâgîr. The gotrâchârya of the Bâchhil Râjputs declares
them to be Chandravansis, and their high social position is attested by
their daughters being taken in marriage by Chauhâns, Râthaurs, and
Kachhwâhas. The race is even more widely spread than the Gangetic
Bâchhils are aware of, as Abul Fazl records that the port of Arâmrâj,
in the peninsula of Gujarât, is a very strong place, inhabited by the
tribe of Bâchhil. Of the origin of the name nothing is known, but it is
probably connected with bâchhna ‘to select or choose.’ The title of
Chhindu, which is given in the inscription, is also utterly unknown to
the people, and I can only guess that it may be the name of one of the
early ancestors of the race.”
3. At the same time the traditions of some members of the sept do not
bear out their claim to noble lineage. Thus, in Azamgarh, [175] they
assert that they are the descendants of a Râjbhar. In Shâhjahânpur
[176] they fix their emigration at the time of Jaychand, of Kanauj, and
they possibly settled prior to all other Thâkur clans, except the
Kâsib. In Bijnor they claim to be of Sombansi origin, and to have
replaced the Gûjars. In Mathura, the Sisodiyas of impure origin, who
are called Gaurua, are designated Bâchhal from the Bachhban at Sehi,
where their Guru always resides. They say that they emigrated from
Chithor 700 or 800 years ago, but more probably after Alâuddin’s famous
siege in 1303 A.D. [177]
4. In Sîtapur the Bâchhals give brides to the Gaur and Tomar septs, and
take girls from the Janwârs. In Kheri they marry their sons to girls of
the Gaur, Nikumbh, Janwâr, Ahban, Pramâr, and Kâsib septs: and their
daughters marry with the Râthaur, Bhadauriya, and Kachhwâha.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BÂCHHAL RÂJPUTS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
==============+========+============+========
District. |Hindus. |Muhammadans.| Total.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Sahâranpur | ... | 10 | 10
Muzaffarnagar | 13 | ... | 13
Meerut | 125 | ... | 125
Bulandshahr | 1,680 | 102 | 1,782
Aligarh | 402 | ... | 402
Mathura | 1,701 | 215 | 1,916
Agra | 197 | 1 | 198
Farrukhâbâd | 643 | ... | 643
Mainpuri | 904 | ... | 904
Etâwah | 111 | ... | 111
Etah | 252 | ... | 252
Bareilly | 431 | ... | 431
Bijnor | 74 | ... | 74
Budâun | 2,341 | ... | 2,341
Morâdâbâd | 185 | ... | 185
Shâhjahânpur | 7,794 | 119 | 7,913
Pilibhît | 298 | ... | 298
Cawnpur | 28 | ... | 28
Fatehpur | 31 | ... | 31
Allahâbâd | 5 | 1 | 6
Jâlaun | 8 | ... | 8
Benares | 1 | ... | 1
Jaunpur | ... | 90 | 90
Tarâi | 6 | ... | 6
Gorakhpur | ... | 70 | 70
Lucknow | 205 | ... | 205
Unâo | 390 | ... | 390
Râê Bareli | 749 | 109 | 858
Sîtapur | 2,285 | 267 | 2,552
Hardoi | 1,287 | 30 | 1,317
Kheri | 1,496 | ... | 1,496
Faizâbâd | ... | 264 | 264
Gonda | 1 | ... | 1
Bahrâich | 382 | 22 | 404
Sultânpur | 129 | 1 | 130
Partâbgarh | 657 | 1 | 658
Bârabanki | 611 | 62 | 673
+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Total | 25,422 | 1,364 | 26,786
==============+========+============+========
Badhak; Badhik.—(Sans. Vadhaka, a murderer.)—A vagrant criminal tribe
of whom the last census shows only a small number in Mathura and
Pilibhît. But there can be little doubt that these returns are
incorrect, or the present Badhiks have been classed in some other way.
They appear to be closely allied to the Bâwariyas and Baheliyas.
According to the earliest account of them by Mr. Shakespeare [178] they
were originally outcastes of Musalmân as well as Hindu tribes, the
majority, however, being Râjputs.
[The Gorakhpur Colony.] 2. Of the Gorakhpur colony Mr. D. T. Roberts
writes in a note prepared for the recent Police Commission:—“The
notorious dakaits known as Badhiks were suppressed like the Thags by
the capture and imprisonment of all their leaders. This done, a colony
of them was settled on waste land belonging to Government in the
Gorakhpur District in 1844. They evinced for a long time the greatest
repugnance to honest work, and even now a good portion of the lands
held by them are sublet at higher rates to other castes. The larger
proportion of their holdings are let at very low rates, but some land
is taken up by them at the current rates of the neighbourhood. The net
profits of the estate on which they are located are paid over to the
family of the original dakait leader. Surveillance, which at one time
may have been very strict, has been much relaxed of late years, but
there is a constable or two posted over them; a register is kept, and
they require permission from the Magistrate before they can leave the
District. Dakaiti has long been given up by them, or rather was never
resumed at the colony. In 1871 the Deputy Inspector-General of Police
visited them, and found the colony in a very backward state. In
consequence of his representations the District authorities began to
take more interest in them, and they have been fairly well looked after
since. The number then was 209, and the Deputy Inspector-General
remarked:—“There is little doubt the tribe carries on thieving, but no
cases for some time past have been brought home to them.” Twenty years
later, it may be said, that they are not even suspected of thieving.
Though not a very advanced or industrious community, they may now be
instanced as a case of successful repression and reformation. Their
number has not increased since 1871, and was, in 1890, 203 in all. One
of their chief offences in the Gorakhpur colony used to be illicit
manufacture of spirits.”
[Methods of crime.] 3. One of their specialities used to be disguising
themselves as Brâhmans and Bairâgis and associating with pilgrims
returning from the Ganges, for whom they used to perform mock religious
ceremonies, and then stupefy with datûra or thorn apple, and rob. [179]
Their special deity is Kâli, to whom they offer goats as the Bâwariyas
do. They eat game and vermin, such as foxes, jackals, and lizards. They
believe that the use of jackal meat fortifies them against the
inclemencies of winter. [180] They were in the habit of making
plundering expeditions, and before starting, shares in the expected
booty were allotted, a special share being given to the widow and
children of any person killed or dying during the expedition. A writer
in the Asiatic Journal [181] states that after the sacrifice they used
to pray, “If it be Thy will, O, God! and thine, O Kâli! to prosper our
undertaking for the sake of the blind and the lame, the widow and the
orphan, who depend on our exertions, vouchsafe, we pray thee, the cry
of the female jackal on our right.” One of the most famous exploits of
Badhik dakaits was the murder of Mr. Ravenscroft, the Collector of
Cawnpur, of which Colonel Sleeman gives an account. [182]
4. There can be very little doubt that the tribe is of mixed origin,
and is on the same grade as the Kanjars, Sânsiyas, and similar
vagrants. It constitutes, in fact, a sort of Cave of Adullam for the
reception of vagrants and bad characters of different tribes.
DISTRIBUTION OF BADHIKS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
===========+=========
District. | Number.
~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~
Mathura | 79
Pilibhît | 46
Gorakhpur | 1
+~~~~~~~~~
Total | 126
===========+=========
Bâghbân.—(Persian, a gardener.)—A class of cultivators in the Kheri
District who grow vegetables. They are practically the same caste as
the Kâchhi (q.v.) and the Murâo. They claim to have three endogamous
sub-castes—Kâchhi, Murâo, and Sâni, the last being derived from the
Hindi sânna, to mix up, used in connection with their careful
preparation of the soil. Their manners, customs, religion, etc.,
correspond in every way with those of the Kâchhis.
Baghel.—(Sans. Vyâghra, a tiger.)—A sept of Râjputs. Colonel Tod [183]
calls them “the most conspicuous branch of the original Solankhi
stock.” The traditional history of the sept has been written by
Mahârâja Raghu Râj Sinh, of Rîwa, the most famous modern representative
of them, in a book known as the Bhakt Mâla. From this it would appear
that their original Guru was the famous Kabîr Dâs. He once went to
Gujarât to make a pilgrimage to the Western Ocean. At that time
Solankha Deva was the Râja there. He was a member of the Solankhi clan.
As he was childless, he prayed to Kabîr to grant him offspring. The
saint heard his prayer, and promised him two sons, one of whom would
have the appearance of a tiger. This was Vyâghra Deva. The priests
advised the Râja to throw his son into the ocean, as he was unlucky. He
followed their advice; but when Kabîr heard of this he ordered the Râja
to bring him back. He did so, and Kabîr announced that the sept would
be called after his name. Vyâghra Deva was also childless; but he, too,
was blessed with a son through the intercession of Kabîr. His name was
Jay Sinh, and he, with the permission of his grandfather, Solankha
Deva, collected an army and commenced a career of conquest. He marched
to the banks of the Narbada, and occupied what was known as Gorha Desa,
and married his son in the Bais family of Dundhiya Khera. His
successors, Karan Sinh and Kesari Sinh, carried on his conquests, and
the last overcame a Musalmân Nawâb, and occupied Gorakhpur. Then
followed Malâr Sinh, Sârang Deva, and Bhîmal Deva. His son, Brahm Deva,
came in contact with the Gaharwârs. His most powerful successor was Bîr
Sinh, who is said to have had a hundred thousand horsemen. When he
conquered Prayâg or Allahâbâd, the people called in the Musalmâns. The
Emperor marched to Chitrakût, where the Râja met him. The Emperor asked
him why he interfered with his people. He answered,—“The Kshatriya
needs a place to live in. He troubles those who trouble him.” The
Emperor was pleased with his bravery, and recognised his son, Bîr Bhân,
as Râja. He gave him the blessing:—“Subdue twelve Râjas and live in
Bandhugarh.” Bîr Sinh extended his conquests towards the south, and
reached the Tons. He gained Ratanpur as dowry for his son from the
Kachwâha Râja of that place. Bîr Sinh made over his kingdom to his son,
Bîr Bhân, and retired to Prayâg, where he died. Thus the kingdom of
Rîwa came into the hands of the present ruling family. General
Cunningham [184] fixes the emigration of the Baghels to the upper
valleys of the Son and Tons between 580 and 683 Sambat (523, 626 A.D.),
where they succeeded the Chandels, Kalachûris, Chauhâns, Sengars, and
Gonds. In Farrukhâbâd [185] they trace their origin to Mâdhogarh, and
fix their settlement in the time of Jaya Chandra, of Kanauj, which is
also the story as told by Abul Fazl. Their original head-quarters was
at Anogi, in Pargana Kanauj, under Harhar Deva, and his son, Harbans.
Their property was acquired during the conflict between the Nawâbs of
Farrukhâbâd and Oudh, and the Marhattas, and their estates fell into
two divisions, Tirwa and Thatiya. The latter Râj was confiscated early
in the century owing to the opposition of Chhatar Sâl to the British.
2. They give their name to Baghel-khand or Rîwa. The name of their
eponymous hero, Vyâghra Deva, is probably a comparatively recent
tradition, and the title is possibly totemistic, as, according to
Captain Forsyth, [186] they claim descent from a tiger, and protect it
whenever they can.
3. Mr. Ricketts [187] gives a bad account of the tribe in
Allahâbâd:—“The most notorious gang of dacoits, which for generations
has infested the south of Allahâbâd, is of this clan; and this claim of
consanguinity with the Mahârâja of Rîwa has ensured their constant
protection in his territories; and certainly the savage nature of the
prototype of their race has pervaded the acts of these noted robbers.
Each of their feats has shown the extremes of craft, treachery, and the
meanest cowardice. When armed and in numbers they have murdered the
single and unarmed; they have beaten women and killed children.”
4. The Baghels, south of the Jumna, usually give brides to the Parihâr
and Gaharwâr septs; and take wives from the Bais, Gautam, and Gaharwâr.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BAGHEL RÂJPUTS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
============+=======
District. |Number.
~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Farrukhâbâd | 2,381
Mainpuri | 123
Etâwah | 187
Etah | 26
Cawnpur | 236
Fatehpur | 77
Bânda | 1,017
Hamîrpur | 24
Allahâbâd | 1,619
Jâlaun | 24
Lalitpur | 30
Benares | 40
Mirzapur | 503
Jaunpur | 10
Ghâzipur | 114
Ballia | 251
Gorakhpur | 1,350
Basti | 444
Azamgarh | 21
Partâbgarh | 291
+~~~~~~~
Total | 8,768
============+=======
Baheliya [188].—(Sans. Vyâdha, “one who pierces or wounds,” “a hunter.”
Root, Vyâdh, “to pierce”).—A class of hunters and fowlers. The Purânik
tradition is that the father of the tribe was a barber, and the mother
an Ahîr of bad character. In Bengal, according to Mr. Risley, [189]
“they insist on their title to be considered Dusâdhs, and in Bengal, at
any rate, the Baheliya and Dusâdh eat and smoke together, and though
they do not intermarry, behave generally as if they were branches of
the same stock.” This does not seem to be the case in these Provinces,
where they usually call themselves a sub-caste of Pâsis. Some Baheliyas
in the western districts have a tradition that they are of Bhîl
descent. They say that they came from Chitrakût, in Banda, under their
ancestor, the famous Vâlmîki, and were named Baheliyas by Krishna at
Mathura. The Aheriyas, as will be seen by their account of themselves
given in the article on that caste, profess to be identical with the
Baheliyas. They are probably a relic of some non-Aryan tribe, which
still adheres in a great measure to the primitive occupation of
hunting, bird trapping, and collecting jungle produce. The Mirzapur
legend of their origin tells that Râm Chandra in his wanderings once
came across a stag of golden colour which was really Marîcha, the
Râkshasa, the minister of Râvana. Râm Chandra pursued the animal, which
escaped. In his anger the hero rubbed his hands together, and out of
the dirt (mail) thus produced created a man, whom he appointed his
chief hunter. From him the tribe of Baheliyas are descended.
[Internal structure.] 2. The Census returns give as the main sub-castes
the Pâsi, in Mirzapur; the Chandel and Sribâstab, in Gorakhpur; the
Lagiya and Rukmaiya, of Gonda; the Chhatri and Sribâstab, of Bahrâich,
and the Bhongiya, of Partâbgarh. The Baheliyas of the eastern districts
name seven or really eight endogamous sub-castes—Baheliya; Chiryamâr or
“bird-killers” (chirya = “a bird,” mârna = “to kill”); Karaul, whose
speciality is said to be stalking animals under cover of a tame ox used
as a decoy. Mr. Sherring [190] treats them as a separate caste and
describes them as possessing five sub-castes:—Purabiya, or Eastern;
Hazâri or Hajâri, “commanders of a thousand men;” [191] Uttariya, or
“Northern;” Koireriya, who are connected with the Koeri tribe, and
Turkiya, or the Muhammadan branch. All these sub-castes are endogamous.
Next, among the Baheliya proper, come the Kotiha, who are said to
derive their name from being attendants at some king’s palace (kot):
the Bâjdhar or falconers (bâz = “a falcon,” dharna = “to hold”); the
Turkiya, or Muhammadan branch, and the Sûrajbans or “descendants of the
sun,” who say they take their name from their original settlement, a
village called Sûrajpur Bahlela. To these are sometimes added the
Maskâr or providers of meat (Mânskâra) or, as the word is sometimes
pronounced, Miskâr, a corruption of Mîr Shikâr, “a chief huntsman.” All
the Mirzapur Baheliyas speak of Oudh as their original habitat. The
Oudh Baheliyas give three sub-castes which are endogamous—Raghubansi,
Pasiya, and Karaul.
[Tribal council.] 3. Their tribal council (panchâyat) is presided over
by a hereditary chairman known as Sakhi, “the person who gives
testimony.” They, as usual, decide on cases of adultery, seduction, and
breaches of caste rules regarding food, etc. Offences, when proved, are
punished by a fine ranging from five rupees down to paying for the
tobacco consumed by the clansmen at the meeting. Now-a-days the
refreshment served round at the meetings of the council is what is
called mirchwân, a mixture of bhang, chillies, sugar, and water. This
has been recently substituted for liquor, either through some idea of
teetotalism, or, as others say, on account of the poverty of the caste.
[Marriages rules.] 4. The sub-castes already named are endogamous, and
they observe, in the eastern districts, the ordinary formula of
exogamy, which prohibits marriage in one’s own family, or that of the
maternal uncle or father’s sister, as long as relationship is
remembered. In Oudh they will not give a bride to a family in which,
within the memory of man, a son has been married. A man cannot have two
sisters to wife at the same time, but he may marry one sister on the
death of another. Sameness of occupation and the use of, or abstinence
from, wine are carefully regarded in forming marriage connections. A
man can take a second wife in the lifetime of the first wife provided
the council give permission; but this is not usually granted unless she
is barren or incapacitated by some disease from cohabitation. If an
unmarried girl is detected in an intrigue, her parents are fined five
rupees, and have to feast the clansmen. Girls are usually married at
the age of seven or eight. The negotiations are conducted by a Brâhman
and barber. Once concluded, no physical defect is a sufficient cause
for the annulment of a marriage. Wives can be put away by order of the
council for adultery; but if the paramour be a member of the tribe, the
offence is usually condoned by a money fine. Widows can marry by sagâi,
but such marriages are generally made with widowers. The only ceremony
is eating with the relations of the woman and making her put on new
clothes and jewelry provided by her future partner. On his return home
with his bride he is obliged to feast his clansmen.
[Birth ceremonies.] 5. During pregnancy an old woman of the family
waves a pice or a handful of grain round the head of the patient and
vows to present an offering to a deified ghost called Kâlu Bîr, and
Niman Parihâr, who is one of the quintette of the Pânchonpîr, and is
supposed to have some special connection with the use of spirituous
liquors. The woman is attended by the Chamâin midwife, who cuts the
cord and buries it outside the house. At the entrance of the delivery
room a fishing net, a branch of the thorny bel tree (Aegle marmelos)
and the family pestle are placed to keep off malignant spirits; and a
fire is kept lighting there during the period of impurity with the same
object. They have the usual dread of menstrual impurity common to all
these races. On the day her child is born the mother gets no food,
except a mixture of ginger and coarse sugar mixed up in water. From the
next day she receives her usual food. Those who have lost their
children get the baby’s ears bored before it leaves the delivery room.
On the sixth day is the Chhathi, when mother and child are bathed. From
this time the place of the midwife is taken by the barber’s wife, who
attends till the twelfth day, when the barahi ceremony is performed.
The house is plastered and the earthen vessels replaced. The nails of
the mother and all the family are cut, mother and child are bathed, and
the clansmen are feasted on wine and cakes (pûri). When the mother
first visits the well after her confinement she bows down to it and
offers fried gram (ghughuri) on the platform, which she also marks with
a little red lead, a practice which may be a survival of some form of
sacrifice, human or animal. If the child is a boy the midwife receives
four annas and two sers of grain: for a girl, two annas and the same
amount of grain. They so far practise the couvade that the husband does
not work on the day his child is born. The original motive has been
forgotten, and the explanation given is that he does so to express his
joy at his wife’s safe delivery. At the age of five or seven the
child’s ears are bored, and this is considered an initiation into
caste: after this the child must observe the caste regulations
regarding food.
[Marriage ceremonies.] 6. The marriage ceremonies are of the ordinary
low-caste type. A Brâhman is consulted as to whether the union is
likely to be propitious (garna ganna). The betrothal is concluded by
giving the bride’s father a rupee or less to clench the bargain.
Baheliyas appear invariably to marry their brides by the dola form, in
which the ceremonies are performed at the house of the bridegroom. Some
eight days before the wedding the bride is brought over to the
bridegroom’s house. Two or three days before the wedding day a pavilion
(mânro) is erected, in the centre of which a ploughshare (haris), the
stalk of a plantain tree and a bamboo are fixed. Under these are placed
the family pestle and mortar and grindstone for spices. Besides these
are placed a water jar (kalsa) covered with a saucer (parai) filled
with barley and decorated with lumps of cowdung and splashes of red
lead. The same evening the matmangar ceremony is performed in the usual
way. The day before the wedding is the bhatwân, when the clansmen are
feasted. On the wedding day the bridegroom is bathed, his nails are
pared, and he is dressed in a red coat with a yellow loin cloth. He
then parades on horseback through the village, and on his return sits
down with his clansmen. At night he is called into the house, and he
and the bride are seated in a square in a courtyard, when the bride’s
father washes their feet with water (pânw-pûja). The Brâhman then
recites the verses (mantra), and the pair worship Gauri and Ganesa. The
bride’s father, then taking some kusa grass and water, gives his
daughter to the bridegroom (kanyâdân). He next applies red lead to the
parting of her hair: their clothes are knotted together, and they move
five times round the centre pole of the pavilion, while parched maize
is thrown over them (lawa parachhan). The pair go into the retiring
room (kohabar), where his brother-in law’s wife (sarhaj) plays jokes on
the bridegroom by sitting on his back and refusing to release him until
she receives a present. A lighted lamp with two wicks is placed there,
and the bridegroom joins the two wicks together as an emblem of union
with the bride. Next follows a feast to the clansmen, who return next
day. After the marriage is concluded Kâlu Bîr and Parihâr are
worshipped. On the fourth day after the wedding, the bride and
bridegroom, accompanied by the barber’s wife, go to a neighbouring tank
or stream and then drown the sacred water jar (kalsa) and the marriage
festoons (bandanwâr). On their way home they worship the old fig trees
of the village, which are supposed to be the abode of evil spirits,
with an offering of water and washed rice (achchhat). Some offer also
sweetmeats and grain. The binding part of the marriage ceremony is the
washing of the bridegroom’s feet by the bride’s father, and the rubbing
of red lead by the bridegroom on the parting of the bride’s hair.
[Death ceremonies.] 7. When a man is dying he is taken into the open
air and gold, Ganges water, and leaves of the tulasi (ocymum sanctum)
put into his mouth. If these things are not procurable, curds and
coarse sugar are used. Four men carry the corpse to the cremation
ground, where the body is washed, shrouded in new cloth, and the hair
shaved. It is then laid on the pyre, with the legs turned towards the
south. The next-of-kin walks round five times and burns the mouth with
a torch of straw, and then fires the pyre. On their return home the
mourners chew the leaves of the bitter Nîm tree, and pass their feet
through the smoke of burning oil. Next day the Pandit gets the barber
to hang a water jar from the branch of a pîpal tree. That day the
clansmen are fed. The feast is known as “the boiled rice of milk” (dûdh
ka bhât). The period of mourning is ten days, during which the chief
mourner keeps apart, and always carries a water vessel (lota) and a
knife to protect him from evil spirits. He cooks for himself, and,
before eating, lays a little food outside the house for the use of the
dead. He bathes daily and renews the water in the pot (ghant) hung up
for the dead man. On the tenth day the clansmen assemble at a tank,
shave, bathe, and throw the rice balls (pinda) in the water. The
Mahâbrâhman receives the clothes and personal effects of the dead man,
which he is supposed to pass on for his use in the next world. A feast
to the clansmen concludes the period of mourning. They make the usual
offerings to the dead (srâddha) in the first fortnight of Kuâr.
[Religion.] 8. Baheliyas are seldom regularly initiated into any Hindu
sect. Their clan deities, in the Eastern Districts, are Kâlu Bîr and
Parihâr, who are worshipped at the Kajari festival, in the month of
Sâwan. To Kâlu Bîr a young pig is offered, and wine poured on the
ground. Parihâr receives a sacrifice of fowls and cakes. In Oudh they
worship Hardeo or Hardaur Lâla, the cholera godling. His offering
consists of cakes, fruit, etc. To Kâlê Deo a goat is sacrificed, and a
pig to Miyân. Men alone join in this worship. Parched grain and milk
are offered to the household snake at the Nâgpanchami festival. They
respect the Sun and Moon, bow to them, but do not give them any special
worship. The ordinary low village Brâhmans act as their priests at
domestic ceremonies. They consume the animals they sacrifice, except
pigs, from which most abstain. They have the usual Hindu festivals—the
Phagua, Kajari and Dasami.
[Social habits and customs.] 9. The women wear nose rings (nathiya),
ear ornaments (karanphûl), necklaces, wristlets (dharkaua), arm
ornaments (bâju), and anklets (pairi, kara). Like other Hindus they
give two names to their children. They swear by the Ganges, on their
own heads, and on those of their sons. They believe in magic and
witchcraft, but do not practise these arts themselves. They will not
kill a cow, monkey, or squirrel; they will not touch a Bhangi, Dom,
Dhobi, or the wife of their younger brother or nephew. They drink
liquor freely, and eat the flesh of fowls, goats, deer, and sheep, but
not pork or beef. Men eat first, and women after them. They salute by
the form pailagi or the ordinary salâm; Brâhmans and Râjputs drink
water from their hands; Banyas eat pakki cooked by them; Chamârs and
other menials eat kachchi.
[Occupation.] 10. Their occupation is hunting and trapping birds. Those
who live by bird-catching are often known as Miskâr, said to be a
corruption of mîr shikâr, “head huntsman,” or mâskâr, “eater of meat.”
They have a most ingenious mode of trapping birds with a series of thin
bamboos, like a fishing rod, on which bird-lime (lâsa) is smeared. This
they push with great adroitness through the branches and leaves where a
bird is sitting, and entangle his wings and feathers. They make
excellent shikâris, and are noted for their skill in tracking game.
Some work in the Mirzapur lac factories, and a few cultivate as
non-occupancy tenants. They are a fine, active, manly race, but
notoriously untrustworthy.
DISTRIBUTION OF BAHELIYAS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
===============+===========================================+============+======
| Hindus. |Muhammadans.|Total.
District. +~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+ |
| Karaul. | Raghubansi.|Sûrajbansi.| Others.| |
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~
Sahâranpur | ... | ... | ... | 2 | ... | 2
Muzaffarnagar | ... | ... | ... | ... | 229 | 229
Meerut | ... | ... | ... | 20 | 4 | 62
Bulandshahr | ... | ... | ... | 38 | 12 | 50
Mathura | ... | ... | ... | 199 | 12 | 211
Agra | 354 | 80 | ... | 131 | ... | 565
Farrukhâbâd | 1,279 | 1,149 | ... | 655 | 21 | 3,104
Mainpuri | 753 | 414 | ... | 403 | 10 | 1,580
Etâwah | 325 | 630 | ... | 332 | 1 | 1,288
Etah | ... | 247 | ... | 47 | ... | 294
Bareilly | ... | ... | ... | 41 | 232 | 273
Bijnor | ... | ... | ... | 31 | ... | 31
Morâdâbâd | ... | ... | ... | 53 | 7 | 60
Shâhjahânpur | 251 | 2,108 | ... | 712 | ... | 3,071
Pilibhît | ... | 870 | ... | 132 | 116 | 1,118
Cawnpur | 2,482 | 33 | 5 | 456 | ... | 2,976
Fatehpur | 1 | ... | 132 | 162 | ... | 295
Bânda | ... | ... | 24 | 86 | ... | 110
Allahâbâd | 25 | 1 | 355 | 912 | 33 | 1,326
Jhânsi | ... | ... | 4 | 40 | ... | 44
Jâlaun | ... | ... | ... | 36 | ... | 36
Lalitpur | ... | ... | ... | 17 | ... | 17
Benares | 16 | ... | ... | 541 | 20 | 577
Mirzâpur | ... | ... | ... | 1,152 | 4 | 1,156
Jaunpur | ... | ... | ... | 322 | ... | 322
Ghâzipur | 11 | ... | ... | 80 | ... | 91
Ballia | ... | ... | ... | 1 | ... | 1
Gorakhpur | 2 | ... | 223 | 1,222 | 2 | 1,449
Basti | ... | 56 | 422 | ... | 205 | 683
Azamgarh | ... | ... | 30 | 256 | ... | 286
Tarâi | ... | ... | ... | 11 | 100 | 111
Lucknow | 19 | ... | 226 | 501 | 176 | 922
Unâo | ... | ... | ... | 151 | 143 | 294
Râê Bareli | ... | ... | ... | 524 | ... | 524
Sîtapur | ... | ... | 31 | 866 | 18 | 915
Hardoi | ... | ... | 203 | 136 | ... | 339
Kheri | ... | ... | ... | 617 | ... | 617
Faizâbâd | ... | ... | 923 | 408 | ... | 1,331
Gonda | 4 | ... | 86 | 956 | 171 | 1,217
Bahrâich | 44 | ... | 615 | 1,310 | 106 | 2,075
Sultânpur | ... | ... | 571 | 582 | ... | 1,153
Partâbgarh | ... | ... | 1,186 | 1,264 | ... | 2,450
Bârabanki | ... | ... | 262 | 237 | ... | 499
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~
Total | 5,566 | 5,588 | 5,298 | 15,642 | 1,660 |33,754
===============+=========+============+===========+========+============+======
Baidguâr.—A small Muhammadan caste shown at the last Census only in
Morâdâbâd (173) and Pilibhît (247). The information obtained about them
is not very precise; but there can be little doubt that they are an
off-shoot of the Baid Banjâras. It is said that formerly the Baid
followed the occupation of carrying grain on pack animals: while the
Guâr used to make hemp matting (tât), and tend cattle. Since their
conversion to Islâm they are known collectively as Baidguâr, but the
two divisions do not intermarry. The Census returns give their sections
as Baghâri, Chauhân, Mahrora, Nahar, Sadîqi, Shaikh, and Tomar.
Bairâgi.—(Sans. Vairâgya, “freedom from passion.”)—A term applied to a
sect of Hindu ascetics, which is often used in rather a vague sense. On
this sect Mr. Maclagan writes [192]:—“The worship of Râma and Krishna
is said to be of comparatively recent date; and Professor Wilson points
out that in the Sankara Vijaya, published by a pupil of Sankara
Achârya, the religious leader who is supposed to have lived in the
ninth or tenth century, no mention whatever is made of Râma or Krishna,
or Lakshmana or Hanumân. The popularity of this particular form of
worship is supposed to date from the time of the spread of the Râjput
power, which followed the overthrow of the Buddhist dynasties. The
various orders who attach themselves to the worship of Râma and Krishna
are generally known as Bairâgis. The appearance of these orders dates
from the period at which the worship of Râma and Krishna appears to
have been in the ascendant, and though primarily they have their origin
in the Dakkhin, their strength is, and has been, mainly in the
North-West Provinces, where the worship of Râma and Krishna has always
been strongest.
“The history of the Bairâgis commences with Ramânuja, who taught in the
south of India, and who is supposed to have lived in the eleventh and
twelfth centuries. But it is not till the time of Râmanand, that is
until the end of the fourteenth century, that the sect was in any way
powerful or important in Northern India; and, indeed, it is only to the
followers of Râmanand or his contemporaries that the term Bairâgi is
properly applied. The split occasioned by the secession of Râmanand
was, like most of the movements in modern Hinduism, a revulsion of the
more liberal Northern thinkers against the stricter doctrines of
Southern Hindustân. The sect founded by Râmanand was, nominally at
least, open to all castes, whereas previous to his time Brâhmans and
Kshatriyas alone were admitted, and many of his followers, who founded
important schools of doctrine, were men of the humbler classes. The
movement started by Râmanand was essentially popular, and the books
published by his adherents were written in the tongue of the people, no
longer in Sanskrit, but in Hindi—a departure which has been very
far-reaching in its results, and which has led in the Panjâb to a new
scripture, and a new national religion of a very clear and vigorous
type.”
[Divisions of the Bairâgis.] 2. At the last Census in these Provinces
the Bairâgis were classed in three great sub-divisions—Mâdhavachârya,
Nimâwat, and Râmanandi. On this Mr. Maclagan writes:—“The Bairâgis
have, however, been so far outdone by the newer sects which have sprung
from the original stock, that they may be now looked upon as
representing orthodox Hinduism, in contrast to the more independent
schools of thought. As a rule they venerate both Krishna and Râma, but
there are sections of them which pay more reverence to the one, and
others that pay more reverence to the other. There are always supposed
to have been four sections of Bairâgis, but it appears a little
uncertain what the four sections are. There are at least four
enumerations:—
“(a) Râmanandi; Nîmanandi; Vishnuswâmi; Mâdhavachârya.
“(b) Ramânuja; Mâdhavachârya; Vishnuswâmi; Nimikharakswâmi.
“(c) Râmanandi; Nimânuja; Mâdhavachârya; Vallabhachârya.
“(d) Râmanandi; Biganandi; Mâdhavachârya; Vishnuswâmi.
“In the Panjâb there are practically two main sections only, namely,
the Râmanandi and Nîmanandi, of whom the former are more specially
addicted to the worship of Râma, and the latter to that of Krishna.
They both hold a great feast on the death of a fellow devotee, and also
on the Râmnaumi, the day of the incarnation of Râmchandra, and on the
eighth day of Bhâdon, the incarnation day of Krishna. But the
Râmanandis study the Râmâyana, and look on Ajudhya and Râmnâth as
places of pilgrimage, while the Nîmanandis study the books relating to
Krishna, and consider Mathura, Brindâban and Dwârikanâth to be sacred
places. The forehead marks of the Râmanandis are in the form of a
trident, of which the two outer prongs are white, and the central one
white or red; while those of the Nîmanandis are two-forked only, and
entirely in white. The shape of the latter emblem is said to be derived
from the figures of the Narasinha Avatâra, and the Nîmanandis are
stated to be special worshippers of this incarnation.”
3. In these Provinces, according to one authority, [193] the four
primary orders of the Bairâgis are Ramânuji or Sri Vaishnava, Nîmâvat,
or Nimbârak, Vishnuswâmi and Mâdhavachârya; each of these orders is
called a samprâdaya or sect, and all four mesh together. Of the Sri
Vaishnava Mr. Growse [194] writes:—“The most ancient and respectable of
the four reformed Vaishnava communities is based on the teaching of
Ramânuja, who flourished in the eleventh or twelfth century A.D. Their
sectarial mark is two white perpendicular streaks down the forehead,
joined by a cross line at the root of the nose, with a streak of red
between. Their chief dogma, called Vasisthadwaita, is the assertion
that Vishnu, the one Supreme God, though invisible as cause, is as
effect visible in a secondary form in material creation. They differ in
one marked respect from the mass of the people at Brindâban,—in that
they refuse to recognise Râdhâ as an object of religious adoration. In
this they are in complete accord with all the older authorities, which
either totally ignore her existence, or regard her simply as Krishna’s
mistress, and Rukminî as his wife. Their formula of initiation (mantra)
is said to be Om Râmâya namah, i.e., “Om! Reverence to Râma!” This sect
(sampradâya) is divided into two sects, the Tenkalai and the Vadakalai.
[195] They differ in two points of doctrine, which, however, are
considered of much less importance than what seems to outsiders a very
trivial matter, viz., a slight variation in the way of making the
sectarial mark on the forehead. The followers of the Tenkalai extend
its middle line a little down the nose itself, while the Vadakalai
terminate it exactly at the bridge. The doctrinal points of difference
are as follows:—The Tenkalai maintain that the female energy of the
godhead, though divine, is still a finite creature that serves only as
a mediator or minister (parushakâra) to introduce the soul into the
presence of the Deity; while the Vadakalai regard it as infinite and
uncreated, and in itself a means (upâya) by which salvation can be
assured. The second point of difference is parallel to the controversy
between the Calvinists and Armenians in the Christian Church. The
Vadakalai, with the latter, insist on the concomitance of the human
will in the work of salvation, and represent that the soul lays hold of
God as a young monkey which grasps its mother in order to be conveyed
to a place of safety. The Tenkalai, on the contrary, maintain the
irresistibility of divine grace and the utter helplessness of the soul
till it is seized and carried off by its mother like a kitten to be
conveyed to a place of safety. From these two curious but apt
illustrations the one doctrine is known as markata kishora nyâya, the
other, as marjala kishora nyâya, the “young monkey theory,” or the
“kitten theory.”
[The Nimbârak sect.] 4. Of the Nimbârak Mr. Growse [196] writes:—“The
word means ‘the sun in a nîm tree,’ a curious designation which is
explained as follows:—The founder of the sect, an ascetic, by name
Bhaskarachârya, had invited a Bairâgi to dine with him, but
unfortunately delayed to fetch his guest until after sunset. Now the
holy man was forbidden by the rules of his order to eat except in the
daytime, and was greatly afraid that he would be compelled to practise
an unwilling abstinence; but at the solicitation of his host the Sun
God, Sûraj Nârâyan, descended from the Nîm tree, under which the repast
was spread, and continued beaming upon them until the claims of hunger
were fully satisfied. Thenceforth the saint was known by the name of
Nîmbarka or Nimaditya. Their doctrines, so far as they are known, are
of a very enlightened character. Thus their doctrine of salvation by
faith is thought by many scholars to have been directly derived from
the Gospel; while another article in their creed, which is less known
but is equally striking in its divergence from ordinary Hindu
sentiment, is the continuance of conscious individual existence in a
future world, when the highest reward of the good will be not
extinction, but in the enjoyment of the visible presence of the
divinity whom they have served while on earth: a state, therefore,
absolutely identical with heaven, as our theologists define it. The one
infinite and invisible God, who is the only real existence, is, they
affirm, the only proper object of man’s devout contemplation. But as
the incomprehensible is utterly beyond the reach of human faculties, He
is partially manifested for our behoof in the book of Creation, in
which natural objects are the letters of the universal alphabet, and
express the sentiments of the Divine Author. A printed page, however,
conveys no meaning to any one but a scholar, and is liable to be
misunderstood even by him; so, too, with the book of the world. And
thus it matters little whether Râdhâ and Krishna were ever real
personages, the mysteries of divine love which they symbolise remain
though the symbols disappear.”
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BAIRÂGIS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
=============+========+========+==========+=======+======
District. |Mâdhava |Nimâwat.|Râmanandi.|Others.|Total.
|Achârya.| | | |
~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~
Dehra Dûn | ... | ... | 530 | 139 | 669
Sahâranpur | ... | ... | ... | 43 | 43
Muzaffarnagar| ... | ... | 541 | 446 | 987
Meerut | ... | 156 | 1,586 | 2,396 | 4,138
Bulandshahr | ... | ... | 429 | 2,279 | 2,708
Aligarh | ... | ... | 974 | 3,183 | 4,157
Agra | 4 | ... | 496 | 1,259 | 1,769
Farrukhâbâd | ... | 12 | 60 | 233 | 305
Mainpuri | ... | 9 | ... | 89 | 98
Etâwah | ... | ... | 22 | 268 | 290
Etah | 1 | 1 | 35 | 160 | 197
Bareilly | ... | ... | 148 | 610 | 758
Bijnor | ... | ... | ... | 539 | 539
Budâun | ... | 2 | 120 | 397 | 519
Morâdâbâd | 3 | ... | 1 | 239 | 243
Shâhjahânpur | ... | ... | 241 | 600 | 841
Pilibhît | ... | 12 | 57 | 335 | 404
Cawnpur | ... | ... | 61 | 389 | 450
Fatehpur | ... | ... | 17 | 128 | 145
Bânda | 1 | ... | 52 | ... | 53
Hamîrpur | ... | ... | 45 | 163 | 208
Allahâbâd | 2 | 1 | 58 | 312 | 373
Jhânsi | ... | 3 | 58 | 109 | 170
Jâlaun | 2 | 28 | 22 | 183 | 234
Lalitpur | ... | 4 | 39 | 224 | 267
Benares | ... | ... | ... | 141 | 141
Mirzapur | ... | ... | 28 | 149 | 177
Jaunpur | ... | ... | ... | 204 | 204
Ghâzipur | ... | ... | 82 | 826 | 908
Ballia | ... | ... | ... | 257 | 257
Gorakhpur | ... | 33 | 295 | 1,122 | 1,450
Basti | ... | ... | 1 | 1,286 | 1,287
Azamgarh | ... | ... | ... | 9 | 9
Kumâun | ... | ... | ... | 25 | 25
Garhwâl | ... | ... | ... | 105 | 165
Tarâi | ... | ... | 24 | 24 | 48
Lucknow | ... | ... | 291 | 1,439 | 1,730
Unâo | ... | ... | 17 | ... | 17
Râê Bareli | ... | ... | 27 | 6 | 33
Sîtapur | ... | ... | 161 | 335 | 496
Hardoi | ... | ... | ... | 337 | 337
Kheri | ... | ... | 348 | 396 | 744
Faizâbâd | ... | ... | 1,474 | 543 | 2,017
Gonda | ... | ... | 877 | 64 | 941
Bahrâich | ... | ... | 19 | 201 | 220
Sultânpur | ... | ... | 47 | 69 | 116
~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~
Total | 13 | 261 | 9,283 |22,321 |31,878
=============+========+========+==========+=======+======
Bais.—(Sans. Vaishya, “one who occupies the soil”.)—A very important
and influential sept of Râjputs, widely distributed all over the
Province. Their legend is thus given by Sir C. Elliott [197]:—“The Bais
assert themselves to be descended from Sâlivâhana, the mythic son of a
snake who conquered the great Râja Vikramaditya, of Ujjain, and fixed
his own era in A.D. 55. About 1250 A.D. the Gautam Râja of Argal
refused to pay tribute to the Lodi King of Delhi, and defeated the
Governor of Oudh, who sent a force against him. Soon after this defeat,
the Râni, without his knowledge and without fitting escort, went
secretly to bathe, at Baghsar, in the Ganges, on the festival of the
new moon. Baghsar is close to Dundiya Khera. Sir H. M. Elliot places
the locale of this story at Allahâbâd; but the other is the tradition
current in Baiswâra, and seems more probable, because Baghsar is closer
to Argal, and is the nearest bathing place she could have gone to, and,
secondly, Allahâbâd being a much-frequented place of pilgrimage, she
would hardly have gone there in any case without an escort,
particularly as it was the head-quarters of the Muhammadan Governor.
The Governor of Oudh heard of her arrival and sent men to capture her.
Her escorts were dispersed, and she was on the point of being made
prisoner, when she lifted the covering of her litter and cried,—“Is
there no Chhatri who will rescue me from the barbarian, and save my
honour?” Abhay Chand and Nirbhay Chand, two Bais Râjputs, from
Mungipatan, heard her, and came to her rescue, beat off her assailants,
and guarded her litter till she arrived safely at her home in Argal, in
the Fatehpur District. Nirbhay Chand died of his wounds, but Abhay
Chand recovered, and the Râja, in gratitude for his gallant rescue,
gave him his daughter in marriage, and with her as dowry all the lands
on the north of the Ganges, over which the Gautam bore rule. He also
conferred on his son-in-law the title of Râo, which is still the
highest dignity among the Bais. Abhay Chand fixed his home in Dundiya
Khera, and the title and estates descended, in an unbroken line, to
Tilok Chand, the great eponymous hero of the clan, who are called after
him Tilok Chandi Bais, in contradistinction to other branches of the
same tribe. He lived about 1,400 A.D., and extended the Bais dominion
over all the surrounding country, and it is from his victories that the
limits of Baiswâra became definitively fixed. The tract is universally
said to include twenty-two Parganas, and though there is considerable
discrepancy in the various lists of these Parganas, which are furnished
from different quarters, the following list is probably correct:—
Râê Bareli and Unâo Districts:—Dundiya Khera, Unchhgâon, Kumhi, Bâr,
Kahanjar, Ghâtampur, Serhupur, Makraid, Dalmau, Bareli, Bihâr, Pathân,
Panhan, Sathanpur, Harha, Purwa, Morâwan, Sirwan, Asoha, Gorinda,
Parsandan.
Lucknow District:—Bijnaur.”
Tilok Chand was the premier Râja of Oudh, and his descendants are never
weary of telling stories of his almost divine and unequalled power. He
once turned the Kahârs, who carried his palanquin, into Râjputs; and
one account of the Bhâlê Sultân sept in Faizâbâd is that they were
Bâris, or link-boys, in his service.
[Origin.] 2. In Faizâbâd the Bais say that they came from Baiswâra
about five hundred years ago, and expelled the Bhars; but this story is
disbelieved by Mr. Carnegy [198] on the ground that there were few Bais
even in Baiswâra in those days. He believes the Faizâbâd colony to be
of local origin. They are divided into two great families, the Eastern
and the Western, who, though they eat together, recognise no
relationship, and retain the memory of bitter border warfare with each
other. The Pargana of Mangalsi is overrun by different independent Bais
colonies, the members of which say they came from the West (no one
knows from where) and expelled the Bhars two or three centuries or,
according to their pedigree tables, sixteen generations ago. There are
traditions of a Gautam (Sombansi) colony founded by Mangalsen, from
whom the Pargana takes its name, who is said to have been a cadet of
the great Fatehpur house of Argal. But the Gautams were long ago pushed
across the river Ghâgra. It is noteworthy that the Muhammadans, who
produce title deeds more than three hundred years old, declare that
Mangalsen was not a Gautam but a Bhar. Another curious fact is that
both the Muhammadans and the few Gautams who are left are shown by Mr.
Woodburn to pay the feudal tribute (bhent) to the Bais headmen. How
long they have done so is not very clear, but the conclusion from all
this is, according to Mr. Carnegy, that the local Bais are the
indigenous Bhars; that the Bhars became Bais about or after the
Muhammadan conquest; the Gautam footing was by marriage with the Bais,
and the Muhammadans succeeded to the Bais Bhars. These conclusions of
Mr. Carnegy must be received with some degree of caution. That the Bais
of the Faizâbâd District may have some admixture of indigenous blood is
more than probable; but at the same time that they have a large basis
of Râjput blood may be regarded as quite certain.
[Customs.] 3. Of the sept in Râê Bareli we read:—“The Bais clan differ
from all other Râjputs somewhat in their customs. Neither men nor
women, rich or poor, will put a hand to cultivation or labour of any
sort; the women wear one long cloth, which is fastened round their
waists about the middle, the lower folds covering the lower portions of
the person, and the upper parts being thrown over the shoulders. They
are supposed to be more addicted to the crime of infanticide than other
Râjputs, and they divide their inheritance according to a system of
primogeniture by which the three elder sons receive larger shares than
the younger ones.”
[Bais of Mainpuri.] 4. The Bais of Bewar, in the Mainpuri District, are
immigrants from Dundiya Khera, and as far back as 1391–92 A.D., in
concert with the Râthaurs, they created such a disturbance here that it
was found necessary to send out large bodies of Imperial troops to
quell them. Deoli, their chief seat in Barnahal, is mentioned in the
Târîkh-i-Mabârik Shâh as a very strong place, in the possession of
infidels, and as having been attacked and destroyed in 1420 A.D. by
Sultân Khizr Khân on his march from Koil to Etâwah. [199]
[Sâlivâhana.] 5. The tribal hero of the sept is Sâlivâhana. He appears
to have been an historical character, and has been identified by
General Cunningham [200] with Gotamiputra Satakarni of the Kanheri and
Nâsik inscriptions. The tradition is thus told by a writer in the Oudh
Gazetteer [201]:—“A son of the great world serpent was born under the
roof of a potter of Mûngi Pâtan, which, by one account, is on the
Narbada, and, by another, is on the Godâvari, in the Ahmadnagar
District, and early showed, by his wit and strength, that he was
destined to be a king. As a judge among his youthful companions, by
what would now be considered a simple process of cross-examination, he
excited the wonder of a people unaccustomed to law courts; and deserved
and received the same kind of honour that was accorded to Daniel by the
Jews of the Captivity after his successful investigation of the case of
Susanna and the Elders. His amusement was to make clay figures of
elephants, horses, and men-at-arms, and before he had well reached
manhood, he led his fictile army to do battle with the great King
Vikramaditya. When the hosts met, the clay of the young hero became
living brass, and the weapons of his enemies fell harmless on the hard
material. Vikramaditya fled and took refuge in a large temple of Siva,
whither he was pursued by Sâlivâhana. At the mere sound of the boy’s
voice the ponderous gates of the temple rolled back, and Vikramaditya
acknowledged his conqueror with appropriate homage. A reasonable
arrangement was made on the spot for the partition of the royal power,
and on the elder king’s death, Sâlivâhana became undisputed Râja of
India. Later in life he conquered the Panjâb and died and was buried at
Siâlkot.” This tradition of serpent origin is perpetuated in the tribal
tradition that “no snake has or ever can destroy one of the family.
They seem to take no precautions against the bite, except hanging a
vessel of water over the head of the sufferer, with a small tube in the
bottom, from which the water is poured on his head as long as he can
bear it.” [202] The cobra is in fact the tribal totem.
[Other Settlements of the Bais.] 6. The Farrukhâbâd story is that the
emigrants from Dundiya Khera were led by two brothers, Hansrâj and
Bachrâj, that they were first subject to the aboriginal Bhyârs, but
finally turned against them and established themselves in Sakatpur and
Saurikh, and also in a few villages across the Isan Nadi. [203] In
Budaun there are two sub-divisions, Chaudhari and Râê, so called from
the two sons of their traditional leader, Dalîp Sinh, of Baiswâra. They
dated their immigration in Basti only five or six generations before
Dr. Buchanan wrote. [204] In Gorakhpur some call themselves Nâgbansi,
and say that they are sprung from the nose of the mythical cow,
Kâmdhenu, which belonged to the Rishi Vasishtha. The Ghâzipur branch
claim descent from Baghel Râê, who came from Baiswâra fifteen
generations ago, and colonized the jungle. [205] Their emigration into
Rohilkhand is not placed earlier than the time of Akbar.
[Sub-divisions of the Bais.] 7. Numerous castes in the Faizâbâd and
Gonda Districts, such as the Gandhariyas, the Naipuriyas, the Barwârs,
and the Châhus, claim to have been originally Bais, while the equal
lengths of their pedigrees show that they were established in these
districts at about the beginning of the sixteenth century. There are,
besides, numerous families of small landowners in the east of Râê
Bareli, who call themselves Bharadih Bais, and whose want of any
tradition of emigration and peculiar religion distinguish them from the
pure Bais of the west. Another division is that of Bhîtariya and
Bâhariya or “the outer” and “the inner” Bais. [206] “The Brâhmans of
Sultânpur relate that Tilok Chand in his old age, like another king of
distinguished wisdom, supported the prodigious responsibility of an
establishment of three hundred wives, and became the father of a family
countless as the sands of the sea. The Princesses of Rîwa and Mainpuri,
to whom he had originally been married, disgusted by an association in
which the dignity of castes had not been respected, fled from his
castle and gave rise to a distinction between the Bais from within
(Bhîtariya) and the Bais from without (Bâhariya); those from without
being the offspring of pure Râjput blood, while those from within were
of contaminated lineage, and occupied a doubtful position in the castes
system.” But the most important distinction is between the Tilokchandi
Bais or the descendants of Tilok Chand, and Kath Bais, or “wooden”
Bais. Of these Colonel MacAndrew writes [207]:—“These call themselves
Tilokchandi Bais to distinguish them from the Kath Bais, who are
supposed to be the offspring of the real Bais by women of inferior
caste. The Tilokchandi Bais will neither eat nor intermarry with them.
An instance of this was exemplified the other day when the proposal was
made that the Bais should erect a bridge over the Sâi at Râê Bareli.
The Tilokchandis proposed that the Kath Bais should subscribe. The
latter at once expressed their willingness to do so, provided the
Tilokchandis would acknowledge them to be Bais by eating with them.
Nothing more was heard of the proposal that they should subscribe.” The
Tilokchandi Bais according to Sir H. M. Elliot, [208] are sub-divided
into four clans, Râo, Râwat, Naihatha, and Sainbansi, all of whom
profess to derive their rights from the Gautam Râja of Argal. He says
that beside the Tilokchandi, there are said to be no less than three
hundred and sixty sub-divisions of the Bais, the descendants of as many
wives of Sâlivâhana. Among these the most noted are the Tilsâri, Chak
Bais, Nânwag, Bhanwag, Bach, Parsariya, Patsariya, Bijhoniya,
Bhatkariya, Chanamiya, or Gargbans, but it may be doubted if these are
really Bais.
[Religion and social standing.] 8. There is nothing peculiar about the
religion of the Bais except their tribal worship of the snake, and
their reverence for a clan goddess, Mathotê, who is worshipped at the
Mathotepur fair, in the Sîtapur District. She became a Sati at the
death of her consort. The ordinary Bais give their daughters in
marriage, amongst others, to the Sengar, Bhadauriya, Chauhân,
Kachhwâha, Gautam, Parihâr, Dikhit and Gaharwâr Râjputs, and receive
daughters in marriage from the Banâphar, Janwâr, Khîchar, Raghubansi,
Raikwâr, Karchauli, and Gahlot. The Tilokchandi Bais ally themselves
only with septs of the bluest blood. The Bais in Faizâbâd take brides
from the Bachgoti, Bhâlê Sultân, Kalhans, and Kânhpuriya septs, and
they give their daughters to the Gaharwâr, Bisen, Sombansi, Bhadauriya,
Chauhân, and Kachhwâha septs. In Ballia they take wives from the
Ujjaini, Haihobans, Kinwâr, Nikumbh, Sengar, Kausik, Râghubansi,
Sûrajbansi, Bhrigubansi, Barhauliya, Gaharwâr, Gautam, Kâkan, Donwâr,
Jâdon, Kachhwâha, Chauhân, Bisen, Nâgbansi, Sakarwâr, Baghel, Sombansi,
Udmatiya, Solankhi, Chandel, Parihâr, and give brides to the Sirnet,
Râjkumâr, Drigbansi, Maunas, Kachhwâha, and, in rare cases, to the
Ujjaini. Their gotra is Bhâradwâja.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BAIS RÂJPUTS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
=============+=========+============+=========
District. | Hindus. |Muhammadans.| Total.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~
Dehra Dûn | 1 | 48 | 49
Sahâranpur | 185 | 65 | 250
Muzaffarnagar| 109 | 250 | 359
Meerut | 578 | ... | 578
Bulandshahr | 178 | 197 | 375
Aligarh | 707 | 11 | 718
Mathura | 231 | 16 | 247
Agra | 1,022 | 4 | 1,026
Farrukhâbâd | 6,688 | 10 | 6,698
Mainpuri | 4,073 | 5 | 4,078
Etâwah | 1,828 | 9 | 1,837
Etah | 2,050 | 80 | 2,130
Bareilly | 1,673 | 15 | 1,688
Bijnor | 678 | ... | 678
Budâun | 8,301 | 212 | 8,513
Morâdâbâd | 819 | 1 | 820
Shâhjahânpur | 1,111 | 173 | 1,284
Pilibhît | 315 | ... | 315
Cawnpur | 6,323 | 15 | 6,338
Fatehpur | 7,495 | 672 | 8,167
Bânda | 15,857 | 224 | 16,081
Hamîrpur | 14,285 | 24 | 14,309
Allahâbâd | 11,882 | 60 | 11,942
Jhânsi | 703 | ... | 703
Jâlaun | 1,133 | 21 | 1,154
Lalitpur | 1,097 | ... | 1,097
Benares | 11,225 | 125 | 11,350
Mirzapur | 5,844 | ... | 5,844
Jaunpur | 13,863 | 258 | 14,121
Ghâzipur | 6,329 | 375 | 6,704
Ballia | 9,334 | 59 | 9,393
Gorakhpur | 12,246 | 1,708 | 13,954
Basti | 5,873 | 9,954 | 15,827
Azamgarh | 24,730 | 2,091 | 26,821
Tarâi | 47 | ... | 47
Lucknow | 3,898 | 23 | 3,921
Unâo | 10,319 | 376 | 10,695
Râê Bareli | 27,022 | 1,141 | 28,163
Sîtapur | 3,887 | 309 | 4,196
Hardoi | 4,408 | 90 | 4,498
Kheri | 1,073 | 503 | 1,576
Faizâbâd | 18,126 | 1,734 | 19,860
Gonda | 55 | 146 | 201
Bahrâich | 3,896 | 1,239 | 5,135
Sultânpur | 6,447 | 2,514 | 8,961
Partâbgarh | 8,339 | 560 | 8,899
Bârabanki | 12,171 | 1,254 | 13,425
~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~
Total | 278,454 | 26,571 | 305,025
=============+=========+============+=========
Baiswâr.—A tribe found in the hill country of Mirzapur, whose origin is
doubtful. Their own account is that they are Râjputs of the famous Bais
stock of Dundiya Khera, [209] and that two brothers being condemned to
death by the Râja escaped into Rîwa, where the Râja gave them estates.
For the last eight or nine generations they have been migrating into
Mirzapur. They admit that they are now endogamous, and have no
connection with Baiswâra. Their tribal worship is conducted at a temple
of Bhawâni, in Bardi, the south eastern division of Rîwa abutting on
Mirzapur. It is very doubtful if they have really any Râjput blood. In
appearance they are dark, and have much of the characteristic look of
the Dravidian races by whom they are surrounded.
[Tribal organization.] 2. Besides this, their sub-divisions, some of
which are totemistic, point to a non-Aryan origin. The Khandit take
their name from the sword (Khanda), which they hold in great respect.
The Bansit respect the bamboo (bâns), from which they say the ancestor
of this sept was produced. These, they say, are the two original septs,
out of which the remaining five have been derived. The Chaudharis are
said to be the offspring of a connection between a Kurmi man and a
Baiswâr woman. The Bannait say they are so called because they were
residents in the forest. The remaining three septs—Rautiha,
Sohâgpuriha, and Piparaha—are said to take their names from three
villages in which they settled in Bundelkhand, Revati, Sohâgpur, and
Pipara. The Khandit is the most respectable sept, and the others by the
rule of hypergamy pay to get wives from them. The septs are exogamous
in theory, but apparently the rule is not certain. When one daughter
has been married into a family other daughters are, if possible,
married into the same family, but this is not the case with sons. The
tribal council (panchâyat) is presided over by a headman (mahto), who
is of the Khandit sept. The offence of adultery is dealt with much less
severely than that of eating with another caste. The tribal punishments
are to give seven recitations of parts of the Bhâgavata, to bathe in
the Ganges, or to undertake a pilgrimage to Benares, Prayâg, or
Mathura. Polygamy is allowed, but monogamy is the rule. The head wife
alone joins in family worship. Concubinage and polyandry are
prohibited. The marriage age for boys or girls is ten or twelve. There
is no purchasing of brides, but her relations have to give a dowry, and
it is considered discreditable not to provide this to a suitable
amount. Adultery in husband or wife, and eating or smoking with a
strange caste, are grounds for divorce. A divorced woman cannot
re-marry. Widow marriage in the sagâi form is allowed. The only
ceremony is that with a recitation of the Satya Nârâyana the clothes of
the pair are knotted together in the presence of the clansmen. Widow
marriage outside the family is allowed only if the levir does not claim
his sister-in-law under the usual restrictions. Adoption and succession
are recognized under the usual local rules of Hindu law.
[Domestic ceremonies, Birth and Marriage.] 3. The mother after birth is
attended for six days by the Chamâin midwife, and then for six days by
the barber’s wife. On the twelfth day the usual ceremony of
purification is performed. The husband is debarred from cohabitation
with his wife for six months after birth. When the child is able to
walk, the ear-boring ceremony is performed, and after that the child
must eat according to caste rules. Marriages are arranged by the family
priest (purohit) and barber. When the proposal is accepted the envoys
get a feast (bhâji) in the house of the bride. The betrothal is
confirmed by the ceremony of marking (tîka) the forehead of the
bridegroom by the father or one of the male relatives of the bride.
Next day her envoys (tilakahru) after being entertained return home.
Five days before the wedding is the matmangar, which is performed in
the usual way, [210] except that after worshipping the drum of the
Chamâr, which is carried in the women’s procession, by marking it with
red lead, the earth is dug by the oldest woman in the family, and
carried by her and placed in the marriage shed. In the centre of the
shed is fixed a branch of the sacred cotton tree (semal), and near it
the holy water vessel (kalsa) is placed on a mound formed of the sacred
earth. The usual anointing of bride and bridegroom, which is started by
the Pandit, follows. A day before the wedding is the mantri pûja. In a
special room some lumps of cowdung are fixed on the wall, and in them
some blades of the dûb grass, mango leaves, and a bit of yellow cloth
are fastened. On these the bridegroom pours a little butter, and then
the worship of the sword (kharag) is done. A relative of the bride
holds the sword in both his hands, and the bridegroom’s mother marks it
with a mixture of ground rice and turmeric. Then an earthen pot full of
sesamum grain is broken with the handle of the sword, and the grain
scattered: an emblem, it is said, of the manner in which the enemies of
the bridegroom who may dare to interfere with his marriage are to be
scattered abroad. The sword is then placed in the middle of the
marriage shed, an obvious survival of marriage by capture. After this a
goat is sacrificed to the sword. In the evening there is a general
feast known as bhatwân. This consists of rice and pulse, and must
include cakes made of the urad pulse (bara). Before the bridegroom
starts for the bride’s house he is bathed by the barber, and the water
thus used is collected in a vessel and taken to the bride’s house,
where it is mixed with that in which the bride is bathed. As the
bridegroom starts his mother does the usual wave ceremony (parachhan)
over him. At the bride’s village they are met by her friends, led by
the barber, who brings a yellow cloth, which he lays on the roof of the
bridegroom’s litter. At the bride’s door the bridegroom sits in a
square and worships Gauri and Ganesa, which concluded, his future
father-in-law marks his forehead with curds and rice. After this, food
(kalewa) is sent from the bride’s house for the bridegroom and the boys
with him, and in return his father sends five articles of jewellery for
the bride, and a sheet (sâri) for her and her mother. With this is sent
the water in which the bridegroom has been bathed. The bride is bathed
in this and dressed in the sheet and jewels. The bridegroom then comes
to the marriage shed, where his father-in-law washes his feet, and
seats him in the square (chauk) on his left hand, while the bride sits
on her father’s right hand. The pair then worship the household gods,
of whom images are made in dough, and both mark the water jar and the
branch of the cotton tree with red lead. Their clothes are knotted
together, and they do the usual five revolutions round the cotton tree,
while the bridegroom holds a winnowing fan (sûp) into which the bride’s
brother pours a little parched rice each time as they go round. The
bride sprinkles this grain on the ground out of the fan, and both
retire into the retiring room (kohabar), the walls of which are
decorated. There his mother-in-law takes off the bridegroom’s crown
(maur) and gives him a present. Next day follows the confarreatio
ceremony (khichari), which is done in the usual way. Next day the
bridegroom takes home his bride, but before he starts his father goes
and shakes down one of the poles of the marriage shed, for which he
gets a present (mânro hilâi). On the fourth day after they return the
ceremony ends by the barber’s wife taking the sacred jar (kalsa) and
the festoons (bandanwâr) of the marriage shed, and throwing them into a
neighbouring stream. On their return husband and wife offer a burnt
sacrifice (homa) to the local gods (dih).
[Death.] 4. The dead are cremated in the standard Hindu form. After the
cremation all the mourners touch fire with the eight parts of their
bodies, and sit for an hour in silence with the chief mourner. Next
morning the chief mourner goes to the pyre, collects the ashes, and
throws them into an adjoining stream. They set up an earthen vessel on
a pîpal tree through which water drops for the refreshment of the
thirsty spirit. While in the state of impurity, the chief mourner is
armed with a stick, pointed with iron, to enable him to keep off
ghosts. Every day he lays out food for the ghost along the road to the
cremation ground. On the tenth day he offers lumps of rice and milk,
which he throws into a tank, and all the mourners shave. On the
eleventh day the Mahâpâtra receives all the personal effects of the
dead man, which he is supposed to pass on to the deceased in the land
of the dead. On the twelfth day the chief mourner offers sixteen balls
(pinda) to ancestors, and returning, feasts the Mahâpâtra and gives him
a cow and a loin cloth. On the thirteenth day Brâhmans are fed. During
the fortnight (pitri-paksha), sacred to the manes, in the month of
Kuâr, the ground under the eaves of the house is plastered, and some
water and a tooth brush stick is left out; and flowers and rice are
scattered about for the use of the dead visitors. On the fifteenth day
of Kuâr Brâhmans are feasted.
[Religion.] 5. They principally worship Devi through Brâhmans. The
local gods (dih) they worship through the Baiga with sacrifices of pigs
and goats.
[Superstitions.] 6. Their superstitions are similar to those of the
surrounding castes. They swear by touching their sons’ heads, the feet
of a Brâhman, the tail of a cow, or by standing in running water. They
believe in the Evil-eye, which is obviated by an Ojha blowing on some
dust, and sprinkling it over the person attacked, and repeating
appropriate spells (mantra).
[Taboos.] 7. Very few drink liquor: none eat beef or pork. They will
not touch the wife of a younger brother or the wife of an elder
brother-in-law. They will not eat the flesh of the lizard, alligator,
snake, jackal, or rat. The women eat separate from the men.
[Status.] 8. They rank as respectable high caste Hindus. They are
either landholders or tenants with occupancy rights. They dress and
wear ornaments like ordinary Râjputs, and among the low tribes around
them their claim to that rank is generally accepted.
Bâjgi. [211]—A tribe of musicians found in the lower ranges of the
Hills. They are possibly akin to the Nats. The name of the tribe is
derived from Hindi bajâna, “to play a musical instrument.” In Dehra Dûn
they consider themselves indigenous to the district.
[Marriage rules.] 2. They have several exogamous gotras, and are not
allowed to marry in their own gotra, or in the family of the maternal
uncle, until at least two generations have passed since the last
connection by marriage. A man may have as many wives as he can support.
Widows of the tribe may be married in the karâo form. Marriages take
place when the parties attain the age of puberty. The parents and
guardians of the boy have to pay a bride price which varies from forty
to fifty rupees, and the price rises according to the youth and beauty
of the bride. If a marriage is annulled after consummation, and she
marries another man she has to repay the bride price, or as much of it
as the tribal council award as compensation to the first husband.
Children by a karâo marriage rank equally for inheritance with the
offspring of a regular marriage. It has been asserted that the rule of
the levirate is so far relaxed that the widow can be claimed by the
elder as well as by the younger brother of her late husband; but this
assertion is in such direct opposition to the practice current among
allied tribes that it is probably incorrect.
[Birth.] 3. There are no ceremonies during pregnancy. The women act as
midwives to their own people as well as to other castes; and they have
no custom of adoption, initiation, or betrothal.
[Marriage.] 4. The marriage ceremonies are of the most simple type. The
boy’s father pays the bride price, and forthwith takes the girl home;
and the marriage is recognised when a few of the clansmen have been
fed.
[Death.] 5. Persons who die of cholera, small-pox, or snake-bite, are
buried, because they are supposed to be under the direct influence of
the deities who rule these diseases, and no purification by fire is
necessary. Persons who die a natural death in other ways are cremated.
They do not use a regular pyre, but make a thatch of bamboos, and under
it light some wood; when the fire is well alight they put on it the
body, covered with a white cloth, and let it burn. They have no special
cremation places, but consume the corpse wherever it is most
convenient, and pay no regard to the ashes, which are left on the site
of the cremation.
[Impurity.] 6. Women remain impure after childbirth for seven days, and
the person who sets fire to the pyre for three days. As long as a woman
has not given birth to a child she is considered impure during her
menses; but once she is a mother her menstruation is disregarded, and
she is not kept apart or prevented from doing her ordinary house work.
[Religion.] 7. Bâjgis consider themselves to be Hindus. They chiefly
reverence Devi, and her worship is carried on by a tribal subscription
with which goats, rams, and spirits are bought and used in sacrifice. A
little of the blood and spirits is poured upon the ground, and the rest
is consumed by the worshippers. They have no priests or temples, but
each household has a shelf, on which is placed a trident (trisûl) with
an iron lamp and an earthenware vessel containing some beads, which
represent the goddess. These articles serve as a representation of Nâga
Râja, the serpent godling, who is regarded as their tribal deity. Nâga
Râja is a most powerful godling, and, unless he is propitiated, brings
misfortune, disease, and death. The special offering to Nâga Râja and
Devi is a goat, while Nar Sinh Deo is worshipped with the sacrifice of
fowl. Any adult member of the tribe may make these offerings.
[Festivals.] 8. They have only two festivals, the Naurâtra and the
Basant Panchami. Some of them regard Makar-ki-Sankrânt, or the passage
of the sun into the sign of Capricornus, a holiday. On these days they
eat meat and drink spirits. Of ancestor worship they know little; but
they are, like similar races, in great dread of the spirits of the
departed, and do not care to say much about them. Like the Doms of
Dehra Dûn, they keep in their houses, as a sort of household guardian,
some rude wooden images representing the five Pândavas—Yudhishthira,
Bhîma, Arjuna, Nakula and Sahadeva. They know little of omens.
[Oaths.] 9. Their chief oath is on the cow; in less serious cases they
swear on the bamboo. The violation of an oath is believed to cause the
death of the eldest son of the perjurer.
[Demonology.] 10. They have the usual beliefs characteristic of races
in the same phase of culture regarding dreams, the Evil-eye, and
demoniacal possession, leading to disease and death.
[Social rules.] 11. They will not eat beef; but as to any other kind of
food they have no scruples. Men and women eat apart. They will eat
pakki and kachchi from any one but a Dom or a Chamâr. No other caste
will eat or drink from their hands.
[Occupation.] 12. Their occupation is singing and dancing, and their
women, as has been said already, act as midwives.
Bâlâhar, Bulâhar.— [212] A tribe found in parts of the Duâb and
Bundelkhand. The name seems to mean “crier” or “summoner” (Hindi,
bulâna, “to call”). In Cawnpur they are also known as Domar or Basor,
which connect them with Doms and Bânsphors and Toraiha, because part of
their business is to blow the long trumpet or “cholera horn” (turi,
turai, turhi) at weddings. In Cawnpur they have four exogamous
septs—Suyador, Laungbasa, Kudkaha, and Banha—of the meaning of which
they can give no explanation.
The Census returns record 85 sections. Many of these are taken from
well-known tribes, such as Baghel, Bais, Bâhman Gaur, Chamar Gaur,
Khatîk; others are of local origin, like Abâdpura, Baksariya,
Indauriya, Purabiya. Curiously enough they do not seem to have retained
the distinctively totemistic sections of the Doms, Bânsphors, and
Basors.
[Marriage rules.] 2. Besides the rule that a man cannot marry within
his sept he cannot marry in a family which is known to be descended
from the same parents as his own, or which can be traced to a common
ancestor. He cannot marry in the family of his maternal uncle or of his
father’s sister. He cannot marry two sisters at the same time, but he
can marry the younger sister of his deceased wife.
[Traditions.] 3. Their traditions show clearly that they are a branch
of the great Dom tribe, and they refer their origin to Sûpa Bhagat,
who, in Bengal, is regarded more as the Guru than the progenitor of the
Doms.
[Marriage.] 4. Marriage is both infant and adult. Sexual license before
marriage is neither recognised nor tolerated. Polyandry is repudiated;
polygamy without any condition or limit is allowed. They marry by the
ordinary low caste form. Widows are married by the form known as Dola
or Dharauna. The levirate, on the usual conditions, is recognised; but
it is not compulsory on the widow to marry the younger brother of her
late husband. At the Dola marriage the binding part of the ceremony is
the feast to the brethren. A woman can be turned out of the house for
infidelity, and this is the only form of divorce. A divorced woman can
marry again like a widow.
[Religion.] 5. They are not initiated into any sect, but are commonly
classed as Sâktas. Their tribal godling is Jakhaiya, to whom pigs are
offered on a Monday. On Monday and Friday goats are sacrificed to Devi.
There appears to be no worship special to women and children.
[Death ceremonies.] 6. Some of them bury and some burn the dead. The
corpse is buried with the feet to the south. When cremation is
performed the ashes are thrown into some river. They have no particular
ceremony to appease the spirits of the dead. Some of them do the
ordinary srâddha.
[Occupation.] 7. Their occupation is to act as village messengers
(gorait). They blow the long trumpet at marriages and festivals. Some
make bamboo baskets; some are pure village menials, and work in
consideration of receiving a small patch of rent-free land.
[Social rules.] 8. They eat meat and drink spirits. They practically
eat anything, even the leavings of other people. They will eat kachchi
only with their own castes; they take pakki from sweepers. No other
caste will touch anything from their hands.
DISTRIBUTION OF BALÂHARS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
Mathura 509
Cawnpur 1,428
Hamîrpur 105
Jâlaun 317
~~~~~
Total 2,359
Balâi, Balâhi [213].—A tribe of weavers and labourers in the Central
Duâb. They have no exogamous or endogamous divisions. They marry only
in their own caste, but not in the gotra of their mother or
grandmother. They can marry two sisters. There is no prohibition of
marriage based on social position, occupation, or sectarial belief.
They say themselves that they are the descendants of Panwâr Râjputs,
and that their original home is Kota Bûndi and Bikâner. They are
settled and not nomadic. They do not admit outsiders into the caste.
Marriage is both infant and adult, and sexual license both before and
after marriage is not tolerated. Polyandry is prohibited, and polygamy
to the extent of two wives is allowed.
[Marriage.] 2. The marriage is celebrated in the usual way, and the
binding part of it is the seven perambulations (bhanwar) round the
sacred fire. A Brâhman priest officiates. Marriage under the form known
as Dharaicha is also permitted. This is the form used in widow
marriage. The widow can, if she please, live with the younger brother
of her late husband; but she can, if she chooses, marry an outsider to
the family, and her right of choice is fully recognized. A woman can be
expelled for infidelity, and she has the right of appeal to the tribal
council. Such a divorced woman can marry again by the Dharaicha form.
[Religion.] 3. They are Hindus of the Vaishnava sect, and their chief
god is Bhagwân. They worship Hanumân every Tuesday and Saturday, and
Devi in the months of Chait and Kuâr. Zâhir Pîr is venerated on the
ninth of the first half of Bhâdon. The offerings consist of flowers,
sweetmeats, fruits, etc., and after presentation they are consumed by
the worshippers. They employ Brâhmans as priests who do not incur any
social discredit by serving them.
[Disposal of the dead.] 4. The dead are cremated. Poor people leave the
ashes at the pyre; wealthier people send them to the Ganges. They
perform the usual annual srâddha in the month of Kuâr.
[Occupation.] 5. Weaving is their main occupation, but some of them
work as masons and day-labourers.
[Social rules.] 6. They eat pork and flesh of cloven-footed animals,
except the cow. They drink spirits. They will not eat the flesh of
monkeys, fish, fowls, crocodiles, lizards, snakes, rats or other
vermin, or the leavings of other people. The lowest well known caste
with which the caste will eat pakki is the Nâi. They eat kachchi cooked
by Kâyasths, Gûjars or Ahîrs.
Bâm-Mârgi.—(Sans. Vâma-mârgi, “the left hand path”).—The notorious left
hand or Sâkti sect, which presents one of the most degraded forms of
modern Hinduism. On these Sir Monier Williams [214] writes:—“It can
scarcely be doubted that Sâktism is Hinduism arrived at its worst and
most corrupt stage of development. To follow out the whole process of
evolution would not be easy. Suffice it to say that just as Hinduism
resolved itself into two great systems, Saivism and Vaishnavism, so the
adherents of these two systems respectively separated into two great
classes. The first are now called “followers of the right hand path”
(Dakshina-mârgis). These make the Purânas their real Veda (Nigama), and
are devoted to either Siva or Vishnu in their double nature as male and
female. But they do not display undue preference for the female or
left-hand side of the deity; nor are they addicted to mystic or secret
rites. The second class are called “followers of the left-hand path”
(Vâma-mârgis). These make the Tantras their peculiar Veda (Agama),
tracing back their doctrines to the Kaula Upanishad, which is held to
be the original authority for their opinions, whence their system is
called Kaula as well as Sâkta, and they call themselves Kaulikas.
2. “And it is these left-hand worshippers who, I repeat, devote
themselves to the exclusive worship of the female side of Siva and
Vishnu; that is the goddess Durga or Kâli (Amba Devi) rather than to
Siva; to Râdha rather than to Krishna; to Sîta rather than to Râma; but
above all to Amba or Devi, the mother goddess, sometimes confounded
with Siva’s consort, but rather, in her more comprehensive character,
the great power (Sakti) of Nature, the one mother of the Universe
(Jaganmâta, Jagadamba), the mighty mysterious force, whose function is
to direct and control two quite distinct operations; namely, first, the
working of the natural appetites and passions, whether for the support
of the body by eating and drinking, or for the propagation of living
organisms through sexual cohabitation; secondly, the acquisition of
supernatural faculties (Siddhi), whether for man’s own individual
exaltation or for the annihilation of his opponents.”
The sect devotes itself to what are technically known as the five Ms.
which are named in the verse,—
Madyam mânsam cha minam cha mudrâ maithun mewa cha;
Êtê pânch makârasyur mokshadâ hi yuge yuge.
“Wine, fish, flesh, enjoyment and cohabitation—these are the givers of
salvation in every age.” For each of these there is a slang or
technical term. Thus wine is tîrtha or “pilgrimage;” flesh, sudhi or
“pure;” fish, pushpa or “flowers;” mudra is chaturthi or “fourth;” and
cohabitation, panchami or “fifth.” Their principal form of worship is
known as Bhairavi chakra or “the wheel of Bhairava;” and they assert
that whoever takes part in it becomes for the time a Brâhman. A jug of
spirits is placed within the figure of a triangle or quadrangle, and
worshipped with the mantra, Brahm shapam bimocha tha—“O wine! thou art
free from the curse of Brahma.” Again the secret form of the ritual
consists in the worship of a naked woman, and similarly, a naked man is
worshipped by the women. A vessel is filled with water and a large dish
with meat, and the leader, the wine cup in his hand, says, Bhairavoham
Sivoham, “I am Bhairava and Siva.” He drinks first, and all the
congregation does the same. A man and woman stand naked with swords in
their hands, and are worshipped. The pair are supposed to represent
Devi and Mahâdeva. Then follows indiscriminate license, and the
subsequent ritual takes even more disgusting forms. To free themselves
from the risk of subsequent transmigration, they perform a particular
charm (prayoga), which consists in placing bottles of liquor at
separate places in the house and drinking till intoxication results.
The mantra of initiation is said to be Dam Durge namah, or Bham
Bhairavâya namah, “I salute Durga. I salute Bhairava.” In Bengal they
also use the mystic formula Hrin, Srin, Klin. Another of their mystic
formulas is Hram, hrim, hrum, bagala muhhai phat swâha, or Hum phat
swâha. The charm to kill an enemy is to make an image of flour or earth
and stick razors into the breast, navel and throat, with pegs in the
eyes, hands and feet. Then they make an image of Bhairava or Durga,
holding a three-pronged fork (trisûl) in the hand, and place it so
close to the image of the person to whom evil is intended that the fork
pierces its breast. A fire sacrifice is made with meat and a charm
recited, which runs—“Kill, kill; estrange, and make him hated of all;
make him subservient to my will; devour him, consume him, break him,
destroy him; make my enemies obey me.” At one time they were supposed
to make human sacrifices to Kâli, and the records of our Criminal
Courts show that such practices have not entirely ceased. In this they
are closely connected with the Aghoris, who eat human flesh. One
division of them the Choli-mârgi, make the women place their boddices
(choli) in a jar, and thus allot them by chance to the male
worshippers. Of another, the Bîjmârgi, the bestiality of the ritual
defies description.
3. There seems, unhappily, reason to believe that this brutal form of
so-called worship is spreading in Upper India under the example of
Bengâli immigrants, who have introduced it from its head-quarters in
Bengal. At the last census, 1,576 persons avowed themselves worshippers
of the left-hand path.
Banâphar.—A famous sept of Yadubansi Râjputs confined almost entirely
to the Bundelkhand country now included in the Allahâbâd and Benares
Divisions. According to their own account they derive their name from
their ancestor, a certain Rishi who used to live on the wild fruits of
the jungle (vanaphala). Their original settlement is said to have been
Orai and Chausa, in the Jâlaun District. The story of their emigration
to Mahoba is thus told:—Two men of the tribe once went into the forest
to hunt; their names were Jasar and Sorhar. They came upon two buffalos
fighting, and as they watched the combat two Ahîr girls came up, and by
main force separated the furious animals. The Thâkurs were so pleased
with the bravery and strength of the girls that they took them to wife.
Their sons were the famous Alha and Udal, whose adventures form the
subject of the great Bundelkhand epic. They are the heroes of the
famous war between the Chandels and Chauhâns. In the course of this
campaign the Chauhân chieftain, Prithivi Râja, conquered the King of
Mahoba, Paramarddi Deva, or Parmal, as he is familiarly called by the
bard Chand, and the later annalists at a battle at Sirswagarh, on the
Pahoj, or at Bairagarh near Orai. [215] The names of the Ahîr girls,
their mothers, are said to have been Devala and Brahma. When the Râja
found that his men had contracted a low marriage with Ahîrins they were
turned out of caste, and took service with Parmal of Mahoba. [216] At
that time Mahoba was besieged by the hosts of the Râja of Jambudwîpa,
one of the seven islands or continents of which the world is made up,
having Mount Meru for its centre and including Bharata-varsha or India.
The Banâphar heroes drove back the enemy, and were rewarded by the gift
of an estate known as the Daspurwa, or ten hamlets. Subsequently two
other Banâphar soldiers of fortune, Râma Sinh and Dhana Sinh, came to
Benares from Chausa and took service with Bandâl, the Râja of Benares.
They rose in his favour, and by and by proposed to him to attack and
expel the Bhar Râja of Kantit, in the Mirzapur District. For this
purpose they invited some of their relations and made them take service
with the Bhar Râja. According to the stock legend which explains the
conquest of the Aborigines by the Aryan invaders, they drugged the
liquor of the Bhars and overcame them while sunk in drunken sleep. Thus
Râja Bandâl acquired the territories of the Bhars. Bandâl conferred on
the Banâphar warriors the villages of Râjpur and Hariharpur. Dânu Sinh
succeeded Bandâl, and held Dhana Sinh in high favour. One day the Râja
was at his devotions and a kite dropped a morsel of flesh on him,
whereupon Dhana Sinh killed it with his arrow. This so pleased the Râja
that he conferred more estates upon him. These have been gradually lost
until the sept now hold a very inconsiderable landed property in the
Benares Division.
2. The Banâphars hold only a moderately respectable rank among Râjputs.
In Jâlaun they will, it is said, take brides by the dola form from all
the poor Râjputs of the District, and receive the bride price. They
marry their sons to the girls of the Bais, Gautam, Dikhit, and Bisen
septs. In Hamîrpur they profess to belong to the Kasyapa gotra, and
give brides to the Gautam, Dikhit Bais, and Chandel, while they take
wives from the Nandwâni, Bâhman Gaur, and Bais. In Bânda they give
brides to the Dikhit, Gautam, Gaur, and Kachhwâha; and take girls of
the Panwâr Bais, Dikhit, and Sombansi septs.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BANÂPHAR RÂJPUTS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
=============+=======
District. |Number.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Mathura | 8
Farrukhâbâd | 3
Mainpuri | 15
Etah | 1
Shâhjahânpur | 36
Pilibhît | 8
Cawnpur | 123
Bânda | 510
Hamîrpur | 828
Allahâbâd | 340
Jhânsi | 34
Jâlaun | 722
Lalitpur | 59
Benares | 1,447
Mirzapur | 191
Ghâzipur | 629
Ballia | 473
Azamgarh | 35
Lucknow | 1
Râê Bareli | 2
~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Total | 5,465
=============+=======
Banarwâr, Bandarwâr.—A sub-caste of Banyas found principally in the
Benares Division. They have thirty-six sections, which are thus given
in Mirzapur—Mâlhan, Sothiyân, Sanbhariya, Abakahon, Rupiya, Katariya,
Patsariya, Thagwariya, Manihariya, Narihiya, Nakthariya, Khatwatiya,
Khelaniya, Burbak, Manipariya, Jhatwatiya, Purwar, Deriya, Puriya,
Kalyâniya, Dhângar, Sonmukhiya, Chaudhariya, Sethiyân, Bairah,
Naiphiriya, Katholiya, Beriya, Kakariya, Badana, Kasauliya, Lohkhariya,
Panchlatiya, Dhenk, Bajâj, Motariya, and lastly those who have no
knowledge of their gotra call themselves Akâsh Bhânwari. These sections
marry indiscriminately. They are often initiated into the Râmanandi
sect of Vaishnavas. To the East they worship, as a sort of fetish
(apparently from some fancied connection of name), the bandi or chain
worn by women on the forehead. To this on the day of the Nâgpanchami
they offer prayers, cakes (pûri), usually one hundred and eight in
number, and garlands of flowers. They worship Mahâbîr and the
Pânchonpîr in the usual way. Their priests are Tiwâri Brâhmans who are
said to serve the royal family of Rîwa. They make their living as
brokers, and by selling brass vessels, cloth, money-changing and
similar mercantile business. Those who live towards the North eat meat,
but the others do not. Drinking is prohibited. They eat pakki cooked by
Brâhmans, Kshatriyas and Vaisyas. They will eat kachchi cooked only by
members of their own sub-caste. Some Brâhmans, and Kshatriyas will eat
pakki cooked by them. Kahârs and Nâis will eat kachchi cooked by them.
Bandhalgoti; Bandhugoti; Bandhilgoti; Banjhilgoti.—A sept of Râjputs
found principally in Sultânpur, of whose origin there are at least
three different accounts. First.—Their own tribal legend, according to
which they are “Sûrajbansi by origin and belong to the particular
branch of the clan now represented by the Râja of Jaypur. About nine
hundred years ago Sûda Râê, a scion of that illustrious house, leaving
his home in Narwargarh, set out on a pilgrimage to the holy city of
Ajudhya. His route lay across the Amethi Pargana, in the Sultânpur
District, where, near the present village of Râêpur, half overgrown
with tangled weeds and briars, a shrine of Devi suddenly presented
itself to his view. The Bhars then held sway and few vestiges remained
anywhere of Hindu places of worship; so the pious pilgrim resolved to
tarry a while near the one accident had brought him to. Having
performed his devotions, he lay down to rest, and in his slumbers saw a
vision of the goddess of the fane, who disclosed to him the lofty
destiny ordained for him and his descendants; they were to become
hereditary lords of the territory in which he was then a temporary
sojourner. Prepared to further to his utmost the fulfilment of so
interesting a prophecy, he determined henceforth to abide in his future
domains, and relinquishing his uncompleted pilgrimage, entered into the
service of the Bhar chieftain. His innate worth soon manifested itself
in many ways, and secured his elevation to the post of minister. His
Bhar master now designed, as a crowning mark of favour, to bestow upon
him his daughter in marriage; but a Sûrajbans, though he might
condescend to serve a barbarian, might not sully his lineage by a
mésalliance, and Sûda Râê contemptuously refused the proferred honour.
The Bhar chief, in offended pride, at once deprived him of his office
and he returned to Narwargarh. But his mind was ever occupied with
thoughts of the promised land; he collected a picked body of followers
and marched against Amethi. The Bhars were defeated with great
slaughter, and the Sûrajbans occupied their territory. Sûda Râê
established a fort on the spot where he had seen the prophetic vision,
and included therein the ruined shrine in grateful commemoration of the
divine interposition of his fortunes which occurred there. After the
lapse of a few generations, the line of Sûda Râê threatened to become
extinct, for the sixth in descent remained childless in his old age. In
the village of Kurmu, however, resided Kanak Muni, one of those saints
of irresistible piety. To him Mândhâta Sinh poured out his tale of woe;
and not in vain; for, by the prayers of the saint, a son was born to
him, and was at first called Sutsâh; but when he was taken to be
presented to the saint he was called Bandhu, or “who is bound,” and his
descendants called themselves Bandhugoti, or popularly Bandhalgoti.”
[217]
2. According to Mr. Carnegy, [218] however, they spring from a Brâhman,
Chuchu Pânrê, and a Dharkârin or Dom woman, and their name is connected
with that of the Bânsphor Doms. They worship as their tribal fetish the
knife (bânka) with which Doms split the bamboo, and this they now call
a poniard, the symbol of Narwar.
3. Thirdly, Sir H. M. Elliot [219] describes them as a branch of the
Chauhâns.
4. On the general question of their origin Mr. Millet writes
[220]:—“With regard to the theory which makes their Kshatriya status of
local development, the Bandhalgotis freely admit that one of their
number was enlisted on the side of the Râja of Hasanpur in his dispute
with the Baghels, and that in return for services then rendered a tract
of land was made over to him by the Râja. Again, while they describe
their former home to have been at Narwargarh, the town of Hasanpur was,
until the time of Hasan Khân, that is just till the synchronism in the
annals of the Bandhalgoti and the Bachgoti, known as Narwal. And
further, whereas the Bandhalgoti derive their name from Bandhu, there
is contiguous to Hasanpur a village named Bandhu, and a slight eminence
on the border of a tank between the two is still pointed out as the
residence of the Bandhalgoti servant of the Râja. The story of the
Dharkârin alliance may seem to find some support in one form of the
clan appellation; for Banjhilgoti is a very possible corruption of
Bânschhilgoti (bâns, “a bamboo,” chhîlna, “to pare”), and although the
exact word banschhil does not exist, a very similar one, Bânsphor,
shows that the bamboo-splitting industry furnishes the basis of a caste
distinction. The reverse of the picture is not, however, quite blank.
Whatever the source of the Bandhalgoti traditions, it is curious that
in claiming kinship with the Jaypur family they should hit on, as the
home of their ancestors, the very place it occupied before its removal
to Jaypur; and the strangeness of the coincidence is enhanced by the
fact that Sûda Râê’s pilgrimage agrees in date with the Kachhwâha
migration.” The question of their origin must then remain to some
extent doubtful.
5. In Sultânpur they are reported to take brides from the Bilkhariya,
Tashaiya, Chandauriya, Kath Bais, Bhâlê Sultân, Raghubansi, Gargbansi,
Râjkumâr, and Bachgoti; and to give girls to the Tilokchandi Bais,
Mainpuri Chauhâns, Mahûl Sûrajbansis, Nagar Gautams, and Bisens of
Majhauli; and that their gotra is Bandhal. In Gonda, it is said that
their gotra is Vatsya, and that they give girls to the Panwâr, Bisen,
Sirnet, Raikwâr, Bhadauriya, Bais, Kalhans and Chauhân; and take brides
from the Sûrajbans, Bachgoti, Barwâr, Gaharwâr, and other high caste
Râjputs.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BANDHALGOTI RÂJPUTS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF
1891.
============+========
District. | Number.
~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Agra | 9
Fatehpur | 115
Lalitpur | 6
Benares | 27
Gorakhpur | 48
Basti | 257
Azamgarh | 4
Lucknow | 17
Râê Bareli | 129
Sîtapur | 35
Kheri | 11
Faizâbâd | 495
Gonda | 407
Sultânpur | 9,831
Partâbgarh | 3
Bârabanki | 42
~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Total | 11,436
============+========
Bândi.—A small tribe living as drummers and bird-catchers in the
Himalayan Tarâi. Their chief business is catching birds for sale. They
also make a living by catching birds and bringing them into cities
where pious people, such as Jain Banyas, pay them to release a bird as
an act of piety or as a charm to take away disease from a sick person.
In their habits and occupation they resemble the Baheliya.
The Census returns record four sections,—Gaur, Mathuriya, Odrain and
Serain.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BÂNDI ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
============+=======
District. |Number.
~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Bareilly | 105
Morâdâbâd | 5
+~~~~~~~
Total | 110
============+=======
Bangâli, Bengâli.—A resident of Bengal, Vanga or Bang Desa. It is not
quite clear whether some of these recorded in the census lists are not
the familiar Bengâli Bâbu who has not been entered in his regular
caste, Brâhman, Kâyasth, etc. At any rate there is a recognised tribe
of vagrants known as Bengâli, Naumuslim Bengâli or Singiwâla, the last
because they use a kind of horn in cupping.
2. From reports from the District Superintendents of Police at
Sahâranpur, Meerut, and Aligarh, it appears that these people wander
all over the Upper Duâb and the Panjab and Native States. They disclaim
any direct connection with Nats, Kanjars, and similar vagrants; but
they are obviously closely related. Among the Hindu branch there appear
to be at least three exogamous sections, Negiwâla, Teli, and Jogeli.
The Census returns show 54 sections of the Hindu and four of the
Muhammadan branch, but it is impossible to say how many of these belong
to the vagrant Bengâlis. The Hindu branch call themselves the
descendants of one Siwâi Râm, Râjput, who was a Bengâli and elephant
driver, and in the time of Aurangzeb learnt the art of bleeding and
cupping from a native physician or Hakîm, and taught it to his
descendants. The Muhammadan branch usually call themselves Lodi Pathâns
from Bengal. They do not admit outsiders to their caste; marry in the
usual form, if Muhammadans, through the Qâzi, but as might have been
expected their religious practices are vague. The Muhammadans are said
never to be circumcised, and they as well as the Hindus worship Devi
and Zâhir Pîr.
3. From Meerut it is reported the Hindu branch will eat meat of all
kinds, the flesh of cloven or uncloven footed animals, fowls, all kinds
of fish and crocodiles, and the leavings of other people. Though this
is not quite certain, it would appear that the Muhammadan branch
generally abstain from pork.
4. The Bengâli is a loafer and vagabond, prone to commit petty theft, a
beggar, and a rustic surgeon as far as bleeding and cupping go. In
their manner of life they much resemble the Mâl and Bediya of Bengal,
and, if there is anything in the name, they are possibly akin to their
tribes.
DISTRIBUTION OF BENGÂLIS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
=============+=========+==========+=========
District. | Hindus. |Musalmâns.| Total.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~
Dehra Dûn | ... | 16 | 16
Sahâranpur | 65 | 160 | 225
Bulandshahr | 235 | 1 | 236
Aligarh | 1 | ... | 1
Mathura | 64 | ... | 64
Agra | 40 | ... | 40
Farrukhâbâd | 5 | ... | 5
Mainpuri | 2 | ... | 2
Bareilly | 25 | ... | 25
Budâun | ... | 25 | 25
Cawnpur | 31 | 4 | 35
Fatehpur | 16 | ... | 16
Bânda | 4 | ... | 4
Allahâbâd | 65 | 4 | 69
Jhânsi | 8 | ... | 8
Benares | 219 | ... | 219
Mirzapur | 12 | ... | 12
Ghâzipur | 28 | ... | 28
Gorakhpur | 41 | ... | 41
Kumâun | 15 | ... | 15
Lucknow | 61 | 30 | 91
Râê Bareli | 75 | 17 | 92
Faizâbâd | 5 | ... | 5
Gonda | ... | 16 | 16
Sultânpur | 2 | ... | 2
Partâbgarh | 51 | 7 | 58
~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~
Total | 1,070 | 280 | 1,350
=============+=========+==========+=========
Bangâli, Bengâli.—One of the great divisions of Brâhmans recorded as
such at the last census. According to Mr. Risley, who has given an
elaborate account of them, [221] the Bengal Brâhmans belong to one or
other of the Gaur groups, and are divided into five main
sub-castes,—Rârhi, Barendra, Vaidik, Saptasati and Madhyasrani. As
already stated, it is impossible to say how many of the 58 sections
recorded in the census refer to the Brâhman branch, and how many to the
tribe of vagrants of the same name.
[The Rârhi Brâhmans.] 2. “The Rârhi Brâhmans derive their name from the
Rârh, or the high-lying alluvial tract on the west bank of the river
Bhagîrathi. Their claim to be of comparatively pure Aryan descent is to
some extent borne out by the results of anthropometric enquiries. The
current tradition is that early in the eleventh century A.D. Adisura or
Adisvara, King of Bengal, finding the Brâhmans, then settled in Bengal,
too ignorant to perform for him certain Vedic ceremonies, applied to
the Râja of Kanauj for priests thoroughly conversant with the sacred
ritual of the Aryans. In answer to this request five Brâhmans of Kanauj
were sent to him, Bhatta Nârâyana, of the Sândilya section, or gotra;
Daksha, of the Kasyapa gotra; Vedagarbha or Vidagarbha, of the Vatsa
gotra, or, as others say, from the family of Bhrigu; Chandra or
Chhandara, of the Savarna gotra; and Sri Harsa of the Bhâradvâja gotra.
They brought with them their wives, their sacred fire and their
sacrificial implements. It is said that Adisura was at first disposed
to treat them with scanty respect, but he was soon compelled to
acknowledge his mistake, and to beg the Brâhmans to forgive him. He
then made over to them five populous villages, where they lived for a
year. Meanwhile the king was so impressed with the superhuman virtue of
Bhatta Nârâyana, who was a son of Kshitisa, King of Kanauj, that he
offered him several more villages. The Brâhman, however, declined to
take these as a gift, but bought them, as the story goes, at a low
price.
3. “Although the immigrant Brâhmans brought their wives with them,
tradition says that they contracted second marriages with the women of
Bengal, and that their children by the latter were the ancestors of the
Barendra Brâhmans. The Barendra, on the other hand, claim to represent
the offspring from the original Hindustâni wives, and allege that the
Rârhi Brâhmans are themselves sprung from the mésalliance contracted in
Bengal.
4. “By the middle of the eleventh century, when Ballâl Sen, the second
of the Sen Kings of Bengal, instituted his famous enquiry into the
personal endowments of the Rârhi Brâhmans, their numbers seem to have
increased greatly. They are represented as divided into fifty-six
headships of villages (gâin), which were reserved for them, and might
not be encroached on by Brâhmans of other orders.
5. “It is interesting to trace in Ballâl Sen’s enquiry the survival or
reassertion of the principle that the Brâhmanhood of the Brâhmans
depends not merely on birth but upon personal endowments. It is a
question of virtue, not a question of descent. Ballâl Sen, of course,
could not go as far as this. The time had long passed when a Kshatriya
could transform himself into a Brâhman by penance and self-denial. But
the Sen Monarch sought to reaffirm the ancient principle, so far as was
then possible, by testing the qualifications of each Rârhi family for
the priestly office, and classifying them, in the order of their
virtue, according to the results of this examination. Thus two grades
of sacerdotal virtue were formed, the Kulin being those who had
observed the entire nine counsels of perfection, and the Srotiya, who,
though regular students of the Vedas, had lost status by intermarrying
with families of inferior birth. The Srotiya were again divided into
Siddha or ‘perfect,’ Sâdhya or ‘capable of attaining purity,’ and
Kashta or ‘difficult.’ The last-named group was also called Ari or
‘enemy,’ because a Kulin marrying a daughter of that group was
disgraced.”
[The Barendra Brâhmans.] 6. As above stated, there is a difference of
opinion as to their origin. “The sub-caste takes its name from the
tract or country known as Barendra, lying north of the river Padma and
corresponding roughly to the Districts of Pabna, Râjshâhi, and Bogra.
Of these there are three hypergamous classes—Kulin, Suddha or ‘pure,’
Srotiya and Kashta, or bad Srotiya.” Of their rules of intermarriage
Mr. Risley gives full details.
[The Vaidik Brâhmans.] 7. “Concerning the origin of the Vaidik Brâhmans
some differences of opinion exist. All agree in honouring them for
their adherence to Vedic rites, their zeal for Vedic study, their
social independence, and their rejection of polygamy. From the fact
that some of the most important settlements of the sub-caste are formed
in the outlying districts of Orissa and Sylhet, some authorities are
led to describe them as descendants of the original Brâhmans of Bengal,
who refused to accept the reforms of Ballâl Sen, and took refuge in
regions beyond his jurisdiction. The theory that they came from Kanauj
derives support from Mr. Sherring’s statement that the Kanaujiya
Brâhmans of Benares recognise the Vaidik as a branch of their own
tribe, who settled in Bengal. There are two main divisions of Vaidik
Brâhmans,—Paschâtya or ‘Western,’ claiming to have come from Kanauj,
and Dakshinatya or ‘Southern,’ tracing their origin to the original
Bengal stock.”
[The Saptasati Brâhmans.] 8. “According to popular tradition, the
Saptasati Brâhmans are descended from the seven hundred ignorant
Brâhmans sent by Adisur to the Court of Kanauj for the purpose of
learning their priestly duties. Others trace their origin to certain
Brâhmans who were exiled beyond the Brahmaputra river for resisting the
innovations of Ballâl Sen. It seems to be certain that they are
peculiar to Bengal, and that they cannot claim connection with any of
the ten standard Brâhmanical tribes. They virtually admit their
inferiority to the other orders of Brâhmans. Men of education and
respectability are reluctant to admit that they belong to this
sub-caste, all distinctive practices are being abandoned, and the
entire group seems likely to be absorbed in the Srotiya grade of Rârhi
Brâhmans.”
[The Madhyasreni Brâhmans.] 9. The Madhyasreni Brâhmans profess to
derive their name from the fact of their original settlement being in
the District of Midnapur, lying midway (Madhyadesa) between Bengal and
Orissa. It is conjectured that they may be a composite group made up of
members of the Rârhi, Utkal, and Saptasati sub-castes, who for some
reason broke off from their own classes, settled in an outlying
district, and in course of time formed a new sub-caste.
10. Further elaborate details of the Bengal Brâhmans will be found in
Mr. Risley’s excellent account of them.
DISTRIBUTION OF BENGÂLI BRÂHMANS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
==============+========
District. | Number.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Sahâranpur | 13
Muzaffarnagar | 3
Bulandshahr | 30
Aligarh | 8
Mathura | 505
Agra | 106
Farrukhâbâd | 11
Etâwah | 27
Etah | 3
Morâdâbâd | 26
Cawnpur | 189
Allahâbâd | 1,167
Jhânsi | 30
Lalitpur | 22
Benares | 2,362
Mirzapur | 3
Ghâzipur | 119
Ballia | 84
Gorakhpur | 108
Lucknow | 289
Râê Bareli | 16
Sîtapur | 12
Kheri | 50
Faizâbâd | 26
Gonda | 9
Bahrâich | 11
Sultânpur | 22
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Total | 5,251
|
Males | 2,372
Females | 2,879
==============+========
Banjâra. [222]—A tribe whose primary occupation is, or rather used to
be, to act as grain carriers and suppliers to armies in the field.
Their name is derived from the Sanskrit vanijya or banijya-kâra, “a
merchant.” Sir H. M. Elliot, whose account of the tribe is perhaps the
most valuable part of his admirable “Supplement to the Glossary of
Indian terms,” the first attempt at a scientific account of the tribes
of these Provinces, shows that the popular derivation from the Persian
biranjâr or “rice-carriers” is untenable. He argues that the word must
be of higher antiquity than (omitting fabulous legends) the Indian
connection with Persia. “Thus we find mention of a cock-fight in the
Banjâra camp in the story of Pramati in the Dasa Kumâra Charitra
written by Dandi, a predecessor of Kâlidâsa, according to Colebrooke.
It is to be confessed, however, that Wilson does not assign an earlier
origin to this composition than the ninth century. Nevertheless,
independent of this testimony, Banjâras seem to be clearly indicated,
even by Arrian (Indica, XI). We may, therefore, rest assured that we
are not to look to Persia for the origin of the name.” On this question
Professor Cowell [223] has remarked:—“Sir H. M. Elliot was misled when
he supposed that the word Banjâra was necessarily of higher antiquity
than the Indian connection with Persia, because it occurs in the Dasa
Kumâra Charitra, written by Dandin in the eleventh or twelfth century.
It is true that Professor Wilson in his analysis of the story of
Pramati speaks of the Banjâra camp, but in the printed text of the
original (p. 125) no such word occurs, but we have only Mahati nigame
naigamânam. Dandin no doubt had Banjâras in his mind; but he cannot be
quoted as an authority for the word.” The theory that the title of the
caste may be connected with the Hindi ban-jârna in some such sense as
“burners or cleaners of the jungle” or “forest wanderers” is untenable.
[The Banjâras of the Dakkhin.] 2. Before considering the tribe as found
in these Provinces, it may be well to put together some of the
information about them obtainable from the Dakkhin, where they retain
much more of their primitive manners and customs than the small branch
which remains in these Provinces, where they have been much modified by
association with other races. The chief authority for the Dakkhin
branch is the report of Mr. Cumberlege, District Superintendent of
Police at Wun, in the Berârs. [224] He explains that the Banjâras of
the Dakkhin fall into three grand Hindu tribes, Mathuriya or “those
from Mathura”; Lavâna who probably derive their name from being
carriers of salt (Sans. lavana), and Châran (Sans. chârana, “a
wanderer, pilgrim;” châra, “a spy”). “The three Hindu tribes all trace
their descent from the great Brâhman and Râjput races of Upper India,
and, as usual, ascribe their tribe segregation to some irregular
marriage of a legendary kind contracted by their first ancestors. In
these stories Guru Nânak, the Sikh Prophet, usually figures as the
opportune miracle-worker and spiritual adviser. No doubt these stories
of descent are founded on fact. It is most probable that some irregular
marriage, made by adventurous wanderers into distant countries, did
first cut off these branches from the parent stock, and plant them
apart as distinct communities. From Mr. Cumberlege’s memoir it may be
conjectured, however, that the emigration which settled the Banjâra
upon Dakkhin soil took place when these grain carriers came down with
the Mughal armies early in the seventeenth century.” (As a
corroboration of this it may be noticed that the first mention of
Banjâras in Muhammadan history is in Sikandar’s attack on Dholpur in
1504 A.D. [225]) “In fact they seem to have derived their whole origin
and organisation from the long wars of the Delhi Emperors in the South,
and the restoration of peace and prosperity is breaking them up.
Neither their trade nor their tribal system can survive another
generation of British predominance. Wherefore some account of their
more striking peculiarities has at least the interest that attaches to
a picture of things which we shall never see again.”
[The Châran Banjâras of the Dakkhin.] 3. “Of the Châran tribe the
Râthaur family,” says Mr. Cumberlege, “is the strongest, and holds sway
in Berâr, for all the Dakkhin is parcelled out among different Banjâra
tribes, and no camp (tânda) trades or grazes cattle beyond its own
border. The Chârans evidently came to the Dakkhin with Âsaf Jân,
sometimes called Âsa Khân, the Wazîr Shâhjahân; and in the year 1630,
or thereabouts, Bhangi and Jhangi Nâiks (represented to have been
brothers, but certainly not such, though perhaps related) had with them
180,000 bullocks, and Bhagwân Dâs, the Burthiya Nâik, only 52,000. They
accompanied Âsaf Jân, carrying his provisions during his raid into the
Dakkhin. It was an object of Âsaf Jân to keep these bullocks well up
with his force, and he was induced to give an order to Bhangi and
Jhangi Nâiks, as they put forward excuses regarding the difficulty of
obtaining grass and water for their cattle. This order was engraved on
copper and in gold letters as follows:—
Ranjan ka pâni,
Chhappar ka ghâs,
Din ka tîn khûn mu’âf;
Aur jahân Âsaf Jân kê ghorê,
Wahan Bhangi Jhangi kâ bail.
This is still in the possession of the descendants of Bhangi, who are
still recognised by the Haidarâbâd Court; and on the death of the
representative of the family his successor receives a dress of honor
(khillat) from His Highness the Nizâm. The meaning of the inscription
seems to be—“If you can find no water elsewhere, you may even take it
from the pots of my followers; grass you may take from the roofs of
their huts; and if you commit three murders a day I will even pardon
this, provided that where I find my cavalry I can always find Bhangi
Jhangi’s bullocks.”
[Witchcraft among the Dakkhin Banjâras.] 4. On this Mr. Cumberlege
writes:—“Though not to such an extent as in former years, witchcraft
still obtains in Berâr. I can confidently say this, as I had a case in
this district wherein all the features coincided exactly with what I am
told is still the practice of Banjâras when they fancy a woman a
sorceress. The woman was knocked down and strangled by three or four
men deputed by the Nâik of the camp, on her husband refusing to kill
her, to kill and bury her: this they did, and the husband had
afterwards to appear before the council (panchâyat), where he was
mulcted of all he possessed, amounting in cattle and cash to about
Rs.2,000. Even when attacked by a bad fever or determined dysentery,
they often put it down to foul play by some sorceress, and on such
occasions the sufferer sends for some one who knows some spell (mantra)
or is supposed to know something of sorcery (jâdu). A betel-quid is
given to the sufferer and some spell is repeated. Should the sufferer
not recover now, he sends for the Nâik, mentions the name of the person
he suspects, or not, as the case may be, who sends five or six men,
taken from each family in the camp, to any Châran Bhagat to enquire of
him who is the sorceress; and, to place this fact beyond doubt, as this
deputation goes along they bury a bone or any other article on the
road, and make the Bhagat presently state where it was buried, and what
the article was. On arriving at the Bhagat’s residence, he tells each
man his name, class, gotra, and denomination; that he knows they have
come to enquire what has caused the illness of the person (mentioning
his name and caste) who is suffering. This he must do directly after
the salâms are exchanged, and before the others speak again. A relative
of the sick man now places a rupee before a lighted wick; the Bhagat
takes it up, looks steadily at it, and begins to sway about, make
contortions of the face and body, etc., while the goddess Mariyâi (Mahâ
Kâli) is supposed to have entered his body. He now puts down the rupee,
and, being inspired, commences to state the date and hour on which the
sick man got ill, the nature of the complaint, etc., and in an
indignant tone asks them why they buried a certain article (mentioning
it) on the road. Sometimes they acknowledge that he is a true Bhagat
now, but generally the men call for some further proofs of his
abilities. A goat in kid is then brought, the Bhagat mentions the sex
of, and any distinguishing marks upon the kid; the goat is then killed,
and if he has guessed right the deputation becomes clamorous and
requires the name of the sorceress. But the Bhagat keeps them waiting
now and goes on to mention the names of other people residing in their
camp, their children, and sometimes the names of any prized cows or
bullocks; he also tells the representative of what family he has
married into, etc. On this the latter presents his nazar; this was
fixed at Rs.25 formerly, but greed dictates the sum now, which is often
as much as Rs.40.
5. “The Bhagat now begins chanting some song, which he composes as he
goes on, and introduces into it the names of the different families in
the camp, having a word or two to say about each. The better portion
get vile abuse, are called a bad lot, and disposed of quickly; but he
now assumes an ironical appearance, begins to extol the virtues of a
certain family, becomes facetious, and praises the representative of
that family who is before him. All know that the sorceress is a member
of that family; and its representative puts numberless questions to the
Bhagat relative to his family and connections, his worldly goods, and
what gods he worships; the name of the sorceress he calls for; inquires
who taught her sorcery (jâdu); and how and why it was practised in this
particular instance. The business is now closed by a goat being killed
and offered up to Biroliya, and then all return to their camp.
6. “Even now a man may refuse to acknowledge this Bhagat, and will, if
the sorceress be a wife or daughter to whom he is attached, should he
have money to take the business on to another tribunal. But as he has
to pay the expenses of all the men who accompany him, all cannot afford
to question a Bhagat’s decision. Sometimes the man will tell his wife,
if he is certain she will obey him, to commit suicide; and as she knows
full well the punishment is death, and that she must meet it in some
form almost at once, when thus enjoined she will obey generally.
Otherwise the husband with a witness or two, taking advantage of the
first opportunity when she has left the camp, kills and buries her with
all her clothing and ornaments. A meeting of the council is held, the
witnesses declare the business has been completed satisfactorily, and
the husband may or may not agree to the judgment of the council with
regard to his pecuniary liabilities. He has to pay all the expenses of
the deputation; by the Bhagat is fined Rs.100 or Rs.150; and if he has
refused to do the deed himself, and others have had to do it for him,
or the sick man dies, he has to give a large sum besides to the man’s
family for their support. This fine originally belonged to Bhangi
Nâik’s representative, Râmu Nâik; but it is often kept by the different
Nâiks themselves now. Râmu has still great influence; but he has used
his power so cruelly that many have seceded from his control, and have
Nâiks of their own, whom they now obey almost implicitly. There are men
in this district well known to me who have been fined six or eight
thousand rupees for small misdemeanours, and it is hardly to be
wondered at that this thing could not continue for ever.” It is
satisfactory to note that under the influence of British law these
cruel proceedings are now practically unknown; but those best
acquainted with the facts are certain that there would be an immediate
recrudescence of it if the pressure of our administration were relaxed.
[Human sacrifice among the Banjâras of the Dakkhin.] 7. Up to our own
day the Banjâras of the Dakkhin practised human sacrifice. General
Sleeman [226] tells a story that the fort and part of the town of Sâgar
stands on a wall said to have been built by a Banjâra. He was told that
the lake would continue dry until he consented to sacrifice his
daughter and her affianced husband. He built them up in a shrine and
the waters rose, but no Banjâra will touch the water. Their women, even
to the present day, are notorious for necromancy. They are, according
to Sir Alfred Lyall, [227] “terribly vexed by witchcraft, to which
their wandering and precarious existence especially exposes them in the
shape of fever, rheumatism, and dysentery. Solemn enquiries are still
held in the wild jungles where these people camp out like gypsies, and
many an unlucky hag has been strangled by the sentence of their secret
tribunals.”
[Religion of the Dakkhin Banjâras.] 8. According to Mr. Cumberlege,
“the Chârans are all deists. There are Hindu gods they worship as
having been holy men; but they only acknowledge one God, and look on
Guru Nânak as the propagandist of their religion; Guru Nânak is
supreme; but they worship Bâlaji, Mariyâi (Mahâ Kâli), Tulja Devi, Siva
Bhaiya, Mitthu Bhûkiya, and Sati. There are smaller gods worshipped
also, but the above are the only gods worshipped by the Chârans of
Berâr. They have heard of Siva Dâs, but do not worship him as the men
of the Telinga country and Central Provinces do. The reason is seen at
a glance. Ours is the Râthaur country, those parts belong mostly to the
Burthiya class; in fact the Telinga country is entirely theirs, and
Siva Dâs was a Burthiya, not a Râthaur, I believe. The oath most sacred
to them is taken in the name of Siva Bhaiya, a holy man who resided at
Pohora, in the Wûn District, where there are still temples, I believe,
to Siva Bhaiya and Mariyâi, and where a nephew of Siva Bhaiya, by name
Sûka Bhaiya, still officiates. There are numbers of Bhagats, of varied
celebrity, to whom they go on any serious difficulty; otherwise their
own Nâiks, or the Nâik to whom the former is subordinate, adjudicates.”
[Ceremonies prior to crime.] 9. “There is a hut set apart in every camp
and devoted to Mitthu Bhûkiya, an old free-booter. No one may eat,
drink, or sleep in this hut; and it is simply used for devotional
purposes. In front of this hut is a flag-staff, to which a piece of
white cloth is attached. By all criminals Mitthu Bhûkiya is worshipped
as a clever free-booter; but he is more thought of on the other side of
the Wârdha than here. However, where the white flag is seen in front of
the hut, it is a sign that the camp worships Mitthu Bhûkiya, and
should, therefore, be watched carefully when they are suspected of
having committed crime. The men who have agreed and arranged the
particulars regarding the carrying out of their scheme meet at night at
this hut, where an image of Sati is produced; clarified butter (ghi) is
put into a saucer, and into this a wick is placed, very broad at the
bottom and tapering upwards: this wick, standing erect, is lit, an
appeal is made to Sati for an omen, those worshipping mentioning in a
low tone to the god where they are going and what the purpose. The wick
is then carefully watched, and should it drop at all the omen is
propitious. All immediately get up and make an obeisance to the flag,
and start then and there for the business they have agreed on. They are
unable to return to their homes before they start, because they must
not speak to any one till their business has been carried through. And
here we have a reason why Banjâras are rarely known to speak when
engaged in a robbery, for, if challenged, these men, who have gone
through the ceremony, may not reply. Should they have reached their
destination, whether a village, hamlet, or unprotected cart, and are
challenged, if any one of them reply, the charm is broken and all
return home. They must again take the omens now and worship again or
give up the attempt altogether. But, I am told, they generally prefer
to make certain of the man who is venturesome enough to challenge them
by knocking him down and either killing him or injuring him so severely
that he cannot interfere, and would not wish to meddle with their other
arrangements. If one of the gang sneezes on the road it is also fatal;
they must return to their camp at once.” For further details regarding
the methods of criminality of these Dakkhin Banjâras a reference may be
made to Major E. J. Gunthorpe’s “Notes on the Criminal Tribes residing
in or frequenting the Bombay Presidency, Berâr and the Central
Provinces.”
[Central Indian Banjâras. Worship of the ox.] 10. The Banjâras of
Central India have a curious form of ox worship. [228] “When sickness
occurs they lead the sick man to the feet of the bullock called
Hatâdiya (Sans. Hatya-âdhya, ‘which it is an extra sin to slay’), for
though they say that they pay reverence to images and that their
religion is that of the Sikhs, the object of their worship is the
Hatâdiya, a bullock devoted to the god Bâlaji. On this animal no burden
is ever laid, but he is decorated with streamers of red-dyed silk and
tinkling bells with many brass chains and rings on neck and feet, and
strings of kauri shells, and silken tassels hanging in all directions;
he moves steadily at the head of the convoy, and the place where he
lies down on when he is tired, that they make their halting place for
the day; at his feet they make their vows when difficulties overtake
them, and, in illness, whether of themselves or cattle, they trust to
his worship for a cure.”
[Banjâras of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh.] 11. The Banjâras of
these Provinces have been classified at the last Census under the heads
of Chauhân, Bahrûp, Guâr, Jâdon, Panwâr, Râthaur, and Tunwar. Of these,
all, except the Bahrûp and Guâr, are well-known Râjput septs, and, as
we have seen in the case of the Dakkhin Banjâras, the tribal tradition
points to a Râjput origin. There is also a general tradition that they
at one time held considerable territories in Oudh and the other
submontane districts. Thus they are said to have been very early
settlers in Bareilly, whence they were expelled by the Janghâra
Râjputs. [229] In Kheri [230] the Jângrê Râjputs acquired Khairagarh
from their allies the Banjâras. In Bahrâich [231] they were finally
expelled from the Sijauli Pargana by the Chakladâr Hakîm Mehndi about
1821 A.D. In the Nânpâra Pargana of the same district they were finally
coerced by Rasûl Khân, the Afghân, in 1632 A.D. [232] In the Dûn [233]
they have a story that they attended to the commissariat of the
Pândavas after their exile from Hastinapur, and were the founders of
the town of Deoband, in the Sahâranpur District. In the Banjâra Tola of
the town of Gopamau, in the Hardoi District, there are some Banjâras
who call themselves Sayyid Salâri, and say that they are descended from
the followers of the Saint. [234] On the other hand, those in Madras
describe themselves as the descendants of Sugriva, the monkey chieftain
who was the ally of Râma. [235] There can be no reasonable doubt that
they are a very mixed race, composed of various elements, as is the
case in Central India, where Sir Alfred Lyall speaks of them as “made
up of contingents from various other castes and tribes, which may have
at different times joined the profession.” [236] The Census report
gives the most important local sub-castes as—in Muzaffarnagar the
Dhankûta, or “rice pounders,” and the Labâna; in Aligarh, the
Nandbansi; in Etâwah, the Jât; in Pilibhît, the Labâna; in the Tarâi,
the Bhukiya (who take their name from their leader Mitthu Bhukiya),
Guâl, Kotwâr, Labâna, and Râjput; in Kheri, the Guâr, Kora, and Mujhar;
and in Bahrâich, the Mujhar.
[Tribal organisation of the North-Western Provinces Banjâras.] 12. The
best account of the Banjâra tribes of these provinces is that given by
Sir H. M. Elliot. He divides them into five great tribes as follows:—
(1) The Turkiya, “Turkish” or Muhammadan, with thirty-six sub-tribes or
gotras, viz., Tomar or Tunwar, Chauhân, Gahlot, Dilwâri, Alwi, Kanothi,
Burki, Durki, Shaikh, Nathamîr, Aghwân, Badan, Chakirâha, Bahrâri,
Padar, Kanîkê, Gharê, Chandaul, Teli, Charkha, Dhangya, Dhankikya,
Gaddi, Tîtar, Hindiya, Râha, Marauthiya, Khakhara, Kareya, Bahlîm,
Bhatti, Bandwâri, Bargadda, Aliya, Khilji. “These assert that they came
originally from Multân, and left their newly-chosen country of the
Dakkhin under a leader called Rustam Khân, and first of all took up
their abode at Badli Tânda, near Morâdâbâd, from which they have
gradually spread to Bilâspur, Richho, and the neighbouring tracts. They
are for the most part occupied as carriers.”
(2) “The Baid Banjâras came from Bhatner under a leader called Dualha.
Of them are eleven gotras—Jhaloi, Tandar, Hatâr, Kapâhi, Danderi,
Kachni, Tarîn, Dharpâhi, Kîri, and Bahlîm. Their occupations are more
various than those of the Turkiyas, as they are occasionally employed
as doctors and weavers. They are found in Pilibhît, Kant, and in the
neighbourhood of those places.”
(3) “The Labâna Banjâras have also eleven gotras. They state that they
are descended from Gaur Brâhmans, and came in Aurangzeb’s time from
Rintambûr. They engage almost entirely in agricultural pursuits alone.”
Of these people Mr. Ibbetson [237] writes:—“These men are generally
associated with the Banjâras. With the exception of Muzaffargarh and
Bahâwalpur, they are almost wholly confined to the hill and submontane
districts. They are the carriers and hawkers of the hills, and are
merely the Panjâbi representatives of that class of Banjâras, already
mentioned, who inhabit the submontane tracts east of the Ganges.” The
Labânas of Gujarât are thus described by Captain Mackenzie:—“The
Labânas are also a peculiar people. Their status among Sikhs is much
the same as that of the Mahtams. They correspond to the Banjâras of
Hindustân, carrying on an extensive trade by means of large herds of
laden bullocks. Latterly they have taken to agriculture, but as an
additional means of livelihood, not as a substitute for trade. As a
section of the community they deserve every encouragement and
consideration. They are generally fine, substantially built people.
They also possess much spirit. In anarchical times, when the freaks and
feuds of petty Governors would drive the Jâts or Gûjars to seek
temporary abiding places away from their ancestral village, the Labânas
would stand their ground, and perhaps improve the opportunity by
extending their grasp over the best lands of the village, in which
their shorter sighted and less provident lords of the manor had, in
former periods, permitted them to take up their abode for purposes of
commerce. Several cases of this kind came to light during settlement,
and in most of them the strength and spirit of progress were as
apparent in the Labânas as were the opposite qualities conspicuous in
their Gûjar opponents. Their principal village is Tânda (which means “a
large caravan of laden bullocks”) and is an instance of what I have
above alluded to. Allowed by the Gûjar proprietors of Mota, they have
got possession of the soil, built a town, and in every point of
importance swamped the original proprietors. They have been recognised
as proprietors, but feudatory to their former landlords, the Gûjars of
Mota, paying them annually in recognition thereof a sum equal to
one-tenth of the Government demand.” This tribe of Banjâras take their
name from their business of carrying salt (lavana). Sir J. Malcolm
[238] says that the Banjâras and Labânas are Râjputs of various tribes,
Râthaur, Jalaur, Panwâr, etc. “The Labânas who live in villages
sometimes mix with other cultivators and sometimes have a village
exclusively to themselves, are Sûdras, originally from Gujarât, a quiet
inoffensive race differing widely from the Banjâras, though engaged in
the same trade. The Labânas are also cultivators, but follow no other
occupation. The Banjâras preserve both in dresses and usages a marked
separation and independence. They often engage in great speculations on
their own account, and are deemed honest in their dealings, though very
ignorant and barbarous. They trust much to the bankers and merchants
with whom they are concerned, and few keep accounts; but habit has made
them very acute, and their memory is, from continual exercise,
extremely retentive of the minutest particulars of their extended
transactions.”
[The Mukeris.] (4) Of them Sir H. M. Elliot says:—“The Mukeri Banjâras
in the northern parganas of Bareilly assert that they derive their name
from Mecca (Makka), which one of their Nâiks, who had his camp (Tânda)
in the vicinity, assisted Father Abraham in building. Leaving Mecca,
they came and resided in Jhajjar, where their illustrious name became
corrupted from Makkai to Mukeri. Their fabulous history is not worth
recording, but their names also betray a strange compound of tribes,
Musalmân and Hindu—Aghwân, Mughal, Khokhara, Chauhân, Simli Chauhân,
Chotya Chauhân, Panjtakya Chauhân, Tanhar, Katheriya, Pathân, Tarîn
Pathân, Ghori, Ghoriwâl, Bangaroa, Kanthya, Bahlîm.” These are
apparently the same people who are called Mukris, in Sholapur. [239]
There another explanation of the word is current. It is said to be
derived from a word Mukerna, “to deny,” which does not appear in the
Hindustâni dictionaries. The story goes that a servant of Tipu Sultân
bought a quarter of corn from a Mukri, and found it, when he weighed it
at home, ten pounds short. He brought the fact to the notice of the
Sultân, who sent for the corn dealer and demanded for explanation. The
Mukri denied the fact and made the full weight in the presence of the
king, who had twice weighed the corn before and found it short. The
king was embarrassed, and had nothing to say against the man, and gave
him the name of the “Denier.” A third, and perhaps, more probable
explanation is, that it is a corruption of Makkeri, and means nothing
more than a seller of maize (makka). Something more will be said of the
Mukris later on.
[Bahrûp Banjâras.] (5) Of whom Sir H. M. Elliot says:—“They are, for
the most part, Hindus, and lead a more wandering life than the
Musalmâns. They are divided into the tribes of Râthaur, Chauhân or
Kuri, Panwâr, Tomar, and Bhurtiya. The origin of the first four is
sufficiently apparent from their names. The fifth is said to be derived
from a Gaur Brâhman. Of these tribes again there are several
ramifications. Of the Râthaur there are four—Muchhâri, Bâhuki,
Murhâwat, and Panot: of the Muchhâri there are fifty-two divisions; of
the Bâhuki there are twenty-seven; of the Murhâwat there are fifty-six;
and of the Panot there are twenty-three. The Chauhâns, who have
forty-two gotras, are unanimous in saying that they came from Mainpuri.
The Panwârs have twenty gotras, and state that they came from Delhi.
The Bhurtiya have fifty-two gotras. They claim Chithor as their
original seat. The Bahrûp Banjâras, like all the other clans,
intermarry, but do not allow of any connection between members of the
same gotra. They receive the daughters of Nats in marriage, but do not
allow their own daughters to marry into Nat families; and they have
some curious customs at their marriages which need not be detailed in
this place.”
[Nâik Banjâras.] 13. In addition to the five main tribes described by
Sir H. M. Elliot there is another which is usually classed as an
offshoot of them, the Nâiks. There is a tribe of this name in the
Panjâb. Mr. Ibbetson says that the “headmen of both Thoris and Banjâras
are called Nâik.” This, as we have already seen, is the name used for
them throughout the Dakkhin and Central India. Mr. Maclagan [240]
says:—“In Rohtak they are said to be a branch of Hindu Dhânuks, who
come from Jaypur. They were also represented to me as an agricultural
tribe of Râjputs. Mr. Fagan, who kindly made enquiries for me, says
they may be taken to be Aheris, that they state that they were
originally Râjputs, and have the same gotras as Râjputs, and that they
generally act as village watchmen; while those returned at Fîrozpur
were labourers on the Sirhind Canal.” They take their name from the
Sanskrit nayaka, “a leader.” In the Gorakhpur Division, where they are
principally found, they assert that they are Sanâdh Brâhmans, and fix
their original settlement in Pilibhît. Polygamy is allowed; polyandry
prohibited. They appear to follow the customs of orthodox Hindus. If an
unmarried girl is detected in an intrigue, her parents have to give a
tribal feast and a recitation of the Satyanârâyana Katha. A sum of
money, known as tilak, is paid by the relatives of the bride to those
of the bridegroom. A man can put away his wife for adultery by leave of
the tribe or council. Such women cannot remarry in the tribe, and widow
marriage is forbidden. They have the usual birth, death, and marriage
ceremonies. They burn their dead and perform the srâddha. They employ
Sarwariya Brâhmans as their family priests, and appear to be in all
points orthodox Hindus. They are landlords, cultivators, and dealers in
grain and other country produce.
[The Mukeri Banjâras.] 14. We have already seen that they claim to have
originally come from Makka. Another story told in Mirzapur is that
their ancestor was one Makka Banjâra, who helped Father Abraham to
build Mecca; and that they emigrated into India with the armies of the
early Muhammadan invaders. Another name which they arrogate to
themselves is Ahl-i-Quraish, or that of the Arabian tribe, from which
Muhammad was descended (see Shaikh). They have two endogamous
sub-castes—the Purbiya or “Eastern,” and the Pachhiwâha or “Western.”
The Purbiya Mukeris have two sections, Banaudhiya and Malwariya, which
they derive from two towns named Banaudh and Malwar, in the Arrah
District of Bengal. From this it may be gathered that their last
movement was from East to West, and that they have forgotten their real
origin, which was probably from the West; the Malwariyas being from
Mârwâr, and the Banaudhiyas from Banaudh, which included Southern Oudh
and the Districts of Jaunpur, Azamgarh and Benares. The Pachhiwâhas are
also divided into two sections, Khân and Shaikh. They do not, now at
least, admit outsiders into their community. Marriage among them
usually takes place at the age of seven. They follow the Muhammadan
religious and social rules, and, of course, allow widow marriage. They
have, however, the Hindu rules of succession to property. They are
professedly Muhammadans of the Sunni sect, but they retain many Hindu
usages. They worship the Pânchonpîr in the manner common to all the
inferior Muhammadan tribes of the Eastern Districts; but they also make
sacrifices to Kâli Bhawâni at the Naurâtra of Chait. They bury their
dead and offer to them sweets (halwa) and cakes at the Shab-i-barât.
Their occupation is grinding and selling flour and other provisions,
and dealing in grain. They follow the Muhammadan rules regarding food,
and drink spirits.
[Other Hindu Banjâras of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh.] 15. In
Kheri they are known as Banjâra and Byopâri or “dealer.” They trace
their origin to Jaypur and Jodhpur. They have three endogamous
sections—Kora, Muchhâri and Miyân. They visit periodically a temple of
Lalita Devi, at a place called Tilokpur, somewhere in the Râjputâna
country. There also, when they can afford it, they get the birth hair
of their children shaved. In Cawnpur they give their endogamous
sub-castes as Râthaur, Panwâr-Chauhân, Gaur, and Kachhwâha, which are
all the names of well-known Râjput septs. Their rule of exogamy is
stated to be that they cannot marry within a family which is known to
be descended from the same parents, or which can be traced to a common
ancestor; nor in the family of the maternal uncle or father’s sister;
nor two sisters at the same time; but a man may marry the sister of his
deceased wife. When the bride is introduced into the family of her
husband she has to cook sweetened rice, with which she feeds all the
clansmen. A man may marry as many wives as he can afford to keep. There
is no bride price, except in the case of elderly men, who have a
difficulty in finding wives. Widow marriage and the levirate are both
allowed under the usual conditions.
16. In Kheri at the marriage ceremony they place four pitchers (ghara)
one on the top of the other in seven piles, and in the centre two
pestles (mûsar), and a water jar (kalsa). Close to this the Pandit
makes a holy square (chauk), and performs the fire sacrifice (hom).
After this the pair, with their clothes tied, walk seven times round
the pestles, and the father of the bride worships the feet of the
bridegroom and makes him an offering of two or four rupees. This is the
respectable form. In the inferior form, known as Dharauna, the bride is
taken to the house of the bridegroom, and the marriage is completed by
a feast given to the brotherhood.
17. The funeral ceremonies are of the normal type. The Kheri Banjâras
are reported not to perform the srâddha or to employ Brâhmans at death;
in Cawnpur, on the contrary, they carry out the orthodox ritual.
[Religion.] 18. In Cawnpur they worship Hardeo or Hardaur Lâla,
Zâhirpîr, the Miyân of Amroha, and Kâlu Deo, who is said to have a
shrine somewhere in the Dakkhin. Goats are offered to Kâlu Deo and
Miyân by any one but women. Sometimes only the ear of the animal is cut
and a drop or two of blood sprinkled on the altar, and sometimes a
cocoanut is substituted for a goat. In Kheri they are reported to
prefer the worship of Bhagwân and Parameswara, and to be initiated in a
temple in the Sahâranpur District. Their religious guides are Brâhmans
of their own, who teach them only to worship Bhagwân and not to tell
lies. They occasionally offer goats to Devi. They swear on the Ganges
or by standing in water or walking through fire.
[Social customs of Hindu Banjâras.] 19. In Kheri they eat the flesh of
wild pigs and goats, but not fowls. They drink spirits and use opium,
and the hemp intoxicants bhang and gânja, freely. In Cawnpur they will
eat kachchi and pakki with Brâhmans, and will smoke only with their
brethren. Some of them are traders, and a few are now taking to
agriculture, as the profits of the carrying trade are gradually
becoming reduced.
[Other Muhammadan Banjâras.] 20. Those in Bareilly and Pilibhît say
that they were driven there by Ahmad Shâh Durrâni’s invasion. They are
divided into two endogamous sub-castes—Gaurithân and Baidguâr. [241]
They follow the orthodox rules of the Muhammadan faith, and work as
cultivators, carriers of, and dealers in, grain.
[Banjâras and crime.] 21. In former times the Banjâras especially in
Gorakhpur and the neighbouring districts, had an evil reputation for
dakaiti and similar offences. [242] This is in a great measure a thing
of the past. In recent years they have come under the notice of the
police in connection with the kidnapping of girls. There can be little
doubt that most, if not all of them, occasionally introduce girls of
other castes into the tribe. Quite recently the police in the Agra
District have found reason to suspect that some of them in the guise of
Commissariat contractors carry on an extensive trade in stolen cattle,
and are in the habit of appropriating and changing the brands on the
so-called Brâhmani bulls which are released by Hindus on the occasion
of a death.
[Cattle trade.] 22. One of the most important trades carried on in the
present day by the Banjâras is that of the purchase and sale of cattle
used for agricultural purposes. Cattle are largely bred along the Jumna
in the direction of Agra and Mathura. These are bought up by Banjâras,
who drive them in large herds to great distances about the time when
the agricultural seasons are commencing. They sell them on credit with
a promise of payment when the crop is ripe. At such times they come
round to realise their debts. They seldom or never take bonds or resort
to the law courts; but they appear at the houses of their creditors,
and if not promptly paid, practise a form of coercion known as dharna,
by encamping close to the house of the defaulter and using vile
language to his womenkind wherever they venture to show themselves.
This form of pressure appears to be effective with even the most
callous debtor, and it is understood that they generally succeed in
realising their money. This result is brought about by the popular fear
felt for the Banjâra, who is a wild-looking semi-savage who can make
his presence most disagreeably felt.
[Appearance and manners.] 23. With the partial disappearance of the
Banjâra carrier before our roads and railways a most picturesque
element is being lost in the generally squalid life of our bâzârs. No
one who sees them in their original state can help being struck by
their resemblance in figure and dress to some of the Western gypsies.
To Dr. Ball [243] a camp of Labânas immediately recalled to his memory
the Zingari of the lower Danube and Wallachia. And he was particularly
impressed by the peculiar minor key of the music which is so
characteristic of these people. In these Provinces the women are
skilled in a peculiar form of woollen embroidery, and pride themselves
on their bright coloured boddices (choli) and jackets (angi) ornamented
in this way. Some wear a sort of horn made of wood in their hair, over
which the sheet (châdar) is draped in a very peculiar and graceful
fashion. The women, who are much taller and more robust than the people
among whom they live, stride along the roads in a particularly bold and
independent way. But their characteristic dress is seen to most
advantage in their seats in the Dakkhin. Mr. Mullaly [244] writes of
the women as “comely and above the average height of the women of this
country. They are easily distinguished by their dress and a profusion
of jewellery they wear. Their costume is the gown (lahnga) of khârua
cloth, red or green, with a quantity of embroidery. The boddice, with
embroidery on the front and on the shoulders, covers the bosom, and is
tied by variegated cords at the back, the ends of the cords being
ornamented with cowries and beads; a covering cloth of khârua cloth,
with embroidery, is fastened in at the waist, and hangs at the side
with a quantity of tassels, and strings of cowries. Their jewels are
very numerous, and include strings of beads of ten or twenty rows with
a cowrie as a pendant threaded on horse hair, a silver necklace
(hansli), a sign of marriage. They wear brass or horn bracelets, ten or
twelve in number, extending to the elbow on either arm, with a piece of
embroidered silk, one inch wide, tied to the right wrist. Anklets of
ivory or bone are only worn by the married women; they are removed on
the death of the husband. Silk embroidery adorned with tassels and
cowries is also worn as an anklet by all women. Their other jewels are
a nose ornament, a silver pendant from the upper part of the ear,
attached to a silver chain which hangs to the shoulder, and a profusion
of silver, brass, and lead rings. Their hair is, in the case of
unmarried women, unadorned, brought up and tied in a knot at the top of
the head; with married women it is fastened in like manner with a
cowrie or a brass button, and heavy pendants are fastened to the
temple. The latter is an essential sign of marriage, and its absence is
a sign of widowhood.” There is no doubt that they have a patois of
their own; but it has as yet not been fully collected. Dr. Ball says
that he was “informed by a Russian Prince, who travelled in India in
1874, that one of his companions, a Hungarian nobleman, found himself
able to converse with the Banjâras of Central India in consequence of
his knowledge of the Zingari language.” He also states that “the Dîwân
of Kudibuga told me that the strong-minded Banjâra women are in the
habit of inflicting severe chastisement on their husbands with their
very large sticks (bari bari lâthi), a custom which also prevails in
the Nicobar Islands.”
DISTRIBUTION OF BANJÂRAS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
==============+=====+=====+=====+===+=====+=====+===+======+======+======
District. |Chauhân.
| |Bahrûp.
| | |Guâr.
| | | |Jâdon.
| | | | |Panwâr.
| | | | | |Râthaur.
| | | | | | |Tunwar.
| | | | | | | |Others.
| | | | | | | | |Muhammadans.
| | | | | | | | | |Total.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~
Dehra Dûn | 2| ... | ... |...| ... | ... |...| 936| 939| 1,877
Sahâranpur | 578|1,865| ... |...| 178| 528| 10| 3,836| 3,494|10,489
Muzaffarnagar | 380| 112| ... | 53| 769| 637|107| 1,708| 88| 3,854
Meerut | ... | ... | ... |...| ... | 98|...| 253| 353| 704
Bulandshahr | 356| ... | ... | 1| 1| 95|...| 27| 83| 563
Aligarh | 102| ... | 123| 2| 50|1,146|363| 844| 17| 2,647
Mathura | 166| ... | 1| 21| 78| 205| 2| 108| 770| 1,351
Agra | 140| ... | 6|347| 92| 319|...| 225| 207| 1,336
Farrukhâbâd | 215| ... | ... | 23| 50| 31| 3| 353| 170| 875
Mainpuri | ... | ... | ... | 94| ... | 281|...| 311| 31| 717
Etâwah | 550| ... | 1|352| 204| 538|...| 763| 28| 2,436
Etah | 393| ... | 2| 43| 166| 590| 21| 617| 50| 1,882
Bareilly | ... | ... | 67|...| ... | ... |...| ... | 7,915| 7,982
Bijnor | ... | ... | 154|...| 335| 966|...| 1,126| 2,606| 5,187
Budâun | ... | ... | ... |...| ... | ... |...| ... | 13| 13
Morâdâbâd | ... | ... | 189|...| ... | ... |...| 375| 2,598| 3,162
Shâhjahânpur | ... | ... | 1|...| 8| 53| 3| 45| 149| 259
Pilibhît | 99| 31| 459| 23| 270|1,343|...| 1,664| 5,506| 9,395
Cawnpur | 25| ... | 124| 2| 112| 154|...| 11| 2| 430
Allahâbâd | ... | ... | ... |...| ... | ... |...| 3| ... | 3
Jhânsi | ... | ... | ... |...| ... | ... |...| 16| ... | 16
Ghâzipur | ... | ... | ... |...| ... | ... |...| ... | 1| 1
Ballia | ... | ... | ... |...| ... | ... |...| 10| ... | 10
Gorakhpur | 6| ... | 10|...| ... | ... |...| 63| 36| 115
Basti | 3| 68| ... |...| ... | 39|...| 1| 48| 159
Tarâi | ... | ... | 36|...| ... | 190| 3| 2,747| 911|38,887
Lucknow | ... | ... | ... |...| ... | ... |...| 34| ... | 34
Unâo | ... | ... | ... |...| ... | ... |...| ... | 142| 142
Râê Bareli | ... | ... | ... |...| ... | ... |...| 2| 42| 44
Sîtapur | 16| ... | 2|...| ... | ... |...| 27| 199| 244
Hardoi | ... | ... | ... |...| ... | ... |...| ... | 25| 25
Kheri | 40| 102| 918|...| 465|1,273|...| 1,422| 407| 4,627
Faizâbâd | ... | ... | ... |...| ... | ... |...| 8| ... | 8
Gonda | ... | ... | ... |...| ... | ... |...| 5| 43| 48
Bahrâich | 64| ... | 56|...| 685| 446| 6| 934| 80| 2,271
Partâbgarh | 33| ... | ... |...| ... | 2|...| ... | ... | 35
+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~
Total |3,198|2,178|2,149|961|3,463|8,934|518|18,474|26,953|66,828
==============+=====+=====+=====+===+=====+=====+===+======+======+======
Bânsphor. [245]—(Bâns, “bamboo,” phorna, “to split”).—A sub-caste of
Doms who may be considered separately as they have been separately
enumerated at the last Census. Those in Mirzapur represent themselves
to be immigrants from a place called Bisurpur or Birsupur in the Native
State of Panna, which, according to some, is identical with Birsinhpur,
a place north-west of the town of Rîwa. In Gorakhpur they call
themselves Gharbâri, or “settled” Doms, in contradistinction to the
Magahiya, or vagrant branch of the tribe. Their immigration from the
west is said in Mirzapur to have commenced some four generations ago
and still continues. They profess to undertake occasional pilgrimages
to their old settlement to worship a local Mahâdeva. In Gorakhpur they
have a story that they are the descendants of one Supach Bhagat, who
was a votary of Râmchandra. He had two wives, Mân Devi and Pân Devi,
the first of whom was the ancestress of the Bânsphors. They freely,
like other Doms, admit outsiders into the caste, and this is generally
the result of an intrigue with one of their women. The applicant for
admission has to give a feast of rice, pulse, pork, and spirits to the
brotherhood, and when he has drunk with them he is admitted to full
caste rights.
[Internal organization.] 2. The sub-caste being a purely occupational
offshoot from the original Dom tribe, their internal organization is
rather vague. Thus at the last Census they were enumerated under one
main sub-caste, the Dhânuk, who, though possibly allied to the Dom
race, are generally treated as distinct, and the Benbansi of Gonda. In
Bhâgalpur, according to Mr. Risley, [246] they have a number of
exogamous sections (pangat); but other Bânsphors on the Nepâl frontier
regulate their marriages by local sections (dih); while others in the
town of Bhâgalpur have neither pangat nor dih. In Mirzapur they
enumerate eight exogamous sections: Mahâwati, Chamkel, Gausel, Samudra,
Nahar, Kalai, Magariha, and Saraiha; and they reinforce the rule of
section exogamy by prohibiting marriages with the daughter of the
maternal uncle, of their father’s sister, and of their own sister; also
they do not intermarry with a family in which one of these relations
marries until at least one or two generations have passed. Similarly,
in Hardoi, where they have no sub-castes or sections, they are reported
to prohibit marriage with first cousins on both the father’s and
mother’s sides. In Gorakhpur they name, like so many castes of this
social grade, seven endogamous sub-castes: Bânsphor; Mangta, or
“begging” Doms; Dharkâr, which has been treated as a separate caste;
Nâtak, or dancers; Tasiha; Halâlkhor, “one to whom all food is lawful;”
and Kûnchbandhiya, or makers of the brushes constructed out of the
roots of the kans grass used by weavers for cleaning the thread.
[Tribal Council.] 3. The Bânsphors on the whole agree with the customs
of the Doms and Dharkârs, of whom an account has been separately given;
but, as might be expected from their living a more settled life than
the vagrant Doms, they are more completely Hinduised. Their caste
council, under a hereditary president (Chaudhari), is a very powerful
and influential body, the members of which are, however, only a sort of
assessors to the president, who, after consultation with them, gives
any orders he pleases. If a man is caught in an intrigue with a Dhobin
or Domin he is permanently excommunicated, and the same rule applies to
a woman detected in an amour with a man of either of these castes.
Intrigues with persons of more respectable castes involve expulsion
only until the necessary feasts of expiation are given to the brethren.
In addition to the feast the offender has always, in Mirzapur, to pay a
cash fine of one-and-a-quarter rupees. Monogamy is the rule, but there
is no restriction against a man having as many wives as he can marry
and support. Concubinage with a woman of another caste is prohibited,
and the caste look on the very idea of polyandry with such horror that
it is more than doubtful if it could ever have been a tribal
institution. If an unmarried girl is detected in an intrigue with a
clansman she is married to him by order of the council, and her father
has to give a dinner to the brethren. When a married woman offends in
this way, both her husband and father have to give a feast; but, as
among all these tribes, inter-tribal infidelity is lightly regarded; a
woman is not condemned except on the actual evidence of eye-witnesses.
[Marriage rules.] 4. Marriage takes place usually in infancy; and, in
Mirzapur, if a girl is not married by the time she comes to puberty,
her parents are put out of caste. Marriages are arranged by the
brother-in-law of the boy’s father, and the bride-price is fixed in
Mirzapur by tribal custom at four-and-a-quarter rupees, four annas
being added as siwâi for good luck. If a wife habitually commit
adultery, eat with a low-caste person, or give her husband food in an
impure dish, she is put away with the sanction of the council. A woman
is allowed to leave her husband only if he be put out of caste. It is
said, in Mirzapur, that a divorced wife cannot marry again. This is
true, so far as that, of course, she cannot go through the regular
service which is restricted to virgin brides; but she can live with a
man by the sagâi form, and the connection, after it has been ratified
by a feast, is binding, and her children are legitimate. Widows are
married by the sagâi, or dharauna form, generally to a widower, and
their children are recognised as heirs. The only ceremony is that the
husband gives the woman a new suit of clothes, which are put on her
inside the house at night, in secret, and he then eats with the family
of his father-in-law. Next day he takes his bride home, and feeds his
clansmen, on which the union is recognised. The levirate prevails under
the usual restrictions. Even if a widow be taken over by the younger
brother, her children by the first marriage inherit the estate of their
father. A man may adopt his brother’s, or daughter’s, not his sister’s,
son. A woman can adopt if there be no one in her husband’s family to
support her.
[Birth ceremonies.] 5. In their birth ceremonies the Bânsphors agree
with the Dharkârs. The mother, during her confinement is, in Mirzapur,
attended by a woman of the Basor caste. There is no rite performed on
the sixth day, and the mother is impure till the twelfth day (barahi).
They have the usual dread of the menstrual and parturition impurity. On
the twelfth day a hog is sacrificed to the deceased ancestors of the
family, and the brethren eat the flesh boiled with rice. The woman has
to worship the well from which water is drawn for the use of the family
by walking five times round it in the course of the sun and marking it
with red lead. A man does not cohabit with his wife for two months
after her confinement. The only approach to a puberty ceremony is the
ear-boring, which takes place at the age of three or five, but in some
cases is delayed to a later date, and it marks an approach to Hinduism,
that they ask the Pandit to fix a lucky time for its performance. From
that time the child is regarded as a member of the tribe and must
conform to caste usages regarding food.
[Marriage.] 6. In the same way the Pandit draws auspices (ganana ganna)
of marriages. The betrothal is settled by the father of the boy
exchanging with the girl’s father a leaf platter full of liquor in
which a rupee is placed, and the brother-in-law of the bridegroom ties
a turban on the head of the bride’s father. The marriage ceremony
resembles that of Dharkârs (q.v.). It is preceded by the matmangara
ceremony. The earth is dug by the bridegroom’s mother, who offers a
burnt sacrifice (homa) to the village deities (dih). In the centre of
the marriage shed (mânro) is fixed up a branch of the fig tree (gûlar)
and the cotton tree (semal). The usual anointing precedes the marriage.
The bride’s nails are solemnly cut (nahchhu) and her feet are coloured
with lac dye (mahâwar). The usual wave ceremony (parachhan) is done
with a pestle (mûsar) and a water jar (kalsa). At the bride’s door her
father makes a mark (tîka) on the forehead of the bridegroom with rice
and curds. The bride’s father washes the feet of the bride and
bridegroom in a square in the court-yard. They sit facing east, and the
bride’s father worships the fig tree branch, and then, in imitation of
Hindus, Gauri and Ganesa. Then holding some kusa grass in his hand he
formally gives away the bride (kanyâdâna). The clothes of the pair are
knotted together, and they walk five times round the fig and cotton
branches, while at each revolution the girl’s brother sprinkles a
little parched rice into a sieve which the bridegroom holds. This he
scatters on the ground, and the ceremony ends by the bridegroom marking
the girl’s head with red lead, which is the binding portion of the
ceremony. Then they go into the retiring room (kohabar), where jokes
are played on the bridegroom, and he receives a present from his
mother-in-law. As is usual with these tribes they have the ceremony of
plunging the wedding jars (kalsa dubâna) into water a day or two after
the wedding.
[Death ceremonies.] 7. The dead are cremated, except young children or
those who die of epidemic disease, whose bodies are thrown into a river
or buried. After the cremation they chew leaves of the nîm tree as a
mark of mourning. The death pollution lasts ten days, during which the
mourner every night lays out a platter of food on the road by which the
corpse was removed for its use. On the tenth day the chief mourner
throws five lumps (pinda) of rice boiled in milk (khîr) into water in
the name of the dead, and, on returning home, sacrifices a hog in the
name of the deceased, which is boiled with rice and eaten by the
clansmen. No Brâhmans are employed at any of these ceremonies. In the
festival of the dead (pitripaksha) in Kuâr they pour off water on the
ground every day for fifteen days in honour of deceased ancestors; and
on the ninth day they offer cakes (pûri), sweet rice (bakhîr), and
pork, to their ancestors. These are laid out in the court-yard for
their use. On the fifteenth day they offer rice, pulse, bread, and
pork, if obtainable, in the same way. Any senior member of the family
presents the offering.
[Religion.] 8. Their chief deity, in Mirzapur, is the Vindhyabâsini
Devi, of Bindhâchal, whom they worship on the ninth day of Chait, with
hogs, goats, cakes (pûri), and pottage (lapsi). They honour the village
gods (dih) with a sacrifice of a hog or goat; butter, barley, and
treacle are burnt in a fire offering. On the fifth of Sâwan they lay
milk and parched rice near a snake’s hole. They respect the pîpal tree,
and will not cut or injure it. In Gorakhpur they worship Kâlika and
Samai. The former is worshipped at marriages, child-birth, etc., with
an offering of a young pig, one-and-a-quarter jars of liquor, flowers,
and ground rice boiled in treacle and milk (pithi). To Samai is offered
a yearling pig. Maidens and widows married by the Sagâi form are not
permitted to join in this worship, which takes place in a corner of the
house set apart for the purpose. They do not employ Brâhmans in their
domestic ceremonies, which are carried out by some old man (syâna) of
the family. In Hardoi their tribal deity is Kâla Deo, whose image is
painted on the wall of the house, and worshipped at any event, such as
marriage, birth, etc., in the family. They also sometimes sacrifice a
goat or sheep to Devi, and the worshippers consume the offerings. Their
holidays are the Phagua or Holi, at which they get drunk and eat choice
food; the Râmnaumi, on the ninth of Chait, when they worship the
Vindhyabâsini Devi; the Tîj, on the third of Sâwan, when women pray for
the long life of their husbands, and the Kajari, on the third of
Bhâdon, when women get drunk, and all rules of sexual morality are
ignored. In Hardoi, on the Karwa Chauth feast, the women fast and
worship the moon by pouring water out of an earthen pot (karwa), whence
the name of the festival. At the Guriya feast girls make dolls of rags,
which are beaten with sticks by boys on the banks of a tank. The dolls
are believed to represent snakes, and the feast is in commemoration of
the destruction of serpents by Garuda. They worship the dead by laying
out food in seven leaf platters and letting the children or crows eat
it. They have a great respect for the village shrine, and never dare to
tread on the pieces of earthenware horses, etc., with which it is
decorated. They also, as is shown in the birth ceremonies, worship
wells. The sainted dead specially delight in the savour of pork, and
give trouble if not honoured with this sacrifice.
[Social customs.] 9. Women wear in the ears the ornaments known as
utarna and karnphûl, bead necklaces (dharkauwa), and bangles (chûri) on
the arms: anklets (pairi), brass rings on their fingers. Boys and girls
have two names, one for ordinary use and one kept secret. They swear on
the sun or the heads of their children. Those who break an oath become
smitten with leprosy or lose their property. Disease, generally due to
demoniacal possession, is treated by the Ojha, who also prescribes in
cases of the Evil-eye. They will not eat beef, nor touch a Dom, Dhobi,
the wife of a younger brother, the wife of the elder brother-in-law, or
the wife of their sister’s son. They will not mention their eldest son
by his name. To do so is regarded as a sin. They eat pork, fowls,
goats, and other animals, but not the cow, monkey, alligator, snake,
lizard, jackal, or rat. Men eat before women. They salute their
castemen in the form Râm! Râm!
[Occupation.] 10. Some work as ordinary day-labourers, but their
business is making fans, baskets, and boxes of bamboo. Some work as
sweepers and remove night-soil. No other caste will touch food or water
from their hands.
DISTRIBUTION OF BÂNSPHORS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
==============+=======+=======+============+=======
District. |Dhânuk.|Others.|Muhammadans.| Total.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Dehra Dûn | ...| 156| ...| 156
Sahâranpur | ...| 5| 87| 92
Farrukhâbâd | ...| 94| ...| 94
Mainpuri | ...| 19| ...| 19
Bareilly | ...| 7| ...| 7
Morâdâbâd | ...| ... | 20| 20
Shâhjahânpur | ...| 66| ...| 66
Pilibhît | ...| 353| ...| 353
Cawnpur | ...| 44| ...| 44
Banda | ...| 4| ...| 4
Lalitpur | ...| 4,360| ...| 4,360
Mirzapur | ...| 64| ...| 64
Ghâzipur | ...| 28| ...| 28
Ballia | ...| 447| ...| 447
Gorakhpur | ...| 466| 1| 467
Basti | ...| 7| ...| 7
Azamgarh | ...| 67| ...| 67
Lucknow | 1,102| 729| ...| 1,831
Unâo | ...| 36| ...| 36
Râê Bareli | 422| 7| ...| 429
Sîtapur | 308| 853| ...| 1,161
Kheri | ...| 6| ...| 6
Gonda | 295| 327| ...| 622
Bahrâich | 1,534| 728| 3| 2,265
Partâbgarh | 4,467| 218| 1| 4,686
+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Total | 8,128| 9,093| 112| 17,333
==============+=======+=======+============+=======
Banya.—(Sanskrit, banija, vanija.)—The great trading class of Northern
India. Pedantically the Banya is known as Baqqâl—a term applied in
Arabia and Persia to greengrocers. When he becomes a large merchant he
is known as Mahâjan. Banya is, in fact, a generic term including a
large number of endogamous sub-castes, of whom some account has been
given in separate articles. The Banya has rather an indifferent
reputation in the country-side, where he is hated and despised for his
habits of money-grubbing, meanness, and rapacity. But at the same time
he is an indispensable element in the social life of the people whose
trade and business he finances. The modern Banya does not seem to have
changed much since the time of Tavernier, [247] who writes:—“Those of
this caste are so subtle and nimble in trade that the Jews may be their
’prentices. They accustom their children betimes to fly idleness, and
instead of suffering them to lose their time by playing in the streets,
as we generally do, they teach them arithmetic, which they are so
perfect at, that without making use either of pen or ink or counters,
but only of their memories, they will in a moment cast up the most
difficult account that can be imagined. They always live with their
fathers, who instruct them in trade, and do nothing but what they show
them. If any man in the heat of passion chafe at them, they will hear
him patiently without making any reply, and parting coldly from him
will not see him again till three or four days, when they think their
passion may be over. They never eat anything that has life, nay, they
would rather die than kill the smallest animal or vermin, being in that
point above all things the most zealous observers of the law. They
never fight nor go to war, neither will they eat or drink at the house
of a Râjput.”
2. The current proverbs abound with chaff at the Banya:—Na Banya mît na
besva sati—“A Banya is as little a friend as a prostitute is chaste”;
Banya mârê jan, thag mârê anjân—“The Banya cheats his friends, and the
rogue, strangers,” and so on.
3. At the same time some of the Banya sub-divisions, like the Agarwâla
and Oswâl, are perhaps some of the purest races in Northern India.
4. In his social habits the Banya is very precise in the matter of
food. In religion he is either a Hindu or Jain, or, as he calls
himself, a Sarâogi, a word derived from the Sanskrit srâvaka, “a
disciple of the Buddha.”
DISTRIBUTION OF BANYAS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
==============+===========+=========+===========
District. | Hindu. | Jain. | Total.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~
Dehra Dûn | 3,212 | 234 | 3,446
Sahâranpur | 31,170 | 6,075 | 37,245
Muzaffarnagar | 31,997 | 9,388 | 41,385
Meerut | 51,943 | 16,378 | 68,321
Bulandshahr | 39,579 | 1,265 | 40,844
Aligarh | 46,472 | 2,507 | 48,979
Mathura | 39,602 | 2,041 | 41,643
Agra | 45,060 | 13,371 | 58,431
Farrukhâbâd | 25,137 | 1,048 | 26,185
Mainpuri | 21,452 | 5,759 | 27,211
Etâwah | 27,608 | 2,117 | 29,725
Etah | 23,864 | 4,933 | 28,797
Bareilly | 22,191 | 4 | 22,195
Bijnor | 18,331 | 998 | 19,329
Budâun | 31,307 | 229 | 31,536
Morâdâbâd | 31,970 | 1,002 | 32,972
Shâhjahânpur | 23,573 | 36 | 23,609
Pilibhît | 7,303 | 11 | 7,314
Cawnpur | 33,939 | 415 | 34,354
Fatehpur | 19,338 | 83 | 19,421
Bânda | 22,274 | 282 | 22,556
Hamîrpur | 14,667 | 107 | 14,774
Allahâbâd | 46,131 | 568 | 46,699
Jhânsi | 13,556 | 2,521 | 16,077
Jâlaun | 14,304 | 164 | 14,468
Lalitpur | 1,893 | 9,546 | 11,439
Benares | 21,263 | 138 | 21,401
Mirzapur | 23,754 | 281 | 24,035
Jaunpur | 23,745 | 6 | 23,751
Ghâzipur | 32,685 | 27 | 32,712
Ballia | 44,248 | ... | 44,248
Gorakhpur | 100,209 | 40 | 100,249
Basti | 53,155 | ... | 53,155
Azamgarh | 38,380 | ... | 38,380
Kumâun | 4,925 | ... | 4,925
Garhwâl | 1,920 | 2 | 1,922
Tarâi | 2,850 | 39 | 2,889
Lucknow | 17,231 | 797 | 18,028
Unâo | 15,805 | 8 | 15,813
Râê Bareli | 16,512 | 23 | 16,535
Sîtapur | 15,013 | 234 | 15,247
Hardoi | 27,175 | ... | 27,175
Kheri | 13,473 | 10 | 13,483
Faizâbâd | 34,771 | 161 | 34,932
Gonda | 33,108 | ... | 33,108
Bahrâich | 20,263 | 48 | 20,311
Sultânpur | 23,524 | ... | 23,524
Partâbgarh | 13,420 | 130 | 13,550
Bârabanki | 13,944 | 950 | 14,894
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~
Total | 1,279,246 | 83,976 | 1,363,222
==============+===========+=========+==========
Bârahseni.—(Bârah, twelve; sena, an army).—A sub-caste of Banyas found
principally in the Western Districts. The last Census shows none in
Benares; but Mr. Sherring [248] speaks of them as a considerable colony
of bankers:—“They state that their original home was Agroha. In Benares
they are of the Garga gotra.”
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BÂRAHSENI BANYAS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
==============+=========
District. | Number.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~
Sahâranpur | 8
Meerut | 3
Bulandshahr | 1,791
Aligarh | 12,936
Mathura | 4,383
Agra | 315
Farrukhâbâd | 11
Mainpuri | 625
Etah | 2,329
Bareilly | 3
Bijnor | 12
Budâun | 5,798
Morâdâbâd | 4,511
Shâhjahânpur | 33
Pilibhît | 13
Tarâi | 12
+~~~~~~~~~
Total | 32,783
==============+=========
Barai, Baraiya.—(Sanskrit vritti, “occupation, maintenance.”)—The caste
engaged in the cultivation of the piper betel, usually known as pân
(Sanskrit, parna), the leaf par excellence. The distinction generally
made between the Barai and the Tamboli is that the former grows the
plant, while the latter sells the leaves. But this distinction does not
seem to be always observed. It would seem that the Barai hardly ever
sells the leaves, while the Tamboli sometimes cultivates the plant. Mr.
Sherring denies that the distinction prevails in Benares, and says that
there the Tamboli sells betel-nut as well as pân, and appears to be
more of a wholesale dealer than the Barai. [249] The Barais are
replaced in the Meerut, Agra, and Rohilkhand Divisions by the Tambolis.
[Traditions of origin.] 2. In the eastern part of the Province they
have a curious legend to explain their origin:—“There were two Brâhman
brothers so devout that after bathing they used to throw their loin
cloths up to the skies, where they dried and came down when they were
wanted. One day the brothers were in the forest and were athirst. The
elder brother directed the younger to climb a mahua tree and see if
there was any water in the cavities of the trunk. He did so and found
water, which in his greediness he drank, and, lying to his elder
brother, denied that there was any water in the tree. Next day they
threw their loin cloths up to the sky as usual, and when they wanted
them only that of the elder brother came down. So he knew that his
brother had lied unto him. The younger brother denied the charge. Then
Parameswar came down from heaven, and, convicting the younger brother
of falsehood, ordered that the elder brother should remain a Brâhman,
while the younger should tend the nâg bel or pân plant, which he formed
out of the sacred thread of the offender, and that the elder brother
should serve the younger brother as his priest.” Another story is that
Brahma created them to save Brâhmans from the labour of growing the
plant. Traditionally the Tâmbûlika or seller of betel is descended from
a Sûdra woman by a Vaisya man. The caste is probably occupational and
of mixed origin. In Gorakhpur they say that once a Brâhman had three
sons. He came down with them from fairy land and was able to support
them only by growing betel, for which he was excommunicated. They
explain the name of the caste as derived from baraitha, the betel
conservatory, which comes from the Sanskrit vriti. The Gorakhpur branch
fix on Bîrbhânpur, in the Azamgarh District, as their head-quarters.
[Internal structure.] 3. In the last Census returns the Barais were
recorded in no less than one hundred and forty-seven sub-castes. Of
these a large number are local, such as the Aharwâr of Ahâr, the
Ajudhyabâsi of Ajudhya, the Audha of Awadh, the Bindrabanbâsi of
Bindraban, the Chaurasiya of Chaurâsi, in Mirzapur, the Dakkhinâha or
“Southern,” the Gorakhpuri, Jaiswâr, Jaunpuri, Kânhpuriya, of Cawnpur,
Mahobiya, Pachhwâhân or “Western”; Sarjupâri or “residents beyond the
river Sarju,” Sribâstab of Srâvasti; and Uttarâha or “Northern.” Many,
again, are connected by origin or function with other tribes, as the
Banya, Banjariya, Baiswâr, Chauhân, Donwâr, Gaderiya, Gahlot, Gauriya,
Gondar, Jâdubansi, Katheriya, Karwâra, Kokâs, Maharwa, Nâgbansi,
Nânakshâhi, Ummar, Pansariya, Panwariya, Râjbansi, Rauteli, Sândil,
Shuklabans. This will give some idea of the diverse elements out of
which the caste has been composed.
4. In Mirzapur they name seven endogamous sub-castes, Partâbgarhi (from
Partâbgarh), Chaurâsi (the Chaurasiya of Benares) [250], Jaiswâr or
Jaiswâra Nâsarkhâni (the Nâsalkâni of Benares), Tâmboli, Uttarâha
(“Northern”), Pachhiwâha (“Western”). Mr. Sherring adds Sribâstava
(from Srâvasti), Bherihâra (“tenders of sheep”), Magahiya (from
Magadha), Phuihâra, and Dhanwariya. Of these three, the Magahiya,
Chaurasiya, and Jaiswâr appear in Behâr, where there are two others,
Semariya and Sokhwa. In the Central Duâb they are divided into the
Chaurasiya, who prepare betel, and the Katyâr, who sell it. In
Gorakhpur we have the Kanaujiya, Chaurasiya, and Jaiswâr.
[Marriage rules.] 5. Marriage within the endogamous sub-castes is
regulated by a rule of exogamy, which forbids marriage in the family of
the paternal and maternal uncle and paternal and maternal aunt as long
as there is any recollection of relationship, which is usually after
five or six generations. But at the same time they usually marry
locally in the families of those with whom they are accustomed to eat
and smoke. In Mirzapur the Partâbgarhi are distinguished from the
Chaurâsi, inasmuch that the former permit the use of spirits while the
latter prohibit it. They marry their daughters at the age of eight or
nine, and their sons at twelve or thirteen. A man cannot take a second
wife unless he proves to the satisfaction of the tribal council that
the first wife is barren, disobedient, extravagant, or a thief, and
even then he has to pay a fine to the council, which is spent in a
tribal feast. They seldom take more than two wives. They have the usual
forms of marriage,—Charhauwa for the well-to-do, Dola for poor people,
and Sagâi for widows. In both the regular forms of virgin marriage the
binding portions of the ceremony are the worshipping of the
bridegroom’s feet (pair pûja, pânw pûja) by the father of the bride,
and marking of the parting of the bride’s hair with red lead
(sindurdan). In Sagâi the only ceremony is dressing the bride in a suit
of clothes and ornaments provided by the bridegroom, and the feeding of
his relations and clansmen. Intertribal infidelity is lightly regarded
and is condoned by a tribal feast, but fornication with an outsider
involves excommunication. They have the extraordinary rule that a woman
who poisons her husband is excommunicated. If a man, in spite of the
admonition and punishment administered by the tribal council, refuses
to support his wife or loses caste, the council permit the woman to
leave her husband, and, if she so pleases, to marry again by the Sagâi
form.
[Religion.] 6. They are seldom initiated into any special sect. Like
all Hindus of the same class, when the men get old they undergo a
process of initiation and become devotees (bhagat: Sanskrit, bhakta).
The only effect of this is that they abstain from meat and fish, and
attend more carefully to their religious duties, such as attending
temples, ceremonial bathing, etc. To the east of the Province their
special deities are Mahâbîr, the Pânchonpîr, Bhawâni, Hardiha Deva, or
Hardaur, Sokha Bâba and Nâgbeli. Sokha Bâba is the special deity of the
Nâsarkhâni sub-caste, and, if neglected, ruins their pân gardens. They
can tell nothing about him. He seems to be a deified exorciser or
magician, sokha (Sanskrit: sukshma, “acute, subtle”) being the
equivalent of Ojha. Nâgbel or Nâgarbel is the special deity of the pân
plant. Hardiha is the special deity of the Barais of South Mirzapur.
Mahâbîr receives an offering of sweetened bread (rota), gram,
Brâhmanical threads (janeû), and loin cloths. His holy day is Tuesday.
The Pânchonpîr receive rice cooked in milk (jawar), and fried cakes
(puri), which are offered on Wednesday. Bhawâni is honoured with the
sacrifice of a he-goat or ram, and sweets and cakes (halwa-puri).
Hardiha is worshipped in secret inside the house on Monday. On
Wednesday they fast in honour of the Pânchonpîr. Sokha Bâba is said to
have a temple in Magadha (Behâr). His offering consists of sweets and
cakes (halwa-puri). These deities are worshipped only by that member of
the family who is under the influence of the special divinity—a fact
shown by his getting into a state of ecstasy and uttering oracles. Only
those who cultivate pân worship Nâgbel by lighting a lamp in the
conservatory and making a burnt-offering (hom). The special day for the
Nâgbel worship is the fifth of the first half of Sâwan. The greater
gods are worshipped through Tiwâri Brâhmans, and the minor deities by
some specially inspired member of the family. They cremate their dead
in the ordinary way, and some go to Gaya to perform the srâddha
ceremony.
[Occupation.] 7. Betel is the term applied to the leaf of the piper
betel chewed with the areca nut, which is hence improperly called
betel-nut. The word, according to the authorities is Malayâlam,
vettila, i.e., veru + ila = “simple or mere leaf,” and comes to us
through the Portuguese betre and betle. [251] Areca is the seed, or, in
common parlance, the nut, of the palm areca catechu. The word is
Malayâlam, addakka, and comes to us through the Portuguese. [252] There
are various methods of preparing the compound known as pân supâri.
“Garcias da Horta says distinctly:—‘In chewing betre they mix areca
with it and a little lime; some add licio (i.e., catechu); but the rich
and grandees add some Borneo camphor, and also some lign aloes, musk,
and ambergris.’” [253] Abul Fazl says:—“They also put some betel-nut
and kath (catechu) on one leaf and some lime paste on another and roll
them up: this is called a berah (bîra). Some put camphor and musk into
it, and tie up both leaves with a silk thread.” [254] This is very much
the modern practice, except that the two leaves are very generally
fastened together with a clove. The conservatory in which the pân is
grown is treated with great reverence by the grower. [255] They do not
allow women to enter it, and permit no one to touch the plant or throw
the leaves into fire. Very often they are given rent-free holdings by
rich landlords to tempt them to settle in their neighbourhood. The
women have an indifferent reputation, as they manage shops, and those
who are attractive secure the most custom. They eat pakki cooked by all
Brâhmans, Kshatriyas, and Vaisyas, except Kalwârs. In Gorakhpur, it is
said, they eat pakki only from the hands of Brâhmans and Kshatriyas.
They eat kachchi only if cooked by members of their own caste. Ghatiya
Brâhmans and Râjputs eat pakki cooked by them. The highest caste which
will eat kachchi cooked by them is the Nâi. They eat mutton and goat’s
flesh, and some indulge in spirituous liquors.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BARAIS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
=============+=============================+========
| Sub-Castes. |
District. |~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~| Total.
|Chaurasiya.|Jaiswâr.| Others.|
~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~
Mathura | ... | ... | 327 | 327
Fatehpur | 142 | ... | 32 | 174
Bânda | 379 | ... | 22 | 401
Hamîrpur | 1,088 | ... | 142 | 1,230
Allahâbâd | 6,768 | 16 | 922 | 7,706
Jhânsi | 163 | ... | 193 | 356
Lalitpur | 970 | ... | 298 | 1,268
Benares | 2,608 | 62 | 245 | 2,915
Mirzapur | 4,329 | 11 | 25 | 4,365
Jaunpur | 5,734 | 927 | 225 | 6,886
Ghâzipur | 5,580 | 32 | 643 | 6,255
Ballia | 5,512 | 426 | 461 | 6,399
Gorakhpur | 12,856 | 9,884 | 6,258 | 28,998
Basti | ... | 26,859 | 1,054 | 27,913
Azamgarh | ... | 8,760 | 1,977 | 10,737
Lucknow | 95 | ... | 163 | 258
Unâo | 579 | ... | ... | 579
Sîtapur | 780 | ... | 461 | 1,241
Hardoi | 5,177 | ... | 253 | 5,430
Kheri | 462 | ... | 216 | 678
Faizâbâd | 80 | 10,612 | 122 | 10,814
Gonda | 7 | 16,594 | 23 | 16,624
Bahrâich | ... | 21 | 1,045 | 1,066
Sultânpur | 2,800 | 1,478 | 478 | 4,756
Partâbgarh | 5,746 | 6 | 190 | 5,942
Bârabanki | ... | 103 | ... | 103
+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~
Total | 61,855 | 75,791 | 15,775 | 153,421
=============+===========+========+========+=========
Baranwâl, Baranwâr.—A sub-caste of Banyas who take their name from the
old town of Baran, the modern Bulandshahr. They are principally found
in the Rohilkhand, Benares, and Gorakhpur Divisions. Curiously enough
they have entirely avoided Bulandshahr, their old home. As illustrating
the domestic customs of Banyas the following account from Mirzapur may
be given:—
[Birth customs.] 2. When a woman is in the eighth month of pregnancy
the Athmâsa ceremony is performed. Two or three days before it
commences the women sing songs. On the day of the ceremony the Pandit
makes a square in the courtyard, in which the husband and his wife are
seated with their clothes knotted together. The Pandit makes them
worship Gauri and Ganesa, and sweetmeats are sent to the houses of the
clansmen. In the evening a feast is given to the clansmen. When the
child is born, what is called the Nandi mukh srâddha is performed, and
then the Chamârin midwife is called in to cut the navel cord. She
attends the mother only on the first day. Then follow the usual sixth
and twelfth day ceremonies (chhathi, barahi), when the mother bathes,
the house is purified, and she returns to her household duties. When
the child is one or three years old comes the shaving (mûnran). All the
women of the family and their friends go to the temple of some goddess
and worship her; then they worship the barber’s razor, and offer a
rupee to it, which is the perquisite of the barber. Then he shaves the
boy’s head, and the mother receives the hair on a cake made of unbaked
dough. But more generally this is done by the sister or father’s sister
of the boy. The boy and his mother then put on yellow garments and
return home. A feast is given, and some small sums distributed to
Brâhmans. In some families the ceremony of ear-boring (kanchhedan) is
done at the same time as the mûnran; sometimes it is deferred till the
boy is five years old. The boring is done by a Sunâr, and the friends
are entertained. When the boy is six months old the anna-prâsana
ceremony is performed. The mother cooks some rice milk (khîr), and the
eldest member of the family puts some of it on a rupee and makes the
child lick it. The function ends with the distribution of betel and
cardamoms among the guests.
[Occupation.] 3. The Baranwâls are bâzâr traders of the ordinary type,
and deal in grain and various kinds of merchandise.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BARANWÂL BANYAS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
=============+========
District. | Number.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Agra | 26
Etah | 28
Budâun | 439
Morâdâbâd | 1,825
Cawnpur | 80
Bânda | 1
Benares | 776
Mirzapur | 590
Jaunpur | 2,140
Ghâzipur | 1,337
Gorakhpur | 466
Basti | 1,880
Azamgarh | 5,206
Râê Bareli | 46
Faizâbâd | 173
Partâbgarh | 131
~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Grand Total | 15,144
=============+========
Bargâh, Bargâha, Bargâhi.—(Probably connected with Bâri, q.v.)—A caste
of personal servants and makers of leaf platters (dauna). To the east
of the province they trace their origin to Kanauj, and say that they
emigrated with the Gaharwâr Râjputs. Their women act as wet-nurses to
the Gaharwârs, and their men pass round betel at entertainments, and do
other kinds of higher domestic service. They claim kinship with the
Guâl Ahîrs. Thus, in Gorakhpur, Dr. Buchanan [256] says:—“The Râjput
chiefs have certain families of the Ahîrs, the women of which serve as
wet-nurses to their children, and the men attend to their persons.
These families are called Bargâha; they have received, of course, great
favours, and several of them are very rich; but others look down upon
them as having admitted their women to too great familiarity with their
chiefs.”
2. They marry in their own tribe; but they have no sections, and their
rule of exogamy is not to marry in a family with which they have been
once connected in marriage as long as any recollection of relationship
exists. The marriage customs are of the usual type. In Mirzapur they
practise adult marriage. The ceremony occupies three days—the sil,
main, and bârât. On the day of the sil the grindstone and rice pounder
(sil batta) are placed in the courtyard, and a Brâhman worships Gauri.
The clansmen are fed on rice and pulse. On the main day the mâtri pûja
and worship of deceased ancestors is performed, and a second feast is
given. On the third day, the bârât, the procession, goes to the house
of the bride. The pair are seated in a shed (mânro); the bride’s father
worships the feet of the bridegroom and presents him with fruits, etc.,
the garments of the pair are knotted, and they revolve seven times
round the shed. The bride’s father then marks the forehead of the
bridegroom with turmeric and rice, and takes him and the bride into the
retiring room (kohabar), a relic of the custom of immediately
consummating the marriage. There the women of the family make the
bridegroom join the lights of two lighted wicks as a sign of lasting
affection between the pair. The girl is then sent off at once with her
husband. They do not allow widow marriage or the levirate. Their death
customs are of the usual orthodox type.
3. The Bargâhs are all Hindus, and appear chiefly to worship Mahâbîr,
the Pânchonpîr and the Dih, or the collective body of the village
godlings.
4. They live principally by domestic service, and are known to be
courageous and faithful. Many of them take to agriculture. In Chota
Nâgpur, according to Mr. Risley, [257] they claim to be Râjputs and act
as domestic servants to the local Râjas.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BARGÂHS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
==============+========
District. | Number.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Hamîrpur | 392
Mirzapur | 383
Basti | 243
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Total | 1,018
==============+========
Bargaiyân.—A sept of Râjputs who are found principally in the Ghâzipur
district. There they claim to be of the Chauhân family, and to be
emigrants from Mainpuri. The name is probably derived from some place
called Baragâon, or “the great village.” They have a very absurd folk
etymology, and say that they are so called because their ancestors
performed some great exploit (bara kâm kiya). They are now poor and
discontented. [258]
DISTRIBUTION OF BARGAIYÂN RÂJPUTS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
===========+=======
District. |Number.
~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Benares | 2
Ghâzipur | 2,659
Ballia | 280
Râê Bareli | 123
Faizâbâd | 76
Sultânpur | 10
Partâbgarh | 4
+~~~~~~~
Total | 3,154
===========+=======
Bargala.—A sept of Râjputs found chiefly in the Bulandshahr [259]
District. They are a spurious branch of the Lunar race and are ranked
as Gaurua, because they practise widow marriage. They claim descent
from two brothers, Drigpâl and Battipâl, who are said to have been
emigrants from Indor, in Mâlwa, and commanded the royal force at Delhi
in the attack on Râo Pithaura. A number were converted to Islâm in the
time of Aurangzeb. They are a turbulent, disorderly sept, and lost most
of their villages in the Mutiny.
2. In the Upper Duâb, they are reported to give brides to the Bhâlê
Sultân, Jaiswâr, and Bâchhal, and to take wives from the Jaiswâr.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BARGALA RÂJPUTS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
==============+=======
District. |Number.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Sahâranpur | 2
Muzaffarnagar | 2
Bulandshahr | 8,250
Morâdâbâd | 6
+~~~~~~~
Total | 8,260
==============+=======
Bargi.—A tribe found only in Mathura, according to the last Census,
where they numbered 1,076. They are said to live by service,
cultivation, and hunting. They are probably, if not identical, closely
connected with the Bâri and Bargâh.
Bargûjar.—(Sanskrit, vriddha; Hindi, bara, “great.”)—An important sept
of Râjputs classed as one of the thirty-six royal races, and descended,
like their opponents, the Kachhwâhas, from Râma, but through Lava, the
second son. Sir H. M. Elliot [260] writes:—“Colonel Tod says that it
was in Anûpshahr that the Bargûjars, on their expulsion by the
Kachhwâhas from Rajor, found refuge; and that is still the chief town
of the Bargûjar family. But as this expulsion occurred only in the time
of the illustrious Siwâi Jay Sinh, in the beginning of the last
century, the chief of Rajor must have chosen for his residence a part
of the country already in the occupation of his brethren; for Bargûjars
are mentioned, even in Akbar’s time, as the Zamîndârs of Khurja, Dibâi,
and Pahâsu. Their own assertion is that they came from Rajor, the
capital of Deoti, in the Macheri country, under Râja Pratâp Sinh, and
first resided in Kheriya, near Pitampur, and that the Râja, after
marrying at Koil into a Râjput family of the Dor tribe, which at that
time occupied the whole country between Koil and Bulandshahr, obtained
favour in the sight of the Dors and got authority to establish himself
as far eastward as he chose. Having, in consequence, exterminated the
Mewâtis and Bhihars, who are represented to have been in previous
occupation, he was so successful as to acquire the possession of
sixteen hundred villages, eight hundred on the east and eight hundred
on the west of the Ganges. At the time of his death Chaundera, near
Pahâsu (in the Bulandshahr District), was reckoned the chief possession
of the Bargûjars, and one of the descendants of Pratâp Sinh, Râja
Sâlivâhana, gave his name to a Pargana, which comprised the present
divisions of Pîtampur, Pahâsu, and Birauli. Râja Pratâp Sinh left two
sons, Jatu and Rânu. Jatu took up his abode in Katehar or Rohilkhand,
and Rânu remained as chief of Chaundera.
2. “The antiquity of the Katehar Bargûjars may be surmised from a
passage in the Râthaur Genealogies:—
‘Bharat, the eleventh grandson of Nain Pâl, the Râthaur, at the age of
sixty-one conquered Kanaksir, under the Northern Hills, from Rudra Sen,
of the Bargûjar tribe.’ Nain Pâl is supposed to have lived in the fifth
Century. Though there appears no reason for ascribing to his reign so
early a date, he must, at any rate, have preceded the final Muhammadan
conquest of Kanauj.
3. “While the Katehar Bargûjars and the Anûpshahr family have preserved
their ancient faith, nearly all the Duâb tribes which preceded the
expulsion of their chief from Rajor have turned Muhammadans; and the
early opponents of the British in Kamona and Pindrâwal were Bargûjars
of that persuasion. They still, however, appear proud of their Râjput
lineage; for they assume the appellation of Thâkur. Thus we hear the
strange combination of Thâkur Akbar’ Ali Khân and Thâkur Mardan’ Ali
Khân. At their marriages they paint on their doors the image of a
Kahârin or female bearer, under whose instructions they executed a
stratagem by which they exterminated the Mewâtis, who had been engaged
in a drunken revel during the Holi. Some of the Musalmân families have
of late discontinued this custom. The Bargûjars to the west of
Muzaffarnagar were all converted to the Muhammadan faith in the time of
Alâ-ud-dîn Khilji; but they still retain most of their old Hindu
customs. A stricter conformity to the Musalmân tenets was endeavoured
to be introduced by some reformers, and all Hindu observances were
sedulously proscribed by them; but when it was found, as they
themselves assert, that all their children became blind and maimed in
consequence of their apostacy, they were induced to revert to their
ancestral customs, and still adhere to them with so much pertinacity,
that it is almost doubtful which faith prevails most.
4. “The Muzaffarnagar Bargûjars state that they came from Dobandesar,
near Dhain Dawâsa, south of the Alwar country, under one Kura Sen,
whose ancestor, Bâba Megha, is still invoked when they make their
offerings at the time of naming their children. They intermarry with
the converted Pundîr Râjputs of Sakrauda in Sahâranpur, and the Râo
Bargûjars, in Farîdâbâd, of Balabhgarh, to the south of Delhi. They
seem to know but little of their brethren who reside in the
neighbourhood of Anûpshahr.
5. “The place whence they migrated may be easily traced, for Dawâsa or
Deosa lies on the Bânganga river about thirty miles east of Jeypur, and
Dhain is about eight miles south of Deosa. Deosa is famous as being the
first place belonging to the Bargûjars, which was occupied by the
Kachhwâhas, after their emigration from Narwar, in the middle of the
tenth Century. It is not improbable that the Kachhwâhas may at this
period have compelled the Bargûjars to emigrate in search of other
seats, and they, in turn, may have wreaked their vengeance on the
Kachhwâhas of the Upper Duâb, and established their Chaurâsi among the
brethren of their distant foe. Certain it is that tradition assigns a
large tract of country in these parts to the Kachhwâhas before the
Bargûjars, Jâts, and Pathâns obtained possession.
6. “The Sikarwâl Râjputs state that they are a branch of the Bargûjars;
but they are separately entered among the thirty-six royal races in
Colonel Tod’s list. It is to be observed, however, that in some of the
other lists which he has given neither Bargûjars nor Sikarwâls are
entered.”
7. In Mathura [261] the Hindu branch are classed as pure because they
do not practise widow marriage. The Rohilkhand [262] branch have
various traditions of their origin, some claiming Tomar and some
Sûrajbansi descent. They seem to have pushed across the Ganges from
Anûpshahr about the same time that the Katehriyas occupied Bareilly.
8. In Bulandshahr they give brides to the Gahlot, Bhatti, Tomar,
Chauhân, Katiyâr, Punwâr, and Pundîr; and take wives from the Gahlot,
Pundîr, Chauhân, Bais, Janghâra, and Bâchhal. In Aligarh they take
brides from the Janghâra, Gahlot, and Chauhân, and give wives to the
Chauhân and Gahlot.
DISTRIBUTION OF BARGÛJAR RÂJPUTS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
===============+========+============+======
District. |Hindus. |Muhammadans.|Total.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~
Dehra Dûn | ... | 9 | 9
Sahâranpur | 55 | 64 | 119
Muzaffarnagar | 166 | 1,092 | 1,258
Meerut | 1,443 | ... | 1,443
Bulandshahr | 12,064 | 4,006 |16,070
Aligarh | 3,363 | 9 | 3,372
Mathura | 383 | 140 | 523
Agra | 588 | 9 | 597
Farrukhâbâd | 227 | 6 | 233
Mainpuri | 556 | 1 | 557
Etâwah | 90 | 3 | 93
Etah | 1,689 | 106 | 1,795
Bareilly | 883 | 321 | 1,204
Bijnor | 4 | ... | 4
Budâun | 2,790 | 363 | 3,153
Morâdâbâd | 6,477 | 156 | 6,633
Shâhjahânpur | 171 | ... | 171
Pilibhît | 78 | 40 | 118
Cawnpur | 19 | ... | 19
Jhânsi | 26 | ... | 26
Jâlaun | 68 | ... | 68
Lalitpur | 24 | ... | 24
Benares | 2 | ... | 2
Jaunpur | 8 | ... | 8
Tarâi | 59 | ... | 59
Lucknow | 6 | ... | 6
Faizâbâd | ... | 3 | 3
Kheri | 102 | ... | 102
+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~
Total | 31,341 | 6,328 |37,669
===============+========+============+======
Barhai, [263] Barhi, Badhi.—(Sanskrit, vardhika; root vardh, “to
cut.”)—The carpenter class, also known as Tarkhân in the Panjab, Mistri
(which is probably a corruption of the English “Master, Mr.”), and
Lakarkata or “wood-cutter” (lakri-kâtna). The term Gokain is generally
applied to a wood carver: it is derived by Mr. Nesfield from the Hindi
khonchna, “to scoop out,” but is more possibly connected with gaukh,
Sanskrit, gavâksha, “a window frame.” Traditionally they claim descent
from Viswakarma, son of Brahma (who is identified with Twashtri, the
divine artisan), through Vikramajît, who is said to have espoused a
Kshatriya woman. As the sub-divisions show, the caste is probably a
functional group recruited from various castes following the common
occupation of carpentry.
[Internal structure.] 2. The Barhais have broken up into an enormous
number of endogamous sub-castes, of which the last Census returns
enumerate eight hundred and fifty-nine in the Hindu and seventy-nine in
the Muhammadan branch. Of these locally the most important are in
Sahâranpur, the Bandariya, Dholi, Multâni, Nagar, and Tarloiya; in
Muzaffarnagar, the Dhalwâl or “shield-makers,” and Lota; in Meerut, the
Janghâra, the name of a Râjput sept; in Bulandshahr, the Bhîl; in
Aligarh, the Chauhân; in Mathura, the Bâhman or Brâhman sub-caste, and
the Sosaniya; in Agra, the Nagar, Janghâra, and Uprautya; in
Farrukhâbâd, the Paretiya or “reel-makers”; in Mainpuri, the Umariya;
in Etah, the Agwariya, Barmaniyân, Bisari, Jalesariya (from the town of
Jalesar), and the Usarbhola; in Bareilly, the Jalesariya; in Ballia,
the Gokalbansi; in Basti, the Dakkhinâha or “Southern,” and the
Sarwariya, or those who come from beyond the Sarju river; in Gonda, the
Kairâti, which is possibly a corruption of Kharâdi, and the Sondi; in
Bârabanki, the Jaiswâr. In Mirzapur they name five,—Kokâsbansi,
Magadhiya, or Magahiya (from Magadha), Purbiha or Purbiya (Eastern),
Uttarâha (Northern), and Khâti (Sanskrit Kshatri; root, kshad, “to
cut”). Of these the Khâti specially work as wheel-wrights. In Bareilly
we have Mathuriya, Dhanman, and Khâti; in Bijnor, Dahman, Mathuriya,
Lahori, and Kokâs; in Basti, Kokâsbans, and Lohâr Barhai. Another
enumeration [264] gives Kokâs, Mahur, Tânk, Khâti, Uprautiya, Bâmhan
Barhai or Mathuriya, Ojha Gaur, and Chamar Barhai. Of these the Bâmhan
and Ojha Gaur claim a Brâhmanical origin, and the Chamar Barhai are
perhaps an offshoot from the Chamârs. In Benares, [265] again, we have
the Janeûdhâri, (wearers of the Brâhmanical cord, janeû), who eat no
meat, wear the sacred cord, and regard themselves far superior to the
others: they are said to come from the Duâb. The Khâti are
wheel-wrights. The Kokâs come from Delhi, and make chairs and tables.
Those designated Setbanda Rameswar manufacture puppets and dolls, on
which they perform in public: they have a character for begging, and
are, therefore, not a reputable branch of the caste. In the Hills some
Barhais are emigrants from the plains; but most of them are of the Orh
division of the Doms. [266] To the west of the Province, the Ojha or
Ujhâdon Barhais claim Brâhmanical descent, and wear the Brâhmanical
cord. In some of the Western towns they have recently refused to do
such degrading work as the repairs of conservancy carts, etc. In
Morâdâbâd there is a sub-caste known as Khâti Bishnoi, who make a
speciality of making cart-wheels like those of the same name to the
east of the Province: in Bulandshahr the Khâti are said to be
considered so low that water touched by them is not drunk by the higher
castes. [267] In the same district are also found the Tânk, Ukât, and
Dibhân, as well as the Jânghra, who claim kindred with the Janghâra
Râjputs. In the Central Duâb, again, we have, besides the Ujhâdon
Brâhman sub-caste, three others known as Dhîmar, Mâhar, and Khâti.
These names illustrate the composite character of the caste, the Ojha
claiming to be Brâhmans, the Janghra Râjputs, the Dhîmar Kâhars, the
Chamar Barhai, Chamârs, and so on. Akin again to these are the class of
turners—Kharâdi (Arabic, kharât, “a lathe”), Kuner, Kundera, and, in
the Hills, Chunyâra. In Mirzapur this sub-caste are occupied in making
the stems of the huqqa pipe out of the wood of the acacia (khair). They
appear to take their name from Sanskrit kunda, a bowl.
[Marriage rules.] 3. To the east of the Province Barhais marry their
daughters usually at the age of seven, nine, or eleven; and boys, at
nine, eleven, and thirteen. They will not intermarry with a member of
their own family or that of their maternal uncle or father’s sister as
long as there is any recollection of relationship. They have four forms
of marriage: Charhauwa, which is the respectable form; Dola, for poor
people, Adala Badala, when two families exchange brides, and Sagâi, for
widows.
The levirate is permitted but not enforced, and the widow’s right of
selecting her second partner is recognised. The rules of morality are
strict, and a woman intriguing with a clansman or a stranger is liable
to excommunication. Those who are guilty of an intrigue with a member
of the clan can be restored to caste by paying money to Brâhmans, and
bathing in a sacred stream: in bad cases a pilgrimage to Prayâg
(Allahâbâd), Benares, or Ajudhya, is necessary. When a woman is
expelled for an intrigue with a clansman, and conducts herself
respectably for some time, she is re-admitted to caste by the council,
and allowed to contract a sagâi marriage.
[Religion.] 4. Barhais who live in cities are usually Saivas, because
they are not prohibited from the use of meat and wine. The village
Barhais seldom become initiated into any regular sect. Their clan
deities in the Eastern Districts are the Pânchonpîr, Mahâbîr, Devi,
Dulha Deo, and a deity of rather uncertain functions, known as Bibiha
Deva, or the “lady god.” They also worship Viswakarma, their divine
ancestor, and he is represented by the wooden yard measure (gaz, gaj).
This has a special worship in the month of Sâwan. A square is made in
which it is placed, and to it are offered sandalwood, flowers, red lead
(rori), and sweetmeats (halwa). This worship is supported by a general
contribution. The worship is done by a Brâhman, and the sweets
distributed among the worshippers. In the month of Kuâr, the other
tribal deities are worshipped. Sweetmeats (halwa), sweet bread, gram,
and some sugar balls (laddu) are offered to Mahâbîr on a Tuesday.
Bhawâni or Devi receives the sacrifice of a goat or ram, garlands of
flowers, and coloured cloth (chunari). Rice milk (khîr), and cakes
(pûri) are dedicated to the Pânchonpîr. Only wives married in the
regular (charhauwa) form are allowed to share in the worship of the
tribal deities. In Basti they worship Mahâbîr, Purabi Deota or “the
Eastern godling,” and Phûlmati Bhawâni. Purabi Deota gets an offering
of clothes and rude ornaments on a Saturday: Phûlmati and Mahâbîr get,
respectively, sweets and flowers on Monday and Tuesday. Mâlis, Gusâîns,
and Brâhmans receive the offerings made to Mahâbîr and Phûlmati, while
the offerings to Purabi Deota are taken home and consumed by the
worshippers themselves. Their priests are Tiwâri Brâhmans, who hold a
low rank in the caste. The dead are cremated, and the ashes thrown into
the Ganges or one of its tributaries. Water is poured on the ground in
honour of the sainted dead during the first fortnight of Kuâr: lumps of
rice and milk are offered on the thirteenth day, and uncooked grain is
given to Brâhmans. Those who die of cholera or small-pox are either
buried or their bodies thrown into running water. When the epidemic is
over, they, as well as a person dying in a foreign land, are burnt in
effigy in the regular way. This must be done within six months after
the death.
[Occupational and social status.] 5. Carpentry is one of the ancient
Hindu trades, and is mentioned in the Rigveda. [268] The village
carpenter is one of the recognised village menials and receives dues of
grain at each harvest from his constituents (jajmân), whose
agricultural implements he is bound to keep in order. The rate in Oudh
is thirty village sers at each crop from each plough. This is known as
tihâi. He also receives one ser of each kind of grain from each
cultivator’s threshing floor before it is removed. This is called
anjali. For seven months, Jeth to Aghan—May to November, his services
are required. For the remaining five months he works at his own
business, making cots (chârpai), carts (gâri), domestic utensils, and
house carpentry. For this he receives special wages. [269] In the
Eastern Districts it is about twelve sers per plough. In Bareilly it is
seven-and-a-half to twelve large (pakka) sers per plough per harvest.
[270] Some city carpenters who set up workshops and employ workmen do a
good business in making conveyances, furniture, etc. They eat pakki or
food cooked with butter by all Brâhmans, Kshatriyas, and Vaisyas,
except Kalwârs. They eat kachchi cooked by Brâhmans and castemen. All
Hindus drink water from their hands. Some Brâhmans will eat pakki
cooked by them. Inferior Hindus, such as the Chamâr, Nâi, or Bâri, will
eat kachchi cooked by them. In the villages many hold land as tenants
in addition to their hereditary trade.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BARHAIS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
=============+=====+======+=====+===+=====+======+=======+=====+======+======+=====+=====+======+======+=======
District. |Ajudhyabâsi.
| |Dhaman.
| | |Gaur.
| | | |Golê.
| | | | |Kanaujiya.
| | | | | |Khâti.
| | | | | | |Kokâs.
| | | | | | | |Maithil.
| | | | | | | | |Mathuriya.
| | | | | | | | | |Ojha.
| | | | | | | | | | |Suthar.
| | | | | | | | | | | |Tânk.
| | | | | | | | | | | | |Others.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | |Muhammadans.
| | | | | | | | | | | | | | | Total.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Dehra Dûn | ... | 1,243| ... |...| ...| 130| 65| ... | ...| ... | ... | ... | 2,004| 65| 3,507
Sahâranpur | ... |12,367| ... | 7| ...| 198| 14| 6 | ...| ... | ... | ... | 4,641| 1,538| 18,771
Muzaffarnagar| ... | 6,954| 21| 10| 10| 2,333| ...| ... | ...| ... | ... | ... | 2,082| 3,162| 14,572
Meerut | ... | 446| ... |...| ...| 2,719| ...| ... | ...| ... | ... |3,212| 4,059|13,242| 23,678
Bulandshahr | ... | ... | ... |...| ...| 164| ...| ... | 421| 351| ... | 628| 4,824|11,473| 17,861
Aligarh | ... | ... | ... |...| ...| 159| ...|2,864| ...| 3,782| ... | ... |12,794| 7| 19,606
Mathura | ... | ... |1,078| 4| ...| ...| 50|2,219| 2,855| 4,776| ... | ... | 3,017| 3| 14,002
Agra | 106| ... |1,638|...| ...| 4| 8| 498| 2,189|10,957| ... | ... | 3,679| 7| 19,086
Farrukhâbâd | 136| ... | ... |...| 35| 10| 2,874| ... | 4,580| 240| ... | ... | 263| 2| 8,140
Mainpuri | 904| ... | 107 |509| ...| 4| 342| 56 | 1,072|10,474| ... | ... | 1,395| ... | 14,857
Etâwah |1,109| ... | ... |...| ...| 154| 948| ... | 2,422| 3,430| 6 | ... | 2,271| ... | 10,340
Etah | ... | 73| 380 |295| 4| 20| 55| 372 | 8,590| 1,268| 31 | ... | 3,647| ... | 14,735
Bareilly | ... | ... | ... |...| ...| 82| 1,502| ... |17,284| 48| ... | ... | 691| 1,999| 21,606
Bijnor | ... |14,496| ... |...| ...| 75| ...| ... | ...| ... | ... | 8 | 624| 2,746| 17,949
Budâun | ... | 28| ... |...| ...| ...| ...| ... |13,820| 703| ... | ... | 2,114| 1,005| 17,670
Morâdâbâd | ... | 1,133| ... |...| ...| 213| ...| 1 | 1,809| 45| ... | 424 | 1,578|17,305| 22,508
Shâhjahânpur | 58| 3| 8 |...| 12| ...| 1,107| ... | 4,677| 32| ... | ... | 334| 34| 16,228
Pilibhît | ... | ... | 2 |...| ...| 110| 3,754| ... | 6,011| 9| ... | 20 | 282| 176| 10,364
Cawnpur | ... | ... | ... |...| 12| 51| 9,104| ... | 83| 5| ... | ... | 760| ... | 10,015
Fatehpur | ... | ... | ... |...| 11| ... | 2,920| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 367| ... | 3,298
Bânda | ... | ... | ... | 48| ...| 20| 6,174| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 616| ... | 6,860
Hamîrpur | ... | ... | 3 |...| ...| 29| 3,366| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 1,393| ... | 4,791
Allahâbâd | ... | ... | ... |...| ...| 17| 1,237| ... | 3| ... | ... | ... | 566| ... | 1,823
Jhânsi | ... | ... | ... |...| ...| 407| 3,617| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 2,385| 2| 6,411
Jâlaun | ... | ... | ... |...| ...| 1,491| 1,984| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 1,550| ... | 5,025
Lalitpur | ... | ... | ... |...| ...| 2,308| 2,507| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 790| ... | 5,605
Benares | ... | ... | ... |...| ...| ... | 320| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 261| ... | 581
Mirzapur | ... | ... | ... |...| ...| ... | 352| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 224| ... | 576
Jaunpur | ... | ... | ... |...| ...| ... | 1,315| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 70| ... | 1,385
Ghâzipur | ... | ... | ... |...| 114| ... | 947| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 258| ... | 1,319
Ballia | ... | ... | ... |...| 83| ... | 3,674| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 947| ... | 4,704
Gorakhpur | 11| ... | 1 |...| 483| ... | 23,058| ... | ... | ... | 80| ... | 1,926| 748| 26,307
Basti | ... | ... | ... |...| ...| ... | 24,277| ... | ... | ... | 927| ... | 3,093| ... | 28,297
Azamgarh | ... | ... | ... |...| 649| ... | 8,295| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 1,625| 26| 10,595
Garhwâl | ... | 32 | ... |...| ...| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ...| ... | ...| ...| 32
Tarâi | ... | 434 | ... |...| ...| 8 | ... | ... | 680 | ... | ...| 118 | 127| 2,890| 4,257
Lucknow | ... | 5 | ... | 21| 9| 80 | 6,162| ... | 244 | ... | 378| ... | 2,175| 81| 9,155
Unâo | ... | ... | ... |...| 20| ... | 12,335| ... | ... | ... | ...| ... | 842| 1| 13,198
Râê Bareli | ... | ... | ... |...| 130| ... | 8,411| ... | 6 | ... |1,199| ... | 1,537| 117| 11,400
Sîtapur | ... | ... | ... |...| ...| ... | 10,823| ... | 40 | ... | 358| ... | 973| 2| 12,196
Hardoi | ... | ... | ... |...| ...| ... | 11,913| ... | 519 | ... | 26| ... | 491| ...| 12,949
Kheri | 13 | ... | ... |...| 7| ... | 12,296| ... | 4 | ... | ...| ... | 171| ...| 12,491
Faizâbâd | ... | ... | ... |...| 207| ... | 10,029| ... | ... | ... |2,659| ... | 291| ...| 13,186
Gonda | ... | ... | ... |...| ...| ... | 23,190| ... | ... | ... | 5| ... | 987| 2,469| 26,651
Bahrâich | ... | ... | ... | 4| ...| 3 | 10,884| ... | ... | ... | 108| ... | 731| 618| 12,348
Sultânpur | ... | ... | ... |...| 69| ... | 8,268| ... | ... | ... |1,123| ... | 1,529| ... | 10,989
Partâbgarh | ... | ... | ... |...| ...| ... | 843| ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 553| 1| 1,397
Bârabanki | ... | ... | ... |...| ...| ... | 13,825| ... | ... | ... |1,082| ... | 476| 180| 15,563
+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Total |2,339|37,214|3,232|898|1,855|10,789|242,808|6,016|67,309|36,120|7,982|4,410|78,013|59,899|558,884
=============+=====+======+=====+===+=====+======+=======+=====+======+======+=====+=====+======+======+=======
Barhiya.—A small sept of Râjputs. The last Census shows them only in
Hamîrpur and Lalitpur. Sir H. M. Elliot [271] mentions a sept called
Barhiya or Barhaiya in the Sikandarpur and Badâun Parganas of the
Azamgarh District, and Sayyidpur Bhitri of Ghâzipur. Dr. Buchanan [272]
says that they are not numerous in Gorakhpur, north of the Sarju; “but
there are said to be many near Kopa in the southern part of the
District. They are but a low race.”
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BARHIYA RÂJPUTS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
=========+=======
District.|Number.
~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Agra | 13
Hamîrpur | 28
Lalitpur | 22
+~~~~~~~
Total | 63
=========+=======
Barholiya, Barhauliya.—A Râjput sept, who are a branch of the
Bhrigubansi stock, and the chief proprietors of Barhaul, in Benares,
from the principal town of which Pargana they derive their name. They
are said to have come from Rengarh, in Mârwâr, and were on their way to
Jagannâth, when their chief, Narotham Râê, accepted service with the
Seori or Chero Râja. [273] The head of the sept, in Bârabanki, where
they are most numerous, is the Râja of Sûrajpur. There they are classed
as a branch of the Bais stock.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BARHOLIYA RÂJPUTS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
===========+=======
District. |Number.
~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Jâlaun | 2
Azamgarh | 104
Lucknow | 19
Râê Bareli | 199
Sîtapur | 1
Faizâbâd | 40
Gonda | 22
Bahrâich | 39
Bârabanki | 2,316
+~~~~~~~
Total | 2,742
===========+=======
Bâri. [274]—A tribe of household servants to Hindus and makers of the
leaf-platters used at Hindu feasts. The name of the caste is derived
from the Hindi bâlna, or bârna, which means “to set a thing alight,” as
one of their chief occupations is acting as torch-bearers. According to
Mr. Nesfield, “they are an off-shoot from the semi-savage tribes known
as Banmânush and Musahar. He still associates with them at times, and
if the demand for plates and cups (owing to some temporary cause, such
as a local fair or an unusual number of marriages) happens to become
larger than he can at once supply, he gets them secretly made by his
ruder kinsfolk, and retails them at a higher rate, passing them off as
his own production.” That the origin of the caste is functional is very
probable; but there is as yet no satisfactory evidence, such as that
based on anthropometry, which would conclusively establish their
connection with the jungle races; and if they are ultimately akin to
the Musahar, the type must have been very considerably changed. The
Bâri, in fact, looks very much like the ordinary Chamâr of the plains,
and he has lost in a great measure the distinctive cast of features
which characterises the Musahar.
[Traditions of origin.] 2. In the Eastern Districts the Bâris have a
curiously naïve legend to account for their origin. “Once upon a time,”
so the legend runs, “Parameswar was offering rice milk to the spirits
of his ancestors. In the course of this duty the celebrant has to make
a gift known as Vikraya dâna, which no one cares to accept. Parameswar
offered the gift to some Brâhmans, who refused it. Then he made a man
of clay, and blowing upon the image invested it with life. Parameswar
asked the man whom he had created to accept the offering, and he agreed
on condition that all men should drink with him and recognise his claim
to caste. Parameswar then told him to bring water in a cup, and drank
of it in the presence of all the castes. Ever since Hindus drink water
from the hands of the Bâri, though he himself eats the leavings of many
castes.” They say that this first ancestor of theirs was named Sundar
on account of his personal beauty. According to the Oudh legend, when
Bhagwân had created the world he took a survey of it and reflected that
he had created all manner of men except the menial, who would consume
the leavings, which would otherwise be wasted. To remove this defect,
he made a man of sand and called him Sundar. The caste derives its name
from having been made of sand (bâlu bâru), a folk etymology which is
probably at the bottom of the story. They say that the descendants of
this Sundar lived at Ajudhya until the reign of Râja Dasaratha; after
that they dispersed all over the country. The Purânic legend represents
them as descended from a barber and a tobacconist girl. In Oudh they
fix their head-quarters at Tulasipur, in the Kheri District.
[Marriage rules.] 3. The Census returns include no less than five
hundred and three exogamous sections. Of these the most important
locally are the Bilkhariya, who take their name from Bilkhar in Oudh,
the Hinduiya and the Kariya in Ballia; the Kanaujiya, in Gorakhpur: the
Desi and Sarwariya in Basti; the Dakkhinâha and Sarwariya in Râê
Bareli; the Ghorcharha or “riders on horses,” and in Gonda and Bahrâich
the Chauhân. Besides these, are the Donwâr, which is also the name of a
sub-tribe of Bhuînhârs; the Mathuriya from Mathura; the Pattariha or
makers of leaf-platters (pattar); the Râwat, and Sundar, whose name is
that of their founder. To the east the rule of gotra exogamy appears to
be reinforced by the condition that they do not intermarry with a
family with whom previous relationship by marriage is established and
admitted. In Mathura persons of the same gotra cannot intermarry, and
the gotras of a man’s mother and grandmother are also barred. Marriage
with two sisters is permitted. Sexual license before marriage is
everywhere prohibited. Polyandry is nowhere recognized; and, while
polygamy is allowed, it is restricted to cases when the first wife is
barren or permanently disabled by disease. The actual marriage ceremony
is of the usual low caste type. In the eastern districts, prior to the
marriage, they have what is known as the panchmangari or timangari
performed, as the name implies on the fifth or third day before the
wedding, when the women bring clay from the village clay pit and lay it
in the nuptial shed (mâro), where it is used for making the fireplace
on which the food for the wedding feast is cooked. In the respectable
form of marriage, called charhaua, where the bride is given away by her
father, and the pair revolve round the sacred fire; there are in Oudh
three stages—Barrachha or Barraksha, “fixing or holding of the
bridegroom,” in which the father of the bride gives the boy a rupee as
a sort of earnest money; the actual betrothal known as “the cup”
(katora), because the friends on both sides drink sharbat together.
Then follows what is the binding part of the function—the rubbing of
the parting of the bride’s hair with red lead, and the walking round
the sacred fire.
[Widow marriage.] 4. From Mathura it is reported that the caste now
prohibits widow marriage. This is not the case elsewhere. In the
Benares Division widows marry by sagâi, and the levirate is recognised
but not enforced; in Oudh, irregular connections of widows are allowed.
It is not called marriage; she is merely said to “take her seat” (baith
jâna) in the house of her paramour. She is not obliged to form such a
connection unless she pleases, and the preference is given to the
younger brother of the late husband; those widows who set up house with
an outsider are known as Urhari, a term which seems usually to bear a
contemptuous meaning.
[Disposal of the dead.] 5. The dead are cremated, but only those who
are well off are careful about disposing of the ashes in the Ganges or
Jumna.
[Religion.] 6. The Bâris are Hindus. To the east of the Province they
are seldom initiated into any recognised sect; if they are initiated
they give the preference for the Saiva or Sâkta. They worship various
local deities. Thus, in Jaunpur, they worship a form of the female
energy known as Bibiha Devi, “Our Lady”; in South Mirzapur, Hardiha
Deva or Hardaul Lâla, the cholera godling; and many of them worship
Mahâbîr. Sacrifices of rams and goats are offered to Hardiha, with
sweetmeats and a Brâhmanical thread (janeû). To Mahâbîr is offered a
head-dress (muraith), a small loin cloth (langot), sweet bread (rot),
and sweetmeats. Those only are allowed to worship Mahâbîr who do not
eat the leavings of other people. Another local deity, Birtiya,
receives a sacrifice of a young pig, once a year, in the month of
Sâwan. The worship of all these clan deities is performed annually in
the month of Sâwan (July–August) and Kuâr (September–October). Their
family priests are Tiwâri Brâhmans, who are, as a rule, not received on
equal terms by their brethren. In Mathura they worship Devi in the
months of Chait and Kuâr with an offering of flowers and sweetmeats,
the latter being consumed by the worshippers after dedication. They
follow the tenets of the Vaishnava sect. In Unâo their clan deities are
Bhitarihâi Devi, “the goddess of the inner house,” and Nara Sinh or the
man-lion incarnation of Vishnu. These deities are worshipped on the
eighth day of the waxing moon in the months of Chait and Kuâr. The
offering to Devi consists of the sacrifice of goats and the burning of
incense. Nara Sinha prefers the offering of parched barley mixed with
treacle. This worship is done by the eldest son of the family. Their
priests are Brâhmans, who are received on terms of equality by their
brethren.
[Occupation.] 7. Their primary occupation is the making and sale of
leaf-cups (dauna, pattari, gadaura) used at Hindu feasts, and in which
articles such as sweetmeats, curds, etc., are commonly sold in bâzârs.
They serve respectable Hindus as domestic servants and hand round
water. They light and carry torches at marriages, entertainments, and
on journeys, and perform many of the functions discharged by our house
bearers. Their occupation as domestic servants seems to be on the
decline, and many are taking to cultivation. Their women act as maids
to high caste Hindu ladies, and, as they are always about the zenâna,
they bear a somewhat equivocal reputation. To the east of the Province
they certainly eat the leavings of Brâhmans, Banyas, Râjputs and, it is
said, now-a-days even of Kâyasths. In Mathura they seem to be
abandoning the practice of eating the leavings of other castes. In
Mirzapur all Hindus drink water touched by them, and all, except
Sarwariya and Kanaujiya Brâhmans, eat food cooked by them in the form
of pakki, i.e., cooked with butter. Kachchi roti or food cooked in
water by them is eaten by Chamârs and other menial castes. In Unâo, it
is said that they will eat kachchi and pakki from the hands of a
barber, but that no high caste Hindu takes anything but water from
their hands. In Mathura they will eat kachchi cooked by a Banya or
Kâyasth. Their loyalty and fidelity to their master is proverbial, and
they rank high among the classes of Hindus who devote themselves to
domestic service.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BÂRIS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
===============+========+==========+==========+=======+==========+========+========
District. |Donwâr. |Mathuriya.|Pattariha.|Râwat. | Sundar. |Others. | Total.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Sahâranpur | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 19 | 19
Meerut | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 88 | 88
Bulandshahr | ... | ... | ... | 43 | ... | 61 | 104
Aligarh | ... | ... | ... | 51 | ... | 239 | 290
Mathura | ... | ... | ... | 10 | ... | 139 | 149
Agra | ... | 2 | ... | 123 | 2 | 828 | 955
Farrukhâbâd | 7 | 15 | ... | 119 | 125 | 705 | 971
Mainpuri | 65 | 385 | 3 | 169 | ... | 309 | 931
Etâwah | 1 | 57 | 12 | 152 | 19 | 1,773 | 2,014
Etah | 30 | 14 | ... | 42 | 2 | 195 | 283
Bareilly | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 450 | 450
Bijnor | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 43 | 43
Budâun | ... | 8 | ... | 24 | ... | 269 | 301
Morâdâbâd | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 224 | 224
Shâhjahânpur | 2 | ... | ... | 35 | 182 | 279 | 498
Pilibhît | ... | ... | ... | ... | 40 | 122 | 162
Cawnpur | ... | 12 | 217 | 52 | 22 | 2,323 | 2,626
Fatehpur | ... | ... | ... | ... | 83 | 599 | 682
Bânda | ... | ... | 2 | 53 | 1 | 62 | 118
Hamîrpur | ... | ... | ... | 28 | ... | 87 | 115
Allahâbâd | ... | ... | 26 | 7 | 393 | 1,024 | 1,450
Jhânsi | ... | ... | ... | 37 | ... | 84 | 121
Jâlaun | ... | ... | ... | 185 | 2 | 578 | 765
Lalitpur | ... | ... | ... | 4 | ... | 45 | 49
Benares | 174 | ... | 10 | 175 | ... | 1,971 | 2,330
Mirzapur | ... | ... | ... | ... | 16 | 1,906 | 1,922
Jaunpur | 351 | ... | 390 | 673 | 68 | 578 | 2,060
Ghâzipur | 214 | ... | ... | 73 | 127 | 1,577 | 1,991
Ballia | 597 | ... | ... | 38 | 10 | 1,457 | 2,102
Gorakhpur | 3,280 | 4 | 21 | ... | 205 | 4,454 | 7,964
Basti | 379 | ... | 3,612 | ... | ... | 1,615 | 5,606
Azamgarh | 418 | ... | ... | ... | 59 | 2,992 | 3,469
Lucknow | ... | ... | ... | ... | 918 | 382 | 1,300
Unâo | 69 | 2 | 127 | ... | 374 | 1,581 | 2,153
Râê Bareli | ... | ... | 318 | 24 | 1,214 | 1,901 | 3,457
Sîtapur | ... | ... | 26 | ... | 921 | 601 | 1,548
Hardoi | ... | ... | ... | ... | 211 | 299 | 510
Kheri | ... | ... | ... | ... | 821 | 211 | 1,032
Faizâbâd | 1,946 | ... | 138 | ... | ... | 165 | 2,249
Gonda | 2,574 | ... | 1,635 | ... | ... | 2,138 | 6,347
Bahrâich | 338 | ... | 537 | ... | 455 | 2,297 | 3,627
Sultânpur | ... | ... | ... | 196 | 263 | 1,879 | 2,338
Partâbgarh | ... | ... | ... | ... | 31 | 2,182 | 2,213
Bârabanki | ... | ... | 362 | 22 | 471 | 1,219 | 2,074
+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Total | 10,445 | 499 | 7,436 | 2,335 | 7,035 | 41,950 | 69,700
===============+========+==========+==========+=======+==========+========+========
Barua, Barwa.—A tribe of mendicant Brâhmans who are found in Sahâranpur
and the neighbourhood. They bear an indifferent reputation on account
of the vileness of the abuse which they shower on people who refuse to
give them alms.
Barwâr. [275]—A notorious criminal tribe found in Northern Oudh. There
is much difference of opinion as to the meaning of the word. According
to one theory it means “a bearer of burdens” (bârwâla); according to
others it comes from the Hindi Baryara in the sense of “violent.”
[Traditional origin.] 2. The story the Barwârs tell of themselves is as
follows:—Some centuries ago the ancestor of the tribe, a Kurmi by
caste, lived at the village of Yahyapur, which is said to be situated
in the Sâran District, east of the river Nârâyani. One day he was
ploughing his field near the river when the wife of a rich Mahâjan came
down to bathe. She took off her pearl necklace and stepped into the
water. A kite swooped down, and, carrying it off, dropped it in the
field where the Kurmi was ploughing. When he saw the treasure he began
to think that it was easier to live by thieving than by farming. From
that time his prosperity increased, and his clan became known as
Suvarna or golden. They began then to be known as Barwâr or men of
violence. It happened one day that a Kingariya or Nat musician attended
the death ceremony of a Barwâr at Yahyapur, and was given an empty
purse as a present by the relatives of the deceased. By chance the
Kingariya came to the village where the purse with two gold coins had
been stolen. The owner recognized it; and enquiries proving that the
theft had been committed by the Barwârs, they were expelled from
Yahyapur. After this they divided into two sections. One went to Basti,
in the North-Western Provinces, and settled at Barauli, which is four
miles west of Basti. The other gang went to Hardoi, in Oudh, and
settled there. After their arrival in Hardoi that section were given
the name of Gânjar, which is said to mean “hoarders,” and by which they
are still known. In Barauli the Barwârs lived for some two centuries,
and supported themselves by thieving. At last, one day, they robbed the
camp of the Râja of Basti, and he had them expelled from his territory.
They then came to Gonda and settled at Dhanaipur, thirteen miles north
of Gonda. They now occupy fifty-four villages in the Gonda District.
They were again at one time forced to change their quarters by the
influence of a money-lender named Sobha Sukl, whose name is still held
in abhorrence among them. Another legend makes the Barwârs to be the
descendants of a woman of low caste named Goli, by a Kurmi father.
There seems nothing improbable in the story that they are a branch of
the Kurmis, who separated from the parent stock owing to their bad
character, or for some other reason. That the tribe is very much mixed
is admitted on all sides. The Barwârs, in former times, were certainly
in the habit of recruiting their numbers by kidnapping young children
of various castes. These became a separate class known either as
Ghulâm, an Arabic term meaning “slave,” or Tahla, a Hindi word meaning
“one who walks about in attendance,” “a follower.” In contradistinction
to this servile class the pure Barwâr calls himself Swâng, which in
their slang means “master.” It would appear that the recruitment of
these Ghulâms has ceased in recent years, and that the pure Barwârs and
the Ghulâms no longer intermarry. While the custom prevailed among the
Gonda branch the other divisions of the tribe would not intermarry with
them. At present it is said that they neither give their daughters in
marriage nor take girls from the Ghulâms, who have become themselves an
endogamous section. Below the Ghulâms again is another section known as
Tilâms or Talâms, who are the descendants of children kidnapped by the
Ghulâms. These ostracised Ghulâms and Tilâms are the only members who
have been as yet allowed by the tribe to enlist in the Police. Ghulâms
will eat food prepared by Barwârs, but the latter will not touch a dish
prepared by the former. Male Ghulâms and Tilâms both get their equal
share of plunder from the thieving gangs they join. A dowry is given
with the Ghulâm bride, but not with the bridegroom. The Tilâms possess
the same privileges in every way as their kidnappers, the Ghulâms. The
Ghulâms are still believed occasionally to seduce girls of other
castes, such as Brâhmans, Chhatris, Murâos, Kurmis, Ahîrs and Kahârs.
These are received and adopted into the community. The more respectable
Barwârs are also known as Thakuriya in Gonda.
[Marriage rules.] 3. The marriage of two sisters is permitted, provided
the elder sister is married before the younger. The custom of
exchanging girls in marriage does not prevail among them. The bride is
admitted into the family of her husband without any special ceremony;
but it is significant that every Barwâr, on marrying, is obliged to
give to the landlord four hundred betel leaves or the equivalent value
in money, which looks as if it were a commutation of the jus primæ
noctis, if it be not one of the ordinary dues levied by a landlord on
his tenants. They may take two wives at one time. The favourite wife
for the time being rules the household. Concubinage with women of the
tribe is allowed; polyandry is prohibited. Marriage is both adult and
infant. Divorce is permitted in case of infidelity on the part of the
woman. The husband merely assembles the clansmen, and announces to them
the fact of the divorce. Divorced wives cannot be re-married; but they
may be kept as concubines by other men in the caste. They have a
peculiar rule of inheritance by which the property is divided, half
going to the children of the regularly married wife or wives, and the
other half to the children of the concubines, provided they belong to
the Barwâr caste. The offspring of a woman of a strange tribe have no
rights of inheritance. When a pure Barwâr marries or keeps a woman of
another caste he is excommunicated and sinks to the rank of a Ghulâm.
Illicit intrigues within the caste are also punished by expulsion; but
the offending parties can be restored on giving a tribal feast. Widow
marriage is allowed. The only ceremony is that the man puts a set of
bangles (chûri) on the woman and feeds the community. The levirate is
permitted, not enforced, and the widow may, if she pleases, accept an
outsider. In such cases she loses the right of guardianship over the
children of the first marriage, and has no rights of succession to the
estate of her first husband.
[Birth ceremonies.] 4. The mother is attended by a woman of the Kori
caste, who acts as midwife. She attends for five days and then the
barber’s wife acts as nurse for eight days. On the twelfth day after a
birth the father purchases spirits and treats the brotherhood, and puts
silver and gold ornaments on the child. This is supposed to bring luck
in thieving. If a Barwâr fails to bring home plunder he is taunted by
his comrades that his father did not perform the twelfth-day ceremony.
If a child is thus initiated, he gets his share of the spoil; but if
born after the Dasahra of Jeth he does not share till the next Dasahra
of Kuâr. Similarly, during the rainy season, each man keeps his own
plunder and has to share only with those who are incapacitated from
thieving by blindness, old age, or some physical defect. But, as a
rule, they seldom thieve in the rains from the Dasahra of Jeth to the
Dasahra of Kuâr; and after the latter date the partnership of the whole
community is revived, and every soul becomes entitled to a share in the
spoil, whether he goes on a thieving excursion or remains at home.
Widows and women who live in retirement get no share; but if a Barwâr
is in prison his share goes to his wife.
[Betrothal.] 5. The girl’s father with some friends goes to the house
of the boy, and pays his father a couple of rupees. He entertains his
guests and sends to the bride, in return, some curds, fish, sweetmeats
and a bottle of liquor. This settles the betrothal. This generally
takes place when the girl is between three and seven.
[Marriage ceremonies.] 6. The marriage ceremonies begin with the lagan
or fixing of the wedding day, which is carried out in the ordinary way.
The actual ceremonies are of the usual type. The binding portions of
the ritual are the kanyâdân or giving away of the bride, the pairpûja
or worship of the feet of the bridegroom by his future father-in-law,
and the bhanwar or walking of the pair round the sacred fire.
[Funeral ceremonies.] 7. The young are buried; adults are cremated, or
the corpse is thrown into a river. After the cremation is over they
bathe and then plant a piece of kusâ grass in the ground to act as a
refuge for the spirit until the funeral rites are completed. The man
who fired the pyre pours water on this for nine days; on the tenth day
he is shaved, on the eleventh the Mahâbrâhmans are feasted; on the
twelfth day the friends and relatives are fed; on the thirteenth the
Brâhmans are fed. After this one Brâhman is fed for a year on the day
of each month when the death occurred. On the anniversary there is a
feast, and at this the family priest (purohit) receives five articles
of wearing apparel—a jacket (angarkha); a loin cloth (dhoti); a turban
(sâfa); a sheet (châdar); bedding (bistar); and five cooking utensils—a
pot (lota), a tray (thâli), a cooking pot (batloi), a tongs
(dastpanah), a spoon (karchhul). Besides these things he gets a cot
(chârpâi); wooden sandals (kharaun); a pair of shoes (jûta); and a
stool (pîrha). When the corpse cannot be found the ceremonies are
performed on an effigy made of barley and sânwan.
[Religion.] 8. Their special deity is Bhâgawati. The household
sacrifice is held on the third or fifth day of the first half of
Bhâdon, when the master sacrifices a fowl and bakes thin cakes called
lubra. These, with cooked gram, are given to a Muhammadan beggar as an
offering to the Pânch Pîr. They make an annual pilgrimage to the tomb
of Bâla Pîr, at Bahrâich, and offer a banner. They also worship
Devi-Bhawâni; but in their depredations spare only the tomb at Bahrâich
and the temple at Jagannâth. When a goat is sacrificed to Bhâgawati,
the head is given to a gardener (mâli), and the rest of the meat is
eaten by the worshippers. Sometimes a pumpkin (lauki) is substituted
for a goat.
[Festivals.] 9. They observe all the ordinary Hindu festivals, and also
some which are not so common—the Bahura on the fourth light half of
Bhâdon, when the girls eat curdled milk and cucumbers; on the Barka
Itwâr or “great Sunday,” the last Sunday of Bhâdon, they fast and drink
milk at night; on the Sakat Chauth, or fourth light half of Mâgh, they
eat sweet potatoes, sesamum, and new raw sugar. No spirits or
intoxicating drugs of any kind are used at the Barka Itwâr, but at the
other festivals they are freely consumed.
[Omens.] 10. Omens are much regarded on their expeditions. Tuesday,
Friday, and Sunday, are lucky days, and sometimes Thursday. The ass is
a lucky animal, and so are a dead body met on the road, a washerman, a
woman, or a Pandit. Tuesday is, however, regarded by some as an unlucky
day, and a jackal, a Gusâîn, an oilman, are also unlucky. A jackal or a
fox crossing the road from right to left is lucky; the reverse is
unlucky. When they go out to thieve they prefer to wear good clothes
and a turban. When children are unhealthy they are given opprobrious
names as a protection.
[Taboos.] 11. When worship is being done to keep off evil spirits,
children are not allowed to be present. Any intercourse between the
husband’s father and the wife’s relations is tabooed. The husband does
not name his wife, and vice versâ. A father will not call his eldest
son by his name, nor a disciple his Guru.
[Social rules.] 12. They eat the flesh of sheep and goats; they reject
fowls, and will eat fish. Flesh of monkeys, beef, pork, crocodiles,
snakes, jackals, rats, or other vermin, are not eaten. Spirits are
freely drunk; they will eat the leavings of no one but a parent. Men
and women eat apart. Before they eat they say Jay Thâkurji, “Glory to
the Lord!” To Brâhmans they use the salutation Pâ lagan, to Banyas,
Kalwârs, etc., Râm! Râm!; to Sâdhs Pranâm and Namaskâr; to Gusâîns
Nâmonârâyan; to Aughars, Dandwat. Elders bless their juniors with Jiyo,
“Long may you live.” Juniors say to their seniors Pâ lagan. Those who
are equal in rank say Râm! Râm!
[Occupation.] 13. Of those who have been brought under the Criminal
Tribes Act some are cultivators and some field-labourers. Like the
Sanaurhiyas, they do not commit dacoity, theft with burglary, theft at
night, or cattle-lifting. The Sanaurhiya leaders are known as Nal, and
those of the Barwârs, Sahua. The leaders of the Barwârs enjoy no rights
or privileges from their zamîndârs, unlike the Sanaurhiyas. The Barwârs
consult astrologers and go on predatory expeditions after the Dasahra;
the Sanaurhiyas after the Diwâli. Among the Sanaurhiyas if any one
renounce the profession of thieving, he is debarred from marrying in
the caste; but a Barwâr under similar circumstances is debarred only
from a share in the booty. The Sanaurhiyas associate with the children
of any caste, even Chamârs, but the Barwârs jealously exclude
outsiders. The Sanaurhiya gangs consist of not less than forty or fifty
men; those of the Barwârs from twenty to fifty. The Sanaurhiyas teach
their children thieving, and punish them if they forget their sleight
of hand; but the Barwârs leave their children to learn themselves. The
Sanaurhiyas have an umpire called Nahri, who settles disputes and
divides the plunder. This is not the case with the Barwârs. The
Sanaurhiyas administer oaths to each other to prevent misappropriation
of stolen property; the Barwârs do not do this, but excommunicate the
offender. The Sanaurhiyas go in for zamîndâri and cultivation, of which
the Barwârs do little. In emergencies the leader is expected to feed
his gang; but he usually stays at home and looks after the families,
and whatever property is acquired is left to the Sahua or actual
commander to be divided. The Sahua is generally a Barwâr, but he may be
a Brâhman or Râjput, and is often the headman of the village. Another
official is the Dhebra or Naliha (a term also applied to a Barwâr who
gives up thieving and is excommunicated). He carries a spade, a knife,
or dagger, and some leaf-platters, on which he serves meals to the
gang. He receives three rupees per mensem in addition to his share of
the spoil. He does not join in thieving. Some go out in smaller gangs,
and these are usually more successful than those who go in large
bodies. If a single Barwâr brings in plunder he keeps it for himself,
and any articles of clothing he acquires are his own at whatever season
he gets them. During the rains they engage in drinking and amusement
and do not work, the house and farm work being done by the women. A
Barwâr who secretes property which should go to the gang is called
Kabkatta. If he readily surrenders his spoils he is known as Khiliya.
One who holds an influential position in the community is called Jûsar,
and one who, from poverty, is obliged to take service is called Rih. A
person in ordinary circumstances is Rotikhâha. If within a year a
Barwâr does not secure property of some value he does not return home
through shame and mortification. Each man has a bag of net-work secured
at both ends with a strong cotton string. It is kept tied to the waist
and holds jewelry and valuables. It is so carefully concealed that it
often escapes detection. The slang phrase for the mode of tying this
bag is langri bigâna. The women are usually employed in service with
the village zamîndârs, and receive very petty remuneration. If a Barwâr
is dissatisfied or suspects misappropriation on the part of his Sahua,
he can leave his gang or can discharge his Dhebra from his service,
provided in the month of Asârh he clears up accounts with both Sahua
and Dhebra.
[Morality.] 14. As might have been expected, when the women are left to
themselves for a large part of the year adultery is very prevalent. If
a woman be detected in a lonely or retired place or in a field or
jungle in sexual intercourse with a man, whether it be compulsory or by
consent, no Barwâr will take offence at it, nor will the woman be
excluded from the brotherhood, and a child born in adultery is not
considered illegitimate, but admitted to all rights and privileges as
if it were legitimate. But if detected otherwise in the act of
adultery, both the woman and her paramour are both excommunicated, and
are re-admitted only after giving a feast to the community.
[Modes of theft.] 15. When they get booty, they return in November or
December. When they go to a fair they always sojourn in the vicinity
and some dress as devotees, Brâhmans, Mahâjans, soldiers, tradesmen,
etc. Some mark their foreheads, wear the Brâhmanical thread, wear the
dress, beads, etc., of learned Brâhmans, and shave their beards and
moustaches. They generally keep a brass vessel with a string tied to
it, and a stone pot tied up in a cloth. They generally go about with
their backs naked, and carry some meal or dry gram in a bag and a stick
in their hands. Thus they stroll about in a simple, dejected way
intended to excite compassion. When interrogated they claim to be
Brâhmans or Râjputs, and when arrested call themselves Kurmis, Bâris,
or Tamolis, and say that they are going on a pilgrimage to some famous
shrine. They never divulge their real names. When they see valuable
goods in a shop they pretend to barter or buy. If they observe the
shop-keeper to be suspicious, they say Biroh hai budah rahê deo,—“He is
on his guard; let him alone.” When they conceal some article and say
Buthahr hai dhokar, pherai kar laê,—“The shop-keeper is suspicious;
take off the booty,” then those who are near snatch up the article and
run away, while those who are at the shop pretend to disagree about the
bargain and leave. If a Barwâr wishes to call his friends to his aid he
waves his handkerchief, or puts as many fingers to his cheek as he
wants Barwârs to help him. At this signal those in the neighbourhood
collect. When he wishes his confederate to carry off an article he puts
his hand on his neck. In fact they have a more complete language of
signs than any other thieving fraternity. When a Barwâr sees a man
bathing with his clothes on the bank he puts his own bundle of rags
close to it and changes his articles for it. Sometimes another Barwâr
assists, and in this case the signal is Teri âi dâl,—“Leave your own
bundle and take his.” For a single garment the signal is Roto,—“Leave
your own cloth and take his.” Whenever they see a crowd and property
scattered in different places two of them join the crowd, while a third
keeps watch. The signal is Anchri sahâike chânsi râg lâi,—“Throw the
covering of your sheet over the property and make off with it.” They
tell how a soldier once concealed some jewelry under his shield and sat
upon it. A Barwâr with studied inadvertence dropped two gold coins near
him, and as the soldier stretched out his hand to seize them a
confederate carried off the jewels. Another plan is to get up a mock
fight among themselves in a bâzâr, under cover of which thefts are
committed. The Barwâr women also frequent fairs like Ajudhya, Devi
Pâtan, etc., and in rich dresses attend shrines and rob the
worshippers. They also adopt the disguise of Brâhman women, and thus
gaining admission to the private apartments of native ladies, commit
depredations. Barwârs freely use the railway, and rob travellers.
[Disposal of the booty.] 16. Formerly they used always to take the
stolen property home; but this has been in a great measure
discontinued, since the police began to make searches and the tribe has
come under special supervision. Some is left with receivers in the
chief places frequented by them. With some they come home after sunset,
and keep it that night at their houses, and next day make it over to
the Sahua for distribution. First a deduction is made of 3¾ per
cent.—1¼ for Mahâbîr or Hanumân, 1¼ for Bâlapîr, 1¼ for Deviji. Out of
the remainder, 28 per cent. is made over to the Barwâr who stole the
property, and the balance is equally divided among the whole clan,
including the thief himself. Out of the 28 per cent. paid to the thief,
the Sahua appropriates half, and also receives his own share as a
member of the gang. Thus the gains of the thief and Sahua are equal. It
is also a rule that if a Barwâr returns with gold muhars the Sahua pays
him Rs.12 for each, and retains them himself. The rate is the same
whatever the value of the coin may be, and this Rs.12 is divided.
Again, for silver bullion the Sahua pays only 10 annas for each rupee.
Cloth and arms are the property of the thief. As to coral beads,
one-sixth is given to the thief and five-sixths to the Sahua, who pays
one anna for each bead; and this sum is divided among the clan,
including the thief and the Sahua. For pearls, the Sahua pays Re.1–4–0
for each lot of 24, and the sum is divided. Then, when the spoils are
divided, the Sahua produces his account and charges from Re.1–8–0 to
Re.1–12–0 for each rupee he has advanced to the thief’s family during
his absence. For any balance due the Sahua takes a bond for a year at
100 per cent. All Barwârs are always in debt to the Sahua. The
zamîndârs of villages in which Barwârs live realise from them a
poll-tax of Re.1–8–0 per head, known as subhâi, and 3 per cent. on the
value of property known as chaunâi. They also get R1 per house known as
mûnr-ginni. Besides this the zamîndâr gets presents after a successful
raid, and on occasion of births, marriages, etc., in his family. This
tribute is known as kavaila. In the same way the zamîndâr takes fees
for bailing a Barwâr.
This account has been mainly taken from a report prepared shortly after
the Mutiny on the methods of the Barwârs. Their criminality has much
diminished since they have been brought under the Criminal Tribes Act;
but the details are so interesting from an ethnographical point of view
that they deserve reproduction.
[Thieves’ patois of the Barwârs.] 17. The Barwârs have an elaborate
thieves’ Latin of their own. The following list has been prepared by M.
Karam Ahmad, Deputy Collector of Gonda, with the assistance of the
police officers at present in charge of the tribe. It would be easy to
show that many or most of the words are corrupted Hindi:—
Sahua—the leader of a gang.
Dhebra—the attendant of a gang.
Kabkatta—a man who conceals part of the property.
Khiliya, Nalhiya—a man who faithfully gives up all he steals.
Jûsara—a rich Barwâr.
Rih, Sajurha—one who works for wages.
Roti khâha—one in ordinary circumstances.
Langri bigâna—to tie a purse round the waist.
Nal budâna—to fix a lucky day for a journey.
Phânr chhûrna—to put on the Brâhmanical thread.
Lût âi ao khankhur âte hain—clear out; the police are coming.
Bhûnk âi âo—disperse.
Langri lagâo—conceal the goods in your belt.
Wahi tir mâl dabâva hai—let us go where there is much to gain.
Akauti na kurais—don’t betray your companions.
Murih ka asrâi deo—I am caught; give up hope for me.
Mâti lai—roll on the ground.
Chhâwa kuchâyo na nehti na kîno, nahîn tau uthai jâo gâi—do not
reveal anything or you will be put to death.
Anchari sahâike châns râg lâe—throw your sheet over the goods and
escape.
Pohina hai khâli lâi na—let us dig the property from the ground.
Subâi—tax paid by the Barwârs to the zamîndâr.
Chaunâi—tax paid on value of stolen property.
Mûnr ginni—house-tax paid by Barwârs.
Kavaila—presents given to zamîndârs at marriages.
Namut—man.
Bân—woman.
Bahub—Barwâr man.
Bahuban—Barwâr woman.
Kiryâr—son.
Chhâwa—grandson.
Tiryâr—boy of another tribe.
Dhûchar—old man.
Dhûchari—old woman.
Chhâi—Barwâr’s daughter.
Kûsar—Brâhman.
Tenwâr—Râjput.
Phairu—Musalmân.
Chorka—British officer.
Baijarâi—a Râja.
Sahâjan—a merchant.
Muskâr—a Kâyasth.
Sûgha—a goldsmith.
Savat—a Bhât.
Kitiha—a blacksmith.
Lûdukha—a confectioner.
Kârikha—a torch-bearer.
Maskâta—a barber.
Chipta—an oil-man.
Matiha—a potter.
Leduha—a Kurmi or Lodha.
Sisuha—a washerman.
Bamâr—a sweeper; tanner; shoe-maker.
Suldaha—a bearer.
Guvaha—a cowherd.
Benu—a tailor.
Pûtaha—a liquor seller.
Aluhya—a beggar.
Satûrya—a dancing girl.
Benâri—a prostitute.
Lumit—a Kurmi or Barwâr.
Bisni—valuable property.
Guga— }
Pachhâdha— } various kinds of Barwârs.
Auhiriya— }
Udh— }
Ruh—a poor Barwâr.
Siyâhi—a money-changer.
Kula dhânsu—officer in charge of a police station.
Nahkiar—a head police officer.
Churga—a constable.
Chuktahwa—a peon.
Bingar—a slave.
Pân—one acquainted with the Barwâr language.
Bantikhar—a handsome woman.
Karchhi—a cowry.
Beng—pice; a Barwâr’s fees.
Chikain—a gold muhar.
Bikâsu—four annas.
Telahi—eight annas.
Kinâra—ten or fifteen rupees.
Sût—twenty rupees.
Bhîta bhâri—one hundred rupees.
Audh durgani—fifty or five hundred rupees.
Bajâr—a thousand rupees.
Ganda—twenty-four rupees.
Kajari—night.
Kaira—a garden.
Dîp—day.
Nehâi—a fair; collection of people.
Dari—a highway.
Bepur—an unfrequented road.
Butahar—simple, careless.
Birah—wide awake.
Mudhar—not on guard.
Thûk—a gang.
Tikhurki—valuable things.
Ghavar—an army.
Chhulu—be silent.
Bel—head.
Bûl—face.
Chandrukh—eyes.
Pâlu—hand.
Sunghni—nose.
Gavana—shoe, foot.
Lutakha—breast.
Thâru—grove, timber.
Chanduph—wood.
Sukhar—river.
Laupju—water, fish.
Keli—fire.
Bhâbhi—box, well, pit.
Sonra—chair, stool.
Tinra—bundle.
Basuth—book.
Benâcha—looking-glass.
Gudara—shrine, bathing place.
Sunrhi—boat, elephant.
Nât—temple.
Pheru swâmi—Mosque.
Belâcha—Hindu temple.
Songala—European bungalow.
Mâr—dwelling-house.
Chivâri—thatch, cot.
Sullu—gate.
Aijâpu—priest.
Kalhâri—wheeled carriage.
Dehânu—bribe.
Chikâri—cattle.
Putâi—lamp.
Kunkhar—village watchman.
Chânsu, Khalna, Milavi—theft.
Lûni—plunder.
Uthai dâlna—to murder.
Tipaha—murder by poison.
Khurkana—kidnapping of children.
Kailiyâna—arson.
Bumv—affray, riot.
Jhumni—flogging.
Chamgaya—imprisonment.
Dîp—term of imprisonment.
Benbi—cohabitation.
Urso—comfortable sleep.
Gudhana—to eat.
Gânth—to drink.
Dîb—to sit.
Nusi—to plunder.
Phona baikali—to dig property out of the ground.
Lutiâna—to come hastily.
Bhaunkana—to leave the road.
Debidina—to conceal stolen property.
Gainjai lâna—to call up the whole gang.
Kachhana—to be afraid of.
Patâkhu—a gun.
Dharâr—a sword or other weapon.
Khopuri—a shield.
Unâva—corn.
Churki—milk, butter.
Pitâri—pepper.
Phurvâni—garlic, onion.
Lang—meal.
Dutar—intoxicating liquor.
Bhagâvati—meat.
Chupra—butter, oil.
Pharoti—pickles, vegetables.
Rasosi—salt.
Gurni—rice, bread, and pulse.
Lingi—parched grain.
Digna—to smoke and chew tobacco.
Lurhi—a camel.
Phûnk—bullock, a buffalo.
Nikûlha, Dautâra—a horse.
Chukarahwa—a mule or ass.
Sûnha—a tiger, a wolf.
Nemi—a sheep, a goat.
Sithâi—sweetmeats.
Bakalsithâi—coarse sweetmeats.
Sethar—pearls, precious stones.
Chuksar—silver.
Rih—copper.
Sul, Bakhil—bell metal.
Dharârwâla—iron.
Phoridata—corn.
Kharâi dâlna—to sell stolen property.
Nikra—gold and silver ornaments.
Phûdiha—pearl or coral necklace.
Sunhi, Banthi—gold bead necklace.
Tungani—nose ring.
Betâl—gold necklace.
Tevaki—a bangle.
Gulchimni, Putpata—an ear ornament.
Gûna—a wrist ornament.
Bisendhi—metal plates, etc.
Chunti—a lota.
Bugna—a tub.
Dagana—a huqqa.
Ghaigha—a large metal vessel.
Biguli—a metal dish.
Kadenla—a vessel.
Munhlagani—grass.
Bhambhi—a bucket.
Kaili—a lamp stand.
Banauti—a metal box.
Chihu—a large metal pot.
Bijra—cloth.
Lamaicha—apparel.
Phutkan—a turban or waist-band.
Chappar—a sheet.
Dûna, Agasi—a cap.
Tilauthi—a waist cloth.
Sirki, Sulga—a small cloth worn over the head.
Padangarer—trousers.
Banri—a woman’s head dress.
Salaicha—a woollen carpet.
Datta—a handkerchief.
Murghumana—a petticoat.
Thâphu, baklas—a quilt.
Tikhuri—rich clothes.
Selva—a small bag.
Kulahi—a large bag for cash.
Basîth—a bundle of cloth.
Davaiwâla—a carpet.
Chîn—brocade.
Bambu—tents.
Sûnvi—a double shawl.
Betachha—an umbrella.
Rutika—gold and silver articles.
Lugra—money offered to the gods.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BARWÂRS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
==============+=========
District. | Number.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~
Sahâranpur | 11
Mathura | 206
Agra | 73
Bareilly | 361
Morâdâbâd | 664
Shâhjahânpur | 190
Cawnpur | 284
Allahâbâd | 445
Jhânsi | 145
Hardoi | 6
Faizâbâd | 42
Gonda | 2,579
Bahrâich | 76
+~~~~~~~~~
Total | 5,082
==============+=========
Barwâr.—A sept of Râjputs of whom Mr. Carnegy writes [276]:—“They are
said to be an offshoot of the Bais, and to have come from Dundiyakhera,
about three hundred years ago, under two leaders, Baryâr Sinh, from
whom they take their name, and Châhu Sinh, whence the Châhu clan. These
two brothers were imprisoned by the Emperor Akbar at Delhi. The elder
of the two brothers, during his incarceration, had a dream by night, in
which he saw a deity who announced himself as Kariya Deota, and
promised them deliverance and future greatness, and at the same time
pointed out the spot where his effigy was buried in the earth. Soon
after, on their release, they sought for and found the effigy and
carried it off to the village of Chitâwan in Pargana Pachhimrâth, where
they set it up as the object of their domestic adoration, and where it
is still worshipped by both branches. Their sacred place is Râmghât at
Begamganj, which was selected by their chieftain, Dilâsi Sinh, in
consequence of their being excluded from Ajudhya by the enmity of the
Sûrajbansi Thâkurs. Another account makes them an offshoot of the Bais
who came from Mûngipâtan or Pathânpur, south-west of Jaypur, where
their Râja Sâlivâhana, had a fort. Thence they came to Chitâwan Kariya
and expelled the Bhars. There is a romantic legend describing how ten
heroes of the clan carried off Padmani, the lovely queen of Kanauj, and
made her over to the Emperor of Delhi, who in return gave them
rent-free lands fourteen kos in circumference. These Barwârs were
notorious for the practice of infanticide. Two daughters of the chief
of the family who were permitted to live have married, one the Janwâr
ex-Râja of Gonda, and the other the Raikwâr Râja of Râmnagar Dhimari,
in the Bârabanki District; the Barwârs generally selected wives from
the Palwâr, Kachhwâha, Kausik, and Bais septs, which is curious, as
they claim Bais origin. These Barwârs are probably of equivocal
aboriginal descent, and the heroic legend given above has probably been
appropriated from some other clan.” The Barwârs of Ballia are reported
to take brides from the Ujjaini, Haihobans, Narwâni, Kinwâr, Nikumbh,
Sengar, and Khâti, and to give girls to the Haihobans, Ujjaini,
Narwâni, Nikumbh, Kinwâr, Bais Bisen, and Raghubansi. Their gotra is
Kasyapa.
2. They are elsewhere known under the name of Birwâr and Berwâr. In
Ghâzipur they say they first came from Delhi, and take their name from
Bernagar, their leading village. They are said to have come under the
auspices of the Narauliyas, whom they helped to expel the Cheros. [277]
There is a sept of them in the Chhapra District. In Azamgarh [278] they
are said to be both Chhatris and Bhuînhârs, and not to rank high among
either. “Each set ignores the origin of, or any connection with, the
others. The Bhuînhârs can only say that they came from the westward.
The Chhatris say they are Tomars, and were led from Bernagar, near
Delhi, to Azamgarh, by a chief, Garak Deo, who lived between 1336 and
1455 A.D. The Chhatri and Bhuînhâr branches are of the same origin, as
at marriages and other feasts they refuse to take from their hosts or
offer to their guests broken cakes of pulse (bara). The origin of the
custom is said to have been that at a feast to which a number of the
Birwârs had been invited by another clan, their treacherous hosts, on
the password bara khanda chalâo (khanda means “a sword” as well as
“broken”), slaughtered the Birwârs. Their name is probably connected
with this custom. The Brâhman ancestor of the sept is said to have come
from Kanauj; but its different branches are not unanimous as to his
name or pedigree, or how they came to Azamgarh.”
DISTRIBUTION OF BARWÂR RÂJPUTS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
============+========
District. | Number.
~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Aligarh | 5
Allahâbâd | 80
Jâlaun | 34
Benares | 50
Jaunpur | 46
Ballia | 7,603
Gorakhpur | 300
Basti | 1,716
Azamgarh | 5,249
Faizâbâd | 3,402
Gonda | 54
Sultânpur | 23
~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Total | 18,562
============+========
Basor. [279]—A tribe found only in the Bundelkhand Division, and
usually regarded as a sub-caste of Doms. Some of them are occasional
visitors to Mirzapur and other towns, where the men work as musicians
and basket-makers, and the women as midwives. The name of the tribe
seems to mean “worker in the bamboo,” and to be the same as Bânsphor
(q.v.). The Basors have a large number of exogamous sections, of which
locally the most important are: in Hamîrpur, the Bâhmangot, Dhuneb,
Gotela, Katahriya, Parauniya, Sakarwâr, Samangot, Sarmoriya, Sonach,
and Sûpa or Supach Bhagat, the Dom hero; in Jhânsi the Barâr, Basgarh,
Basobiya, and Dhânuk; in Jâlaun, the Baghela, Balâhar, Khangrela, and
in Lalitpur, the Barâr, Morel, and Purabiya. In Mirzapur they name four
exogamous sections,—Kulpariya, Katariya (named from the katâri or
curved knife used in splitting the bamboo); Neoriya, which is also a
section of Dharkârs (q.v.), and takes its name from newar, a young,
soft bamboo; and Bamhila, who say that they are so called because they
had once some connection with Brâhmans. In Jhânsi the Basors are also
known as Barâr and Dhânuk. Barâr is apparently derived from the
Sanskrit varataka kâra, “a maker of string.” Dhânuk is from the
Sanskrit dhanushka, “a bow.” When a Basor abandons his regular
occupation of working in bamboo and takes service with a land-owner as
messenger or drum-beater, he becomes known in Jhânsi by the name of
Barâr, and the Dhânuks seem to have been an offshoot from the original
Basor stock, who took to the profession of bow-making. They now,
however, work as much in bamboo as the regular Basors do; and all
three—Basors, Dhânuks, and Barârs—intermarry and eat and drink
together. In Jhânsi they have no traditions of their origin, but
believe themselves indigenous to that part of the country. They name in
Jhânsi, like so many of these menial castes, seven exogamous sections,
Jhitiya, Loleri, Rasmel, Saina, Astiya, Bhardela, and Gursariya: of the
origin, and explanation of these names they can give no explanation. A
man must marry in Jhânsi in a section different from his own; he will
not give his daughter in marriage into a section from which his own
wife has come; but he can take wives for his sons, brothers, and
brothers’ sons, etc., from that section. The prohibition against
intermarriage lasts only for three generations. In Mirzapur the stray
visitors who occasionally come are said to be governed by the same rule
of exogamy as in the case of the Dharkârs (q.v.). As far as religion
goes the only bar to intermarriage is conversion to another creed, such
as Islâm or Christianity. A man may have as many wives as he can afford
to keep, and some in Jhânsi have as many as three or four. The first
wife, known as Biyâhta or Jethi, manages the house, and the others are
subordinate to her. Further than this the Basors admit the introduction
of a woman of another tribe; but it is asserted that she is not
allowed, at any rate at first, complete caste privileges, and if she
comes of a caste lower than the Basor, such as the Bhangi, she is never
so admitted. If she be of any superior caste, she is admitted to full
tribal privileges if her husband give a feast (roti) to the clansmen.
[Marriage rules.] 2. Women are allowed full freedom before marriage,
and fornication, if it do not become a public scandal, and particularly
if the woman’s paramour be a fellow caste-man, is lightly regarded.
They usually marry their girls at puberty at the age of ten or twelve;
if they are orphans, they settle the marriage themselves, and in any
case a considerable freedom of choice seems to be allowed. This choice,
curiously enough, is always notified through a female relation, sister,
mother, or aunt of the boy or girl, and she notifies it to the tribal
council, who, if they agree, permit the marriage to proceed. Widows and
widowers living by themselves have full freedom of choice. Some small
sum of money, or some vessels, clothes, etc., are usually given by the
parents of the bride as dowry, and these become the property of the
husband. There is no regular divorce, but if a pair do not agree, or if
the husband is dissatisfied with the conduct of his wife, they can
separate at any time, and re-marry or take a partner by the sagâi form,
within the caste. If the parties agree to separate, the case need not
necessarily come before the tribal council unless there is some dispute
about the property, or the woman protests against the charge brought
against her and challenges her husband to prove it in the presence of
the assembled brethren. In such case it appears to be the rule that no
circumstantial evidence of adultery is accepted; if there are no actual
eye-witnesses, the charge will be dismissed. Any child born by any
woman or by any form of connection recognised by tribal usage is
admitted as legitimate, and ranks as an heir to any property, which is
seldom much, that may be left by his father. If a Basor woman have a
child by a man of a higher caste, such children will not be allowed to
intermarry with a Basor of pure blood, but must find a husband or wife
from among families which suffer from the same bar sinister. On the
contrary, if a Basor keep a woman of a higher caste than his own, he
has seldom any difficulty, particularly if he be a man of standing and
substance in the tribe, in marrying his children in a family of pure
blood.
[Widow marriage.] 3. As a rule all widows of marriageable age find a
new partner. Such connection is fully recognised, and is known in
Mirzapur as sagâi, and in Bundelkhand as dharauna or baithâna, “making
her sit in the house.” There is no particular ceremony in widow
marriage, except the announcement of the connection and the giving of a
feast to the brethren. The levirate is recognised, but is not
compulsory on the widow. In a recent case at Jhânsi the tribe
excommunicated a man who formed a connection with the widow of his
younger brother, and expressed extreme horror at such an act. If the
children of a widow are very young she generally takes them with her to
the house of her new husband, who adopts them as his own, and is held
responsible for getting them married and starting them in the world. In
this case they lose all rights to the property of their own father. But
if the children are grown up they usually stay with the family of their
late father, and are heirs to his estate. If the widow is old and does
not form a new connection, she is entitled to a life maintenance in the
house of her late husband. If a widow forms a connection with the
younger brother of her late husband, he takes all the property and
adopts his nephew or nieces as his own. In Mirzapur there is a regular
bride-price fixed by tribal custom: this is nine and a half rupees in
cash, liquor to the value of three rupees, two sheets, three sers of
coarse sugar, and two sers of sweetmeats. More or less than this cannot
be given without leave of the council. An outsider marrying a virgin
widow has to pay twenty-two rupees, and it is a peculiarity among them
that the man, as in other castes, does not go to fetch his wife, but
her relatives bring her, realise the marriage fee, and then make her
over to her new partner.
[Birth customs.] 4. A woman during delivery is attended by a woman of
the tribe. With the umbilical cord a few pice are buried, and at the
door of the delivery room a broken shoe or the horn of some animal is
burnt to ward off evil from mother and child; the foul smelling smoke
thus produced is supposed to be particularly offensive to evil spirits.
They have the usual sixth (chhathi) and twelfth day (barahi) ceremony,
and on the latter a young pig is sacrificed in the name of some
godling, about whom they are most reluctant to give any information or
even to mention him by name. After her purification the mother worships
the family well by rubbing red lead on the platform and pouring some
water and a few grains of rice near it. Children have their ears bored
and are ceremonially shaved at the age of five or six.
[Marriage ceremonies.] 5. In Mirzapur the betrothal is arranged by the
husband of the father’s sister of the boy, possibly a survival of the
matriarchate. The betrothal (mangni) is concluded by sending a skirt
(ghaghri) and a sheet (orhni) with some liquor and treacle for the
bride, after which the clansmen are feasted on pork and liquor. Some
time after is a second ceremony in which the two fathers exchange
leaf-platters filled with water or spirits, into one of which the boy’s
father drops a rupee or two. In Jhânsi the marriage is first arranged
by the women, and then a day is fixed on which the friends of the bride
send a turban and a rupee for the bridegroom. This is received in the
presence of the brethren, who are entertained with tobacco and spirits,
which last in the case of poor people is replaced by sharbat. When the
present has once been accepted, the engagement is held final, and
either party repudiating it is suitably dealt with by the tribal
council. Then follows the matmangara ceremony common to all low castes
in the Eastern Districts. Among the Basors the earth, on this occasion,
is dug by the brother-in-law of the boy’s father and the father of the
bride, in which, again, we seem to find a survival of the matriarchate.
In the centre of the marriage shed is a bamboo, and some wooden images
of parrots are fixed up, with a jar full of water covered with a saucer
filled with rice. Then one of the senior men of the tribe makes a fire
offering (hom) in honour of the deceased ancestors, and the clothes of
the pair are knotted together, and they are made to walk seven times
round the sacred fire. In Jhânsi an old man says this prayer: “Ye
godlings (deota), stand witness that this pair are joined by the knot.
Keep them as closely joined in love as the knot which ties their
raiment.” On the fourth day is the chauthi chhorna, when the marriage
pitchers (kalsa) are thrown into water by the mother of the bridegroom.
The binding part of the ceremony is the giving away of the bride
(kanyâdân) by the bridegroom.
[Death ceremonies.] 6. When they can afford it, they burn the dead in
the usual way; poor people simply fling the corpse into running water;
if no river be convenient, it is buried. Some sacrifice a hog in the
name of the dead man; some do not. After six months the brethren are
feasted. Some kill a pig, cut off its legs, and bury the trunk (thûnth,
thûthan) in the court-yard, in the belief that this prevents the ghost
of the dead from giving annoyance to the survivors. In Mirzapur it
appears that, as among the Doms, the sister’s son of the dead man acts
as priest at his obsequies; but this is denied at Jhânsi. At any rate
it is quite certain that no Brâhman officiates, and that all the
ceremonies are performed by some old man of the tribe. The death
impurity lasts only three days, and is then removed by bathing.
[Religion.] 7. The tribal deities are Kâli-Bhawâni and Ganga Mâi, or
Mother Ganges. To the east of the Province they offer sacrifices of
pigs to Vindhyabâsini Devi, at Bindhâchal. In Jhânsi they offer to Kâli
or Jagadamba Devi, during the Naurâtra of Chait and Kuâr, or in other
months, on a Monday or Friday, cocoanuts, sweets, spirits, betel
leaves, and sometimes a goat. In Jhânsi they also worship various
deified persons who are called Bâba. Thus there is Gusâîn Bâba, who has
a platform under a pîpal tree near Moth Tahsîl, in the Jhânsi District.
He is said to roam about in his ascetic costume in the neighbourhood,
and sometimes speaks to people. Nat Bâba has no special shrine; but his
platform is to be seen in many villages with a little niche for holding
a light, which is occasionally lighted in his honour. Many curious
tales of this worthy are told, one being that after his death he
attended the marriage of his grand-daughter, and made all the
arrangements for the reception of the guests. Mahton Bâba is the ghost
of some celebrated village headman of the olden time, of whom little is
known except that he is now a guardian of villages, and wards off
famine and pestilence from men and cattle if he be duly propitiated
with some sweets and cocoanuts. The Sayyid, or Shahîd Mard, is some
Muhammadan martyr, whom they greatly reverence, and another worthy of
the same class, Jîwan Shâh Bâba, is also much respected. In no part of
this worship are the services of Brâhmans required; but the Joshi or
village astrologer is occasionally consulted to select lucky days for
weddings and the like. Their holidays are the Phagua or Holi, the
Kajari, the Panchaiyân, Naumi, and Dasmi, at all of which they get
drunk, if they can afford to do so. They are much afraid of the ghosts
of those who die a violent death by drowning or some other accident.
Such ghosts haunt the scene of the accident, and need careful
propitiation. They have a very vague idea of the other world. They
believe in a sort of hell into which evil-doers are flung and fall into
a pit full of human ordure and urine. [280] This place they call Narak,
of which Manu enumerates twenty-one varieties. Some of them who are
becoming more enlightened have now begun to perform some rude kind of
srâddha. Women who are tattooed on the arms, wrists, breast, and below
the knee, become holy, and the door-keepers of Bhagwân admit them into
his paradise.
[Social customs.] 8. The women wear nose-rings (nathya, phurhur),
ear-rings (bâli), ear ornaments (karanphûl), bangles (chûri, kara),
ankle ornaments (pairi, sânkar). They swear by the Ganges,
Kâli-Bhawâni, and on their sons’ heads. They will eat almost any meat,
including beef and pork, and all kinds of fish, but not monkeys,
vermin, and the like. They will not eat other people’s leavings, nor
food touched by a Musahar, Dom, Chamâr, Dhobi, Halâlkhor, or Dharkâr.
Like all of the Dom race, they have a hatred for Dhobis, and consider
them the vilest of all castes. They have the usual taboos. They will
not touch their younger brother’s wife, their child’s mother-in-law
(samdhin), nor will they mention their wives by name. The elder
brother’s wife can eat out of the same dish as her husband’s younger
brother; but no wife or younger brother’s wife will eat with a husband
or his elder brother or father. Their salutation is Râm! Râm! and the
juniors touch the feet of their elders. Women seem, on the whole, to be
fairly well treated; but they are soundly beaten if they misbehave
themselves. No one, not even a Dom or Mehtar, will drink water from
their hands. They will eat food cooked by a Nâi or any higher caste.
[Occupation.] 9. They live by making baskets and other articles
manufactured out of bamboo, and playing on the flute (bânsuli), or the
tambourine (dafla), at marriages. Their women are midwives.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BASORS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
=========+=======
District.|Number.
~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Cawnpur | 42
Bânda | 12,264
Jhânsi | 7,912
Jâlaun | 5,231
+~~~~~~~
Total | 25,447
=========+=======
Bâwariya. [281]—A hunting and criminal tribe practically found only in
Muzaffarnagar and Mirzapur. Various explanations have been given of the
name. Colonel Dalton would connect it with the Sanskrit barbara,
varvara, which appears to be the Greek barbaros, and applied to any
outcaste who cannot speak Sanskrit. Others take it to be another form
of the Hindi bâola, bâora (Sanskrit, vâtûla, “inflamed with wind”). It
is most probably derived from the Hindi banwar, “a creeper” (Sanskrit
bhramara), in the sense of a noose made originally from some fibrous
plant and used for trapping animals, which is one of the primary
occupations of the tribe. The Bâwariyas in these provinces seem to fall
into two branches—those resident in the Upper Duâb, who still retain
some of their original customs and manners, and those to the east, who
assert a more respectable origin, and have abandoned their original
predatory life.
[The Western Bâwariyas.] 2. The best account of the western branch is
that given by Mr. J. Wilson [282]:—“The Bâwariyas of Sirsa are divided
into four sections—(1) the Bidâwati from Bikâner territory, claiming
connection with the Bidâwat Râjputs, giving Chithor as their place of
origin; (2) the Deswâli, living in the country about Sirsa; (3) the
Kapriya to the west about Delhi; (4) the Kâlkamaliya, or “black blanket
people,” who (especially the women) wear black blankets, and are found
chiefly among the Sikhs of the jungle and Mâlwa country. These four
sections do not eat together or intermarry; but say they all came
originally from the country about Bikâner. They are most numerous in
Râjputâna and the districts bordering upon it, but extend up the Satlaj
to Fîrozpur and Lahore. The name of the tribe seems to be derived from
the banwar or snare with which they catch wild animals, but many of
them despise this their hereditary occupation; and, indeed, it seems
now to be practised only by the Kâlkamaliya or Panjâbi section. The
Bâwariyas are seemingly an aboriginal tribe, being of a dark complexion
and inferior physique, though resembling the Bâgri Jâts. Many of them
are fond of a wandering life, living in wretched huts, and feeding upon
lizards, foxes, and other jungle animals, but they say they will not
eat fish. In other districts they are known as a criminal tribe, but
here many of them are fairly respectable cultivators, some are employed
as village watchmen, and many of them are skilled in tracking. They are
divided into clans (got, nak) with Râjput names, such as Chauhân,
Panwâr, Bhâti. The Bâwariyas who live among the Sikhs (Kâlkamaliya)
wear the hair long (kes), and some of them have become regular Sikhs,
and have received the pahul. The black blanket Bâwariyas speak Panjâbi,
and the Bidâwati Bâgri; but they have besides a dialect peculiar to
themselves, and not understood by the ordinary peasants. Bâwariyas
consider themselves good Hindus, and say that regular Brâhmans
officiate at their marriage ceremonies—the same Brâhmans as officiate
for Jâts and Banyas. They hold the cow sacred and will not eat beef;
they burn their dead and send their ashes to the Ganges. They are said
sometimes to admit men of other tribes to their fraternity, and an
instance is given in which a Banya for love of a Bâwariya woman became
a Bâwariya himself.”
[Manner of hunting practised by the Western Bâwariyas.] 3. “Whole
families of Bâwariyas come South in the rains for a lizard hunt, and
may be seen returning with baskets full of their game, which live for
days without food, and thus supply them with a succession of fresh
meat. The lizard has a soft fat body and a broad tail with spikes along
each side. He lives on grass, cannot bite severely, and is sluggish in
his movements, so that he is easily caught. He digs a hole for himself
of no great depth, and the easiest way to catch him is to look out for
the scarcely perceptible air-hole and dig him out; but there are
various ways of saving oneself this trouble. One, which I have seen,
takes advantage of a habit the lizard has in cold weather (when he
never comes out of his hole) of coming to the mouth for air and warmth.
The Chûhra or other sportsman puts off his shoes and steals along the
prairie till he sees signs of a lizard’s hole. This he approaches on
tiptoe, raising over his head with both hands a mallet with a round,
sharp point, and fixing his eyes intently upon the hole. When close
enough, he brings down his mallet with all his might on the ground just
behind the mouth of the hole, and is often successful in breaking the
lizard’s back before he awakens to a sense of his danger. Another plan,
which I have not seen, is to tie a wisp of grass to a long stick and
move it over the hole, so as to make a rustling noise. The lizard
within thinks “Oh here’s a snake! I may as well give in,” and comes to
the mouth of the hole, putting out his tail first that he may not see
his executioner. The sportsman seizes his tail and snatches him out
before he has time to learn his mistake.
4. “Again, a body of them, men, women, and children, go out into the
prairie in search of game. When they have sighted a herd of antelope in
the distance, they choose a favourable piece of ground and arrange
their banwars, which are a series of many running nooses of raw hide
tied together and fastened loosely to the ground by pegs; from the
banwars they rapidly make two lines of bogies by sticking bits of straw
with black rags tied to them into the ground at distances of a foot or
two apart. These lines widen away from the snares so as to enclose a
V-shaped piece of ground with sides perhaps a mile in length, the
unsuspecting herd of antelope being enclosed within the V, at the
pointed end of which are the snares. All this is arranged in a
wonderfully short space of time, and when it is all ready, the main
body of hunters, who have meanwhile gone round the herd of antelope and
formed a line across the open mouth of the V, suddenly start up, and by
unearthly yells drive the herd inwards towards the point. The first
impulse of the antelopes is to rush directly away from their
tormentors, but they soon come to the long lines of fluttering bits of
rag which forms one line of the V. They are thus directed into the
place occupied by the snares. It is interesting as one of the methods
by which an ignorant tribe with the simplest means can by their
superior cunning circumvent the swift antelope on his native prairies.”
[Dialect of the Western Bâwariyas.] 5. “The Bâwariyas have a dialect of
their own, which has sometimes been considered a sort of thieves’ slang
kept up to facilitate their combination for purposes of crime; but the
great mass of the Bâwariyas in this district are not at all given to
crime, and have no desire to conceal their dialect; moreover it is
spoken most generally by the women and children, while the men, at all
events in their intercourse with their neighbours, speak in ordinary
Bâgri or Panjâbi. It seems probable that it is simply the dialect of
the country of their origin, kept up by them in their wanderings. I had
not much time to make much enquiry about it, but was given the
following as their names for the numbers by their leading men—ek, bai,
tren, châr, pânch, chhau, hât, âth, nau, daukh, vik, (20) and the
following words—khakhra for susra (father-in-law), khakhu for sâsu
(mother-in-law), hândo for sândo (lizard), manukh (man), châro
(antelope), haru (snake), laukra (fox), nauri (jackal), jamna (right
hand), dava (left hand). Some of these words may be Bâgri, and they are
not much to go upon, but the use of h, for s, and the peculiar kh for
the Sanskrit palatal sibilant should afford some clue to the origin of
the dialect; for this kh sound, like the Arabic kh in khâwind, is not
found in any dialect indigenous in this part of India.” The numerals
are obviously of Sanskrit origin, and so are most of the words—châro,
harina; haru, sarpa; laukra, lomasa; nauri, nakula; jamna is the
direction of the river Yamuna, Jumna; dava, dakshina.
[The Bâwariyas of the North-Western Provinces.] 6. A body of Bauriyas
or Bâwariyas who were, many years ago, interrogated as to their customs
and kindred, gave the following account of themselves [283]:—“The
Mugîns and Baguras who reside in Mâlwa and on the Chambal river commit
dacoity, burglary, and theft; they stick at nothing. They go in large
parties (kâfila), sometimes as carriers of Ganges water, sometimes as
Brâhmans, with the sacred string round their necks. The Hâbûras commit
theft. The Gûjars call us Gidiyas, and the Jâts call us Bauris. Gidiya
is merely a local name of our tribe; there is no distinct class of
people of that name. The Sânsiyas are not of our tribe; they are a
distinct class; they are thieves, but seldom ascend to dacoity—(this is
certainly incorrect). The Kanjars are all thieves; they cut grass and
make thatches, and bivouac in suburbs under huts of long grass (sirki),
but always thieve. Our caste was originally Râjput, and our ancestors
came from Mârwâr. We have seven clans (got)—Punwâr, Soharki, Dabas,
alias Dâbi, Chauhân, Tunwar, Dhandara, alias Dhandal or Koli, and
Gordhi, with the Châmi, making eight in all. Two or three centuries
ago, when the Emperor of Delhi attacked the fortress of Chithor and
besieged it for twelve years for the sake of the Princess Padmani, the
country became desolate, and we were obliged to emigrate in search of
employment, and disperse. Those that came into the Delhi territory were
called Bauris; those that went into the Gwâlior territory were called
Mugîns and Bagûras. To the eastward they were called Baddhiks, and in
Mâlwa Hâbûras. We are not people of yesterday; we are of ancient and
illustrious descent. When Râvana took away the wife of the god Râma,
and Râma wanted to recover her, men of all castes went to fight for him
in the holy cause. Among the rest was a leader of the Bauris called
Pardhi. When Râma vanquished his enemy and recovered Sîta he asked
Pardhi what he could do for him. ‘Grant,’ said Pardhi, ‘that I may
attend your Majesty, mount guard, and hunt in the intervals of leisure,
and I shall have all that my heart wishes.’ The god granted him his
request, and his occupation has come down to us. If any Prince happens
to have an enemy that he wishes to have made away with, he sends for
some of our tribe and says,—‘Go and bring so and so’s head.’ We go,
steal into his sleeping apartments, and take off the person’s head
without any other person knowing anything about it. If a Prince wanted,
not the head of his enemy, but the gold tassels of the bed on which he
lay asleep, we brought them to him. In consequence of our skill in
those matters we were held everywhere in high esteem, and we served
Princes and had never occasion to labour at tillage. This was before
the emigration and dispersion of the tribe. We, who have come to the
Delhi territory and are called Bauris, took to the trade of thieving.
Princes still employed us to take off the heads of their enemies and
rob them of their valuables. At present the Bauris confine themselves
almost exclusively to robbing tents; they do not steal cattle or break
into houses, but they will rob a cart on the highway occasionally; any
other trade than robbery they never take to. They reside in or near
villages under the protection of landlords, and while out for a long
period at their vocation, they leave their wives and children under
their care. They give them the means of subsistence, and for these
advances we are often indebted to them three hundred or four hundred
rupees by the time we return. When we are about to set out on our
expeditions we get a loan of twenty or thirty rupees from the
landholders or merchants of the place, and two days before starting we
sacrifice a goat and make burnt offerings to the goddess Devi,
sometimes to her of the fiery furnace of Jawâla, in the Himâlaya, and
sometimes to our old tutelary god of Chithor. We present sweetmeats and
vow unwearied devotions if we are successful. After this we take our
auspices thus:—We go in the evening into the jungle, and there in
silence expect the call. If the partridge or jackal call on the left we
set out without further ceremony; the bark of a fox even will do. If
any of them call on the right, we return home and try again the day
following. As soon as we get a good omen we set out. If we take it in
the morning it must be before sunrise, and the fox, partridge, or
jackal, must cry on the right to be good. If a deer cross from the left
to the right it is a good omen. We have a couplet on this subject
signifying that if the crow and the deer cross from the left to the
right and the blue jay from left to right, even the wealth that has
gone from us will come back.”
[Present condition in the Upper Duâb.] 7. The Census returns give the
sections as Badniyâr, Banwâr, Bardhia, Barmâr, Chauhân, Dalê, Dhandin,
Dyâs, Garali, Gaur, Gûjar, Kori, Madniyâriya, Pahari, Panwâr, Râjput,
Solankhi, Saurangi, and Topiwâl. Those best known in the Upper Duâb
are, Turai, Pachhâda or “Western,” Gola Kori, and Khâgi. These gotras,
as they are called, are exogamous, but the Turai marry only with the
Pachhâda and the Gola with the Khâgi. This rule of exogamy they
reinforce with the rather vague formula that marriage with relatives by
blood (dûdh kê nâtêdâr) is prohibited. They can marry two sisters in
succession. They have now settled down and abandoned their wandering
habit of life. They admit strangers into the caste. The only ceremony
is that the convert has to eat and drink with his new clansmen. Some
say that candidates for admission must be of high caste themselves; but
they do not appear to be very particular, and these new admissions are
treated at the outset with some contempt, and are not all at once
admitted into full tribal privileges. Marriage usually takes place in
infancy. The standard of morality is very low, because in Muzaffarnagar
[284] it is extremely rare for a Bâwariya woman to live with her
husband. Almost invariably she lives with another man; but whoever he
may be, the official husband is responsible for the children. Divorced
wives and widows can marry in the clan by the karâo form, and a man can
have two or three wives at a time. The marriage ceremony is carried out
by the brother-in-law (dhiyâna) of the bride, and he makes them walk
round the marriage shed, and promise to be faithful to each other. The
relative, in fact, does all their religious and quasi-religious
ceremonies. Infidelity, contraction of a fatal disease, and loss of
religion and caste warrant either husband or wife giving up
cohabitation, and if the separation is approved of by the clansmen, the
woman can re-marry by the karâo form. It is also said that a wife can
be discarded when she loses her good looks.
[Religion and customs of the Western Bâwariyas.] 8. They are Hindu by
religion and worship Kâli-Bhawâni and Zâhir Dîwân. The women in
particular worship Kâli-Bhawâni. As already stated, they do not employ
Brâhmans, but get their religious business done by the brother-in-law.
They usually burn the adult dead, and bury those who have not been
married. They are in constant fear of the ghosts of the dead, and lay
out food for them in platters made of leaves. They now principally live
by catching birds of all kinds. Those that are eatable, they sell;
others they take to the houses of rich Jain merchants, and make an
income by releasing them from their cages. They do not prostitute their
married women or girls. They will eat almost any kind of meat except
beef, and indulge freely in liquor. They will eat and drink from the
hands of any Hindu except Nats and the regular outcaste tribes.
[The Eastern Bâwariyas of the North-Western Provinces.] 9. In direct
contrast to this disreputable branch of the tribe are the Eastern
Bâwariyas of Mirzapur. They are very possibly an offshoot of the Bauris
of Western Bengal, of whom Mr. Risley writes [285]:—“They are a
cultivating, earth-working, and palanquin-bearing race, whose features
and complexion stamp them as of non-Aryan descent, although evidence is
wanting to affiliate them to any particular tribe now in existence.
Their meagre folk-lore throws no light on their origin. According to
one story they were degraded for attempting to steal food from the
banquet of the gods; another professes to trace them back to a mythical
ancestor named Bâhak Rishi (the bearer of burdens), and tells how,
while returning from a marriage procession, they sold the palanquin
they had been hired to carry, got drunk on the proceeds, and assaulted
their Guru, who cursed them for the sacrilege, and compelled them to
rank thenceforward among the lowest castes of the community. Another
name for this ancestor is Rik Muni, the same as the eponym of the
Musahars and Bhuiyas; but it would be straining conjecture to infer
from this any connection between the Bauris and the Bhuiyas.” At any
rate the Mirzapur Bâwariyas admit no connection with such people.
According to their own account they were originally Bais Chhatris, and
come from Baiswâra, a tract of country which Sir H. M. Elliot defines
as lying between Cawnpur on the west, the Sâi river which, running
through the Partâbgarh District, joins the Gûmti some twenty miles
south-east of the town of Jaunpur; and between the Chhuâb rivulet on
the south, and Dikhtân, or the land of the Dikhit Râjputs, on the
north.
10. They tell their story as follows:—There were two Chhatri brothers
named Sûrê and Bîrê, who left Baiswâra in search of employment, and
went to Chayanpur, in the Shâhâbâd District. There they took service
with a Râja who had a lovely daughter. When her suitor, a neighbouring
Râja, came to woo her, the two brothers challenged his wrestlers. To
show their prowess they took a well-burnt tile and crushed it into
dust, with which they rubbed their bodies as athletes do before they
enter the arena. Then they tore up a great tamarind tree by the roots,
and the rival wrestlers ran away in fear. This so pleased their master
that he gave them a village called Bâwari or Chân Bâwari, from whence
they take their name. They appear now to be fully recognised as
Chhatris, and marry in the Chauhân, Jethi, and Gaharwâr clans.
11. They have now no landed property, but settle as tenants wherever
they can find land. They do not admit outsiders into the tribe. Their
marriage rules are of the type common to the more respectable tribes,
but their special worship of Dulha Deo at marriages suggests a
connection with some of the non-Aryan races. This is done on the eve of
the marriage. The house kitchen is plastered, and the oldest woman of
the family draws a lota full of water from the well, but in doing this
she must use only her right hand. A burnt offering is then made with
one-and-a-quarter sers of butter, and the water is poured on the floor
in honour of the godling. Widow marriage is forbidden, and a woman
caught in adultery must be discarded. They are generally initiated into
either the Saiva or Sâkta sect, and specially worship Dulha Deo and one
Sinha Bâba, who was a Nânak Shâhi faqîr. To him is made a burnt
offering of sugar and butter once a year; the butter must be of the
weight of one pice and the sugar one quarter pice. A goat is also
sometimes offered in the house court-yard. The priests of the clan are
known as the Pânres of Machhiâwan, who have come with them from their
original settlement. Their death ceremonies are such as are performed
by the higher castes. They abstain from spirits, and their women are
kept under careful control. They eat the flesh of deer and goats, and
all kinds of fish except the gûnch or Gangetic shark. Brâhmans will eat
pakki from their hands, and they will eat kachchi cooked by their
Brâhman spiritual guides. They smoke only with their clansmen. Lower
castes, like Kahârs and Nâis, will eat both kachchi and pakki from
their hands.
[The criminal Bâwariyas.] 12. The Western Bâwariyas of these Provinces
are best known to District Officers as a criminal tribe. When they go
on their predatory excursions, which extend over a large part of
Northern India, they usually assume the garb of faqîrs, and the only
way of finding them out is by a peculiar necklace of small wooden
beads, which they all wear, and by a kind of gold pin which they wear
fixed to their front teeth. [286] It seems, however, doubtful whether
this last test is always conclusive. In cases of doubt their mouths
should be examined, for under their tongues a hollow is formed by
constant pressure from their younger days, in which they can secure
from fifteen to twenty silver bits. The women are believed to possess
secrets for charms and medicines, and sell the roots and herbs which
they collect in the jungles. They are said to be expert in making
patchwork quilts, which they sell. Whenever they wander they sleep on a
bed and not on the ground. One peculiarity about their thieving is
that, like the Alâgiris of Madras, [287] when they enter a house they
take with them some dry grain, which they throw about in the dark, so
as to be able by the rattle to ascertain the position of brass vessels
and other metal articles. In Central India they are said to be greatly
wanting in intelligence and timid in their intercourse with their
fellowmen. They are there divided into five tribes—the Râthaur or
Mewâra, Chauhân, Sawandiya, Korbiyâr, Kodiyâr; and each tribe has a
separate hunting ground. They are governed by Chiefs called Hauliya,
who attain their office by descent. “Game is divided into three
shares—one for the god of the wilds, one for the god of the river, and
the remainder is divided among those present at the capture. At the
Holi they all assemble at the Hauliya’s residence, when he collects his
income, one rupee per head. For the first five years after the beard
first appears, it and the hair are cut once a year; but ever after that
they wear both unshorn, and their long shaggy locks add to their
uncouth appearance. Few attain sixty years of age, and ten is the
greatest number of children they have known one woman to bear. They
call themselves a branch of the Dhângar or shepherd class. [288]”
DISTRIBUTION OF BÂWARIYAS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
==============+=========+=========+========
District. | Hindu. |Musalmân.| Total.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Muzaffarnagar | 1,107 | ... | 1,107
Agra | 40 | ... | 40
Mirzapur | 1,333 | ... | 1,333
Gorakhpur | 1 | ... | 1
Tarâi | 9 | ... | 9
Ballia | ... | 239 | 239
+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Total | 2,490 | 239 | 2,729
==============+=========+=========+========
Beldâr. [289]—(One who works with the bel or mattock.)—A general term
for the aggregate of low Hindu tribes who make their living by
earth-work. But, besides these, there appears to be a real endogamous
group of this name found chiefly in Bareilly, Gorakhpur, Basti, and
Pilibhît. Mr. Risley [290] describes under the same name a wandering
Dravidian caste of earth-workers and navvies in Bihâr and Western
Bengal, many of whom are employed in the coal mines of Râniganj and
Barâkar. “Both men and women labour, the former digging the earth and
the latter removing it in baskets carried on the head. The Beldârs
regard this mode of carrying earth as distinctive of themselves, and
will on no account carry earth in baskets slung from the shoulders.”
Whatever may be the case in Bengal, in these provinces at least, the
practice of carrying earth and other burdens on the head and not on the
back or shoulders is habitual among all the castes who do this kind of
labour.
[Internal organization.] 2. The Beldârs of these provinces classified
themselves at the last Census under three sub-castes—Bâchhal, Chauhân,
and Kharot. The two former are, of course, well known Râjput tribes.
The Kharot appear to take their name from khar (Sanskrit, khata),
“grass.” They are described as a tribe of mat-makers in Basti, and a
number have entered themselves separately at the last enumeration.
Besides these, among the most important local sub-castes, we find the
Mahul and Orh of Bareilly; the Desi, Kharêbind, and Sarwariya, or
“dwellers beyond the Sarju,” of Gorakhpur; and the Kharêbind and
Maskhauwa, or “flesh-eaters,” of Basti. The Census returns give 186
sub-castes of the usual type. Some taken from the names of existing
well known tribes, such as Bachgoti, Bâchhal, Baheliya, Bindwâr,
Chauhân, Dikhit, Gaharwâr, Gaura, Gautam, Ghosi, Kurmi, Luniya, Orh,
Râjput, Thâkur; others, local terms of the usual type, like Agarwâl,
Agrabansi, Ajudhyabâsi, Bhadauriya, Dehliwâl, Gangapâri, Gorakhpuri,
Kanaujiya, Kashiwâla, Purabiya, Sarwariya, and Uttarâha. The Beldârs
have no definite traditions of their origin, save that they were once
Râjputs who were compelled by some Râja to work as navvies, and were in
consequence degraded. There can, however, be little doubt that they are
an occupational offshoot from the great Luniya, Orh, or Bind tribe, who
are certainly to a large extent of non-Aryan origin.
[Occupation and status.] 3. Besides their trade of doing earth-work,
they also make their living by fishing. They are very fond of field
rats, which they dig out of the rice fields after the harvest is over,
and boil down with the grain which they have collected in their
granaries. They also eat pork, but in spite of this it is reported from
Gorakhpur that Brâhmans and Kshatriyas drink water from their hands.
Their widows marry by the sagâi form, and a man may discard his wife
for adultery; but if she marries her paramour, the council compels him
to repay the original cost of her marriage to her first husband.
[Religion.] 4. To the east of the province they worship the Pânchonpîr,
to whom they offer a turban (patuka) and a sheet (patau) made of coarse
country cloth, and occasionally a fowl. The sheets before being offered
are marked by a streak of red. Another form of offering is what is
known as kâra, which is made of flour and urad pulse. Some worship
Mahâdeva once a year in the month of Phâlgun or at the Sivarâtri.
DISTRIBUTION OF BELDÂRS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
===============+========+========+========+========+==========+========
District. |Bâchhal.|Chauhân.|Kharot. | Others.|Musalmâns.| Total.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Sahâranpur | ... | ... | ... | 32 | 5 | 37
Muzaffarnagar | ... | ... | ... | ... | 29 | 29
Mathura | ... | ... | ... | 2 | ... | 2
Etâwah | ... | ... | ... | 222 | ... | 222
Bareilly | 5,688 | ... | ... | 748 | ... | 6,436
Budâun | ... | ... | ... | 17 | ... | 17
Morâdâbâd | ... | ... | ... | 160 | ... | 160
Shâhjahânpur | 62 | 350 | ... | 369 | ... | 781
Pilibhît | 627 | 149 | ... | 1,579 | ... | 2,355
Cawnpur | ... | ... | ... | 56 | ... | 56
Fatehpur | ... | ... | ... | 96 | ... | 96
Bânda | ... | ... | ... | 148 | 3 | 151
Hamîrpur | ... | ... | ... | 212 | ... | 212
Allahâbâd | ... | ... | ... | 1 | 2 | 3
Jhânsi | ... | ... | ... | 246 | ... | 246
Jâlaun | ... | ... | ... | 586 | ... | 586
Lalitpur | ... | ... | ... | 248 | ... | 248
Ghâzipur | ... | ... | ... | 2 | ... | 2
Ballia | ... | ... | ... | 35 | ... | 35
Gorakhpur | ... | ... | 9,782 | 5,463 | 3 | 15,248
Basti | ... | ... | 3,623 | 3,162 | ... | 6,785
Azamgarh | ... | ... | ... | 31 | 1 | 32
Tarâi | 973 | ... | ... | 42 | ... | 1,015
Lucknow | ... | ... | ... | 69 | ... | 69
Unâo | ... | ... | ... | 79 | 5 | 84
Râê Bareli | ... | ... | ... | 122 | 2 | 124
Sîtapur | ... | 59 | ... | 115 | ... | 174
Hardoi | ... | ... | ... | 216 | ... | 216
Kheri | ... | ... | ... | 336 | ... | 336
Faizâbâd | ... | ... | ... | 110 | ... | 110
Gonda | ... | ... | ... | 170 | ... | 170
Bahrâich | ... | ... | ... | 226 | ... | 226
Sultânpur | ... | ... | ... | 148 | 1 | 149
Partâbgarh | ... | 16 | ... | 92 | 10 | 118
Bârabanki | ... | 520 | ... | 249 | ... | 769
+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Total | 7,350 | 1,094 | 13,405 | 15,389 | 61 | 37,299
===============+========+========+========+========+==========+========
Belwâr, Bilwâr.—A tribe in Oudh of whom no satisfactory account has
been received. According to Mr. Nesfield, they take their name from
bela, “a purse”; but this is very uncertain. They are said to deal in
grain and cultivate.
2. According to the last Census their chief sub-caste is the Sanâdh. In
Kheri the chief sub-castes are Baghel, Bhonda, and Gaur.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BELWÂR ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
==============+=========+=========+=========
District. | Sanâdh. | Others. | Total.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~
Dehra Dûn | ... | 42 | 42
Etâwah | 7 | 35 | 42
Lucknow | ... | 22 | 22
Sîtapur | 1,255 | 793 | 2,048
Hardoi | 605 | 146 | 751
Kheri | 1,269 | 1,412 | 2,681
Bahrâich | ... | 608 | 608
+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~
Total | 3,136 | 3,058 | 6,194
==============+=========+=========+=========
Benawa.—(“Without provisions,” “destitute.”)—A class of Muhammadan
faqîrs, the chief of the Beshara or unorthodox orders. They are said to
be followers of Khwâja Hasan Basri. Mr. Maclagan [291] says:—“The term
is sometimes apparently applied in a loose manner to Qâdiri and Chishti
faqîrs, but is properly applicable only to a very inferior set of
beggars, men who wear patched garments and live apart. They will beg
for anything except food, and in begging they will use the strongest
language, and the stronger the language the more pleased are the
persons from whom they beg. Many of the offensive names borne by
villages in the Gujrânwâla District are attributed to mendicants of
this order, who have been denied an alms. The proper course is to meet
a Benawa beggar with gibes and put him on his mettle, for he prides
himself on his powers of repartee, and every Benawa wears a thong of
leather, which he has to unloose when beaten in reply, and it is a
great source of shame for him to unloose this thong” (tasma khol dena).
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BENAWAS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
===============+==========
District. | Number.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~
Dehra Dûn | 3
Sahâranpur | 2,347
Muzaffarnagar | 2,620
Meerut | 1,620
Bulandshahr | 24
Mathura | 63
Agra | 31
Farrukhâbâd | 10
Mainpuri | 8
Bareilly | 451
Bijnor | 655
Morâdâbâd | 755
Shâhjahânpur | 32
Pilibhît | 8
Bânda | 8
Lalitpur | 4
Benares | 5
Ghâzipur | 212
Gorakhpur | 84
Basti | 1,134
Tarâi | 293
Râê Bareli | 45
Sîtapur | 13
Faizâbâd | 62
Bahrâich | 10
Sultânpur | 201
Partâbgarh | 5
Bârabanki | 32
+~~~~~~~~~~
Total | 10,735
===============+==========
Benbans.—(“Of the stock of Râja Vena.”)—A small sept of Râjputs in
Mirzapur and Rîwa. The sept is interesting as an example of the
development in quite recent times of a new Râjput sept. There seems to
be little doubt that only a couple of generations ago they were
Kharwârs, a purely Dravidian tribe, and have developed into Râjputs
since they obtained the chiefship of that part of the country. The
present Râja has now married into a respectable Chandel family, and his
claim to be a pure bred Râjput will doubtless soon cease to be
disputed.
Beriya, [292] Bediya.—A caste of vagrants found in various parts of the
Province. They are very closely allied if not identical with the Sânsi,
Kanjar, Hâbûra, Bhântu, etc. In Bengal the term is applied to a number
of vagrant, gypsy-like groups, of whom it is difficult to say whether
they can properly be described as castes. Of these Bengal Beriyas a
very full account has been given by Bâbu Rajendra Lâla Mitra. [293]
According to him, they show no tendency to obesity, and are noted for
“a light, elastic, wiry make, very uncommon in the people of this
country. In agility and hardiness they stand unrivalled. The men are of
a brownish colour like the bulk of Bengâlis, but never black. The women
are of lighter complexion, and generally well formed; some of them have
considerable claims to beauty, and for a race so rude and primitive in
their habits as the Bediyas, there is a sharpness in the features of
their women which we see in no other aboriginal race in India. Like the
gypsies of Europe, they are noted for the symmetry of their limbs; but
their offensive habits, dirty clothing, and filthy professions, give
them a repulsive appearance, which is heightened by the reputation they
have of kidnapping children and frequenting burial grounds and places
of cremation. Their eyes and hair are always black, but their stature
varies much in different individuals. They are a mixed race, and many
outcastes join them. Some of them call themselves Mâl, and live by
snake-catching and sale of herbs. Though known as Bediyas, they keep
distinct, and do not intermarry or mix with the pure Bediyas, who,
unlike European gypsies, keep themselves distinct. They seldom build
houses, and take to agriculture, but wander about with a few miserable
wigwams. Like all gypsies, they dress like the people of the country.
They cook in a pipkin in common. Their women and children eat
promiscuously, except when placed among Bengâlis, when the women eat
separately. They eat whatever they can get, and nothing comes amiss to
them, whether it be a rotten jackal or a piece of beef or mutton.
2. “Familiar with the use of bows and arrows, and great adepts in
laying snares and traps, they are seldom without large supplies of game
and flesh of wild animals of all kinds. A variety of birds they keep
dried for medical purposes; mungooses, squirrels, and flying foxes they
eat with avidity as articles of luxury. Spirituous liquors and
intoxicating drugs are indulged in to a large extent, and chiefs of
clans assume the title of Bhangi or drinkers of hemp (bhang) as a mark
of honour.” They practise all the usual gypsy trades. “In lying,
thieving, and knavery he is not a whit inferior to his brother of
Europe, and he practises everything that enables him to pass an easy
life without submitting to any law of civilized Government or the
amenities of social life. The women deal in charms for exorcising the
devil, love phylters, palmistry, cupping with buffalo horns,
administering moxas and drugs for spleen and rheumatism. She has a
charm for extracting worms from carious teeth by repeating indecent
verses. They are the only tattooers. At home she makes mats of palm
leaves, while her lord alone cooks. Bediyas have no talent for music;
Nats and Banjâras have. Firdausi says this was the reason they were
exiled to Persia. Bediya women are even more circumspect than European
gypsies. If she does not return before the jackal’s cry is heard in the
evening, she is subject to severe punishment. It is said that a faux
pas among her own kindred is not considered reprehensible. Certain it
is that no Bediyâni has ever been known to be at fault with any one not
of her own caste. They are fond husbands, kind parents, affectionate
children, and unswerving friends. Attachment to their nationality is
extreme, and no Bediya has ever been known to denounce his race.
Whenever a Bediya is apprehended by a police officer, his clansmen do
their best to release him, and if condemned to imprisonment or death,
they invariably support his family. He is a Hindu or Musalmân according
to the population he lives in. Some are Deists, some Kabîrpanthis, or
Sikhs; some take the disguise of Jogis, Faqîrs, Darveshes, Santons,
etc. Hence he is called Panchpîri. His dead are usually buried, and his
marriage contract is solemnized over country arrack without the
intervention of priests, the only essential being the consent of the
elders of the clan. Marriage is restricted to his own clan; but
kidnapped children brought up in camp are not prohibited. He is very
sparing of ceremony; in reply to the exhortations of the bride’s
relatives to treat her kindly, he simply declares,—‘This woman is my
wedded wife,’ marking her head at the same time with red lead. The
bride replies,—‘This man is my husband.’ Incestuous marriages are
believed to be common among them. It is said that all Bediyas, whether
professing Hinduism or Muhammadanism, worship Kâli. Like the gypsies,
they never go to court. Their chiefs (sardârs) have supreme power, and
manage their affairs with the help of tribal councils (panchâyat). The
punishments are fine, stripes with a shoe, expulsion from caste. The
fines are spent in liquor. The chief is generally hereditary, and he is
invested with authority over his clansmen, wherever they may be
located. This is possible, as the Bediya, though a vagrant, is much
attached to his birthplace, and often returns there.”
[The Beriyas of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh.] 3. The Beriyas
of these Provinces are in a much more degraded condition than their
brethren in Bengal. At the last Census they recorded themselves under
three main sub-castes—Chauhân and Raghubansi, the titles of well known
Râjput sub-divisions, and Kâmchor or “loafers.” But in the Central
Duâb, like so many of the tribes of the same social rank, they pretend
to have seven sub-castes. By one enumeration these are given as
Khâlkhur, Chhâhari, Bhains, Gunnar, Nâritor, Rattu, and Kachhâr.
Another list adds Mahish. The complete returns show 250 sections of the
Hindu, and 12 of the Muhammadan branch. These are of the usual type,
many taken from the names of existing castes, such as Bais, Banya,
Bangâli, Chauhân, Chhatri, Gaur, Ghosiya, Janwâr, Kachhwâha,
Kânhpuriya, Raghubansi, Râwat, Teli, and Thâkur; others of local origin
like Amrapuriya, Baiswâri, Bhadauriya, Deswâl, Jaiswâr, Mainpuriya,
Multânwâri; others again common to them and similar vagrant and
prostitute tribes, such as Brijbâsi, Dhânuk, Gandharb, Gidhmâr
(“kite-killers”), Jangali, Kuchbandhiya, Kapariya, Karnâtaki, Nat,
Paturiya, Râjnat, and Tawâif. They believe themselves indigenous in the
Central Duâb, and profess to have some unexplained connection, like
their kinsmen the Hâbûras, with the old ruined city of Nohkhera, in the
north of Pargana Jalesar, in the Etah District. All the camps (gol)
which frequent that part of the country meet there during the rainy
season, and hold tribal councils at which marriages and all matters
affecting the caste are settled. Regular marriages seldom occur among
them, because nearly all the girls are reserved for prostitution, and
the men keep concubines drawn from any fairly respectable caste. So far
is this the rule, that in Farrukhâbâd, it is alleged that if a man
marry a girl of the tribe, he is put out of caste; and in Etâwah, if a
man marry a girl who has been prostituted, he is obliged to pay a fine
to the tribal council. This is a good example of what Sir John Lubbock
[294] calls “Communal marriage.” “In many cases,” he says, “the
exclusive possession of a wife could only be legally acquired by a
temporary recognition of the pre-existing communal rights.” While,
however, concubinage is a tribal institution, connections with a woman
of the menial tribes, such as Chamâr, Bhangi, Kori, or Dhânuk, are
prohibited; and a man offending in this way is expelled from the caste.
The only ceremony in selecting a concubine is the presenting to her a
suit of clothes, and eating with her and the clansmen. There seems,
however, to be an increasing tendency towards the more respectable form
of marriage, and some of them not only profess to have a law of exogamy
to this extent that they will not give their boys to, or take a bride
from, a family with which within memory they have been allied by
marriage, but they also pretend to allow the levirate under the usual
restrictions, and permit widow marriage. When they do marry in the
caste continence is compulsory on the wife, and her husband can put her
away for infidelity proved to the satisfaction of the tribal council.
[Domestic ceremonies.] 4. During pregnancy the mother generally vows
that if she gets over her confinement in safety, she will have the head
of the child shaved at some shrine. She is attended at delivery by the
Chamârin midwife, and after that by the women of her family. All
Beriyas do the chhathi or sixth day ceremony after delivery; some do
the barahi or twelfth day rite as well, and if the child be a boy, feed
the tribesmen. Adoption is common among them; usually a sister’s son is
adopted. There is no ceremony except the distribution of sweets to the
kinsmen, and the formal announcement that the adoption has taken place.
There is no initiation rite for males; but when a girl reaches puberty,
and is prostituted for the first time, the money she earns is spent in
drinking and in feeding the other unmarried girls of the tribe, while
Satya Nârâyana is worshipped, and verses in honour of him are recited.
In a marriage of a virgin girl of the caste, which is very unusual,
they follow the orthodox form; when they get hold of some other woman
or of a widow there is no ceremony except feeding the clansmen, and
until this is done the husband cannot eat the food cooked by her.
5. The caste is in the intermediate stage between burial and cremation.
In Farrukhâbâd they touch the left foot of the corpse with fire and
then bury it. In Etâwah they cremate the dead and collect the ashes,
which they put into an earthen pot, and then bury this in the ground,
raising over it a small earthen platform. When they can afford it, they
offer at this place some cakes in honour of the dead, which they
subsequently consume themselves. They do not employ the Mahâbrâhman;
all the death ceremonies are done by the sister’s son or son-in-law of
the deceased. They have no regular srâddha; but once a year, on any
convenient date, they offer up cakes in the name of their dead
ancestors in general, and invite a few of the brethren to a feast.
[Religion.] 6. Their tribal deities are Devi, Kâliji, and Jwâlamukhi.
Many of them also worship a deity called Sayyid, which they understand
to represent Muhammad, the prophet. Others visit the shrine of Madâr
Sâhib. They seem to depend more on ancestor worship than on any other
form of belief. They hardly employ Brâhmans at all except for giving
omens at marriages, and it is, of course, only the very lowest Brâhmans
who serve them.
[Occupation and social status.] 7. The Beriya, as we have seen,
supports himself to a large extent by prostituting his women. His women
loaf about villages and procure information about valuable property for
their male relations. He is a pilferer and petty thief, and will steal
crops from fields and any uncared-for property which he can find lying
about. He makes almost a speciality of stealing the clothes and brass
vessels of men who labour in the fields, and a camp of these people is
such a pest in a neighbourhood that they would meet with short shrift
from the villagers if they were not protected by some landowners, who
intrigue with their women, and by goldsmiths and others, who receive
stolen property from them. They have also been known to commit more
serious crime and attack camel carts and wedding parties at night. They
usually begin the attack on a travelling party with a shower of stones,
and if this fail to compel them to abandon their goods, they assail
them with their bludgeons. In Farrukhâbâd the Gunnar sub-caste carry
the regular Kanjar spud (khanti,) with which they dig out young jackals
and pass them off as wolf cubs for the sake of the Government reward.
They have a vague tradition that they were once Râjputs, and were
forced to take to their present means of living by the Muhammadans
after the siege of Chithor. But their appearance and physique certainly
indicate that they are a branch of the Indian gypsy race, and closely
allied to the Sânsiya and his kinsfolk. The women who are prostitutes
salute with the word salâm; those who are married use Râm! Râm! When
they take an oath they turn to the river and swear by mother Ganges.
They are steady believers in the demoniacal theory of disease. When a
person falls sick they call in a wizard (syâna), who smokes a huqqa,
and with a few incoherent words waves a broom over the patient, and
thus scares the ghost. When a patient is attacked by the Evil-eye, they
put some thorns of the babûl (acacia arabica) in an earthen pot face
downwards; then a shoe is waved over it, and they call out—“Evil
glance! leave the sick man!” They eat mutton, goat’s flesh, and pork;
not beef, fowls, fish, vermin, or the leavings of other people. But
there is reason to believe that when in camps by themselves they are
much more catholic in their diet. No respectable caste will eat from
their hands, they will eat both kachchi and pakki from the hands of all
but the very lowest menials.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BERIYAS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
=============+========+========+===========+=======+============+=======
District. |Chauhân.|Kâmchor.|Raghubansi.|Others.|Muhammadans.| Total.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Sahâranpur | ... | ... | ... | ... | 11 | 11
Meerut | ... | ... | ... | ... | 6 | 6
Bulandshahr | ... | ... | ... | ... | 3 | 3
Aligarh | ... | ... | ... | 7 | 1 | 8
Mathura | ... | ... | ... | 2 | ... | 2
Agra | 59 | 140 | ... | 926 | 96 | 1,221
Farrukhâbâd | 24 | 8 | 25 | 662 | 22 | 741
Mainpuri | ... | 32 | 49 | 600 | ... | 681
Etâwah | 26 | ... | ... | 779 | ... | 805
Etah | 1 | 39 | ... | 156 | ... | 196
Bijnor | ... | ... | ... | 9 | 1 | 10
Morâdâbâd | ... | ... | ... | 10 | ... | 10
Cawnpur | 57 | ... | ... | 1,033 | ... | 1,090
Fatehpur | 90 | ... | ... | 631 | ... | 721
Bânda | 54 | ... | ... | 190 | ... | 244
Hamîrpur | 53 | ... | ... | 368 | ... | 421
Allahâbâd | 7 | ... | ... | 1,015 | 2 | 1,024
Jhânsi | 14 | ... | ... | 113 | ... | 127
Jâlaun | 4 | ... | ... | 38 | ... | 42
Lalitpur | 1 | ... | ... | 147 | 4 | 152
Mirzapur | 19 | ... | ... | ... | ... | 19
Jaunpur | ... | ... | ... | 108 | ... | 108
Ghâzipur | ... | ... | ... | ... | 4 | 4
Gorakhpur | ... | ... | ... | 19 | ... | 19
Basti | 4 | ... | ... | 83 | 701 | 788
Azamgarh | ... | ... | ... | 89 | ... | 89
Lucknow | ... | ... | ... | 192 | 9 | 201
Unâo | 171 | ... | ... | 90 | 12 | 273
Râê Bareli | 794 | ... | ... | 676 | 1 | 1,471
Hardoi | ... | ... | ... | 90 | ... | 90
Faizâbâd | 227 | ... | ... | 455 | 2 | 684
Gonda | ... | ... | ... | 30 | ... | 30
Bahrâich | 48 | ... | ... | 105 | 7 | 160
Sultânpur | 773 | ... | ... | 709 | 2 | 1,484
Partâbgarh | 516 | 8 | ... | 537 | ... | 1,061
Bârabanki | 856 | ... | ... | 452 | 9 | 1,317
+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Total | 3,798 | 227 | 74 |10,321 | 893 |15,313
=============+========+========+===========+=======+============+=======
Berwâr, Birwâr.—A Râjput sept found in the Districts of Ghâzipur,
Azamgarh, and Faizâbâd. In Ghâzipur they say that they are emigrants
from the neighbourhood of Delhi, and take their name from Bernagar,
their leading village. They are supposed to have come under the
auspices of the Narauliyas, whom they assisted to expel the Cheros.
[295] In Azamgarh they are said to be both Râjputs and Bhuînhârs, and
not to rank high among either. Each set ignores the origin of, or any
connection with, the other. The Bhuînhârs can only say that they came
from the westward. They Chhatris say they are Tomars, and were led from
Bernagar, near Delhi, to Azamgarh, by a chief named Garak Deo, who
lived between 1393 and 1512 of the Sambat era (1536–1455 A.D.). In
Faizâbâd they call themselves Bais of Dundiyakhera. The Chhatri and
Bhuînhâr branches are of the same origin, as at marriages and other
feasts they refuse to take from their hosts or offer to their guests
broken cakes of pulse (bara). The origin of the custom is said to be
that at a feast where a number of the Berwars had been invited by
another clan, their treacherous hosts, on the pass-word bara khanda
chalâo (khanda means “a sword” as well as “broken”), slaughtered the
Birwârs. Their name is possibly connected with this custom. [296] The
Brâhman ancestor of the sept is said to have come from Kanauj; but its
different branches are not unanimous as to his name or pedigree, or how
they came to Azamgarh. [297]
Bhadauriya.—An important sept of Râjputs who take their name from the
village of Bhadâwar, near Ater, south of the Jumna. The eastern branch
have some traditions which point to a Meo origin; [298] but according
to Sir H. M. Elliot [299] they are a branch of the Chauhâns; but the
Chauhâns are disposed to deny this relationship, now that for motives
of convenience the two tribes have begun to intermarry. They are
divided into the six clans of Athbhaiya, Kulhiya, Mainu, Taseli,
Chandraseniya, and Râwat. He further remarks:—“The high claims which
have been put forward in favour of the family are somewhat
unreasonable, and were indeed entirely needless, as its respectability
for many years past has been unquestionable. Bhatûla, or bread made
from the grain of arhar, chana, and mûng, is notorious for its
hardness, and is, therefore, seldom eaten by those who can afford to
grow or purchase the better grains. It is said to have been the cause
of the elevation of the Bhadauriyas, and the story, absurd as it may
appear, is commonly believed in the neighbourhood of Bhadâwar, and is
not denied by the Bhadauriyas themselves. One of the Bhadauriya chiefs,
Gopâl Sinh, went to pay his respects to the King, Muhammad Shâh. The
chief had very large eyes, so much so, as to attract the attention of
the King, who asked him how he obtained them. The chief, who was a wit,
replied that in his district nothing but arhar was grown, and that from
the constant practice of straining at swallowing bhatûla, his eyes had
nearly started out of his head. The King was pleased at his readiness,
and bestowed upon him other Parganas in which he could grow the finer
grains. The immediate cause of their aggrandisement is obscure, but it
is as likely to have been a pair of large eyes as the capture of a
fort. It is clear that their political importance lasted no longer than
for a few years at the beginning of the last century; that their
illustrious lineage even now invests them with consideration in the
eyes of the surrounding Râjas, who allow the Bhadauriya to sit higher
than themselves; who receive from him the investiture, or rather
impress of the tilak, who confess that he alone can cover with grain
the lingam at Batesar (the Râna of Gohag having tried twenty-one maunds
in vain); and that, though influential, they are not of that high
importance which they would arrogate to themselves. It is to be feared
also that they are much addicted to infanticide; so that when we take
all these circumstances into consideration, there seems some reason to
acknowledge that the indiscriminate bounty of the British Government
might perhaps have been more worthily bestowed.” The last Census
Returns give some colour to the supposition that infanticide prevails
among them. There are 16,312 males to 12,715 females.
2. Of the clans above enumerated the Chandraseniya, Kulhiya, Athbhaiya,
and Râwat marry girls of the Chauhân, Kachhwâha, Râthaur, Chandel,
Sirnet, Panwâr, Gautam, Raghubansi, Gaharwâr, Tomar, and Gahlot septs.
The Taseli intermarry with Râjputs of rank inferior to these. The high
class Bhadauriyas give their daughters to the Chauhân, Kachhwâha, and
Râthaur septs.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BHADAURIYA RÂJPUTS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
=============+=========
District. |Number.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~=
Sahâranpur | 4
Meerut | 54
Aligarh | 62
Mathura | 54
Agra | 4,034
Farrukhâbâd | 1,490
Mainpuri | 1,936
Etâwah | 5,387
Etah | 239
Bareilly | 398
Budâun | 300
Morâdâbâd | 165
Shâhjahânpur | 1,130
Pilibhît | 257
Cawnpur | 2,533
Fatehpur | 933
Bânda | 169
Hamîrpur | 116
Allahâbâd | 421
Jhânsi | 371
Jâlaun | 596
Lalitpur | 36
Benares | 363
Ballia | 232
Gorakhpur | 68
Basti | 19
Azamgarh | 93
Lucknow | 162
Unâo | 521
Râê Bareli | 1,417
Sîtapur | 1,112
Hardoi | 609
Kheri | 1,266
Faizâbâd | 50
Gonda | 340
Bahrâich | 516
Sultânpur | 910
Partâbgarh | 366
Bârabanki | 298
+~~~~~~~~~
Total | 29,027
=============+=========
Bhagat.—(Sanskrit, bhakta, “a worshipper.”)—A term usually applied to
men of any caste who take a vow of abstinence from meat, wine, etc.
This they usually do as they advance in life, and wear a necklace of
beads as a mark of the vow. It is also applied to a Sâkti sect, not
Vaishnavas, as the ordinary Bhagats are, who are worshippers of Devi.
Some of them eat meat, but abstain from wine. To the west of the
province they are chiefly devotees of the Bajesri Devi of Kângra, whose
temple was plundered by Mahmûd of Ghazni and Fîroz Tughlaq. At
Jwâlamukhi, in the same District, is another and equally famous temple,
where jets of gas proceeding from the ground are kept ever burning, and
the crowds of pilgrims provide a livelihood for a profligate community
of Gusâîns and Bhojkis. “The days most holy to Devi are the first nine
days of the moon in the months of Chait and Kuâr. Some persons will
fast in the name of Devi on the eighth lunar day (ashtami) of every
month, and perform special ceremonies on that day. Sometimes they will
light lamps of flour, and when a Brâhman has read the Devipâtha, will
prostrate themselves before the lamps. Sometimes it is customary to
distribute rice and sweetmeats on this day to unmarried girls; and
goldsmiths will often close their shops in honour of the day. The
greatest Ashtamis of all, however, are those in the months above
mentioned; and of the two great yearly festivals, the Naurâtra is the
greatest, following as it does immediately after the completion of the
annual srâddha or commemoration of the dead. It is the custom in some
parts of the country for worshippers of Devi on the first day of this
festival to sow barley and water it, and keep a lamp burning by it, and
on the eighth day to cut it and light a sacrificial fire (homa),
breaking their fast next day.” [300]
2. The name is also applied to a class of dancing girls in the Agra
Division.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BHAGATS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
==============+========
District. |Number.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Sahâranpur | 1
Farrukhâbâd | 185
Mainpuri | 7
Etâwah | 12
Etah | 127
Bareilly | 14
Budâun | 11
Bânda | 4
Benares | 124
+~~~~~~~~
Total | 485
==============+========
Bhâlê Sultân.—(“Lords of the spear:” Sanskrit, Bhâla, “a kind of arrow
or spear.”)—According to the tribal tradition in Sultânpur, [301]
between two and three hundred years ago Râê Barâr, son of Amba Râê,
brother of the then Râja of Morârmau, commanded a troop of cavalry
recruited entirely from the Bais clan in the Imperial service, and was
deputed to exterminate the troublesome Bhars in the Isauli Pargana.
Having accomplished his task he returned to Delhi and presented himself
at the head of his troop before the Emperor, who, struck with their
manly bearing, exclaimed, “Ao, Bhâlê Sultân,” “Come, spears of the
Sultân.” Thence they adopted the name. Another story is that it was as
link-bearers (Bâri), and not the lance, which they so dexterously
wielded, and that they were made Râjputs by Tilok Chand as a reward for
their diligence. A third account connects them with the Balla, who are
included in the royal races and were lords in Saurâshtra. “But this
lays stress on the first factor of the name, and leaves the other, an
equally perplexing one, altogether unexplained. That it is a corruption
there is little doubt. The Bhâlê Sultâns are either not mentioned by
Abul Fazl at all, or they are the Bais Naumuslim of Sâtanpur. In either
case the suspicion is raised that they did not take their modern name
till after the time of Akbar, and, if so, it hardly bears the ring of
Imperial coinage. ‘From this time’ (1507 A.D.), says Bâbar, ‘I order
that I should be styled Padshah,’ and from him downwards this, and not
Sultan, appears to have been the title affected by the Mughal Emperors.
It is very probable that the Bhâlê Sultâns are the Naumuslim Bais of
Sâtanpur, for they now occupy that locality, and Palhan Deo, great
grandson of Râê Barâr, is said to have been converted to Islâm in Shîr
Shâh’s time; and the only thing against this view is that the Gandeo
Bais may have held territory thus far east, and as they, too, had a
Musalmân branch, they would then answer equally well to the description
given.”
[Bhâlê Sultân of the North-West Provinces.] 2. The Bulandshahr [302]
branch, according to one story, claim descent from Sidhrâo Jai Sinh, a
Solankhi Râjput of Parpatan in Gujarât. After the defeat of Prithivi
Râja, Sawai Sinh, the ancestor of the family, obtained the title of
Bhâlê Sultân, or “Lord of the lance,” from Shahâbuddîn Ghori. Another
story is that they are descended from Sârang Deo, a nephew of the Râja
of Gujarât, who took service under Prithivi Râja of Delhi, with whom he
was distantly connected, and perished in the war against Kanauj, when
his descendant was rewarded with lands in Bulandshahr. It was his
grandson, Hamîr Sinh, who took service with the Râja of Kanauj, and
obtained through him and Shahâbuddîn the title of Bhâla Sultân. The
seventh in descent from him, Kirat Sinh, distinguished himself in the
campaign of Ghayâsuddin against the Meos, and got their lands. The
seventh in descent from him, Khân Chand, became a Musalmân to please
the Muhammadan Governor under Khizr Khân, the protegee of Timûr.
[The Oudh branch.] 3. In Faizâbâd [303] the Bhâlê Sultân claim descent
from Râo Mardan Sinh of Bais, of Dundiya Khera, who was a horse-dealer
by profession. He chanced to visit Gajanpur, in Isauli Pargana, of the
Sultânpur District, where there was a fort of the Râjbhars, whom he
overcame. His son, Râo Barâr, entered the service of the King of Delhi,
and as he was a good horseman and clever spearsman, he obtained the
title of Bhâla Sultân. One of his descendants, Baram Deo, ambitious of
obtaining the title of Râja, became Khânzâda to the King of Delhi, and
since then his descendants have been called Khânzâda. In Râê Bareli the
tradition runs that they were Ahîrs who were raised to the rank of
Râjputs by Tilok Chand.
4. In Sultânpur they are said to marry girls of the septs of the
Bhâratipur Chauhâns, Kath Bais and Kath Bisen, and to give girls to the
Tilokchandi Bais, Chauhâns of Mainpuri, Sûrajbansis of Mahul, Gautams
of Nagar, Bisens of Majhauli, Gahlot, Sombansi, Râjkumâr, Bandhalgoti,
and Bachgoti. In Faizâbâd they marry girls of the Gargbansi and
Raghubansi septs, and give girls to the Sombansi, Bachgoti, and Bais.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BHÂLÊ SULTÂN RÂJPUTS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF
1891.
=============+=========+=============+=======
District. | Hindus. | Muhammadans.| Total.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Sahâranpur | 17 | 27 | 44
Meerut | 20 | ... | 20
Bulandshahr | 6,370 | 4,790 | 11,160
Agra | 59 | 3 | 62
Farrukhâbâd | 9 | 6 | 15
Mainpuri | 36 | ... | 36
Budâun | 11 | ... | 11
Shâhjahânpur | ... | 9 | 9
Pilibhît | 19 | 4 | 23
Cawnpur | 11 | 75 | 86
Fatehpur | 3 | ... | 3
Bânda | ... | 1 | 1
Allahâbâd | 324 | 18 | 342
Lalitpur | 2 | 2 | 4
Benares | 15 | 86 | 101
Jaunpur | 25 | 3 | 28
Ghâzipur | ... | 7 | 7
Gorakhpur | 35 | 64 | 99
Basti | 155 | 53 | 208
Azamgarh | 122 | 29 | 151
Lucknow | 17 | 283 | 300
Unâo | 5 | 38 | 43
Râê Bareli | 377 | 372 | 749
Sîtapur | 20 | 23 | 43
Kheri | 3 | 108 | 111
Faizâbâd | 757 | 687 | 1,444
Gonda | 406 | 352 | 758
Bahrâich | 108 | 271 | 379
Sultânpur | 8,016 | 4,607 | 12,623
Partâbgarh | 49 | 17 | 66
Bârabanki | 329 | 735 | 1,064
+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~+
Total | 17,320 | 12,670 | 29,990
=============+=========+=============+=======
Bhând, Bhânr. [304]—(Sanskrit, Bhanda, a jester.)—The class of
story-tellers, buffoons, and jesters. They are sometimes known by the
Muhammadan title of Naqqâl, or actor. The Bhând is sometimes employed
in the courts of Râjas and native gentlemen of rank, where, at
entertainments, he amuses the company with his buffoonery and
imitations of European and Native manners, much of which is of a very
coarse nature. The Bhând is quite separate from, and of a lower
professional rank than, the Bahrûpiya. They appear now to be
practically all Muhammadans, but retain numerous Hindu usages. There
are two recognised endogamous sub-castes—the Chenr, which seems to mean
little (Hindi, chenra), and the Kashmîri. The former trace their origin
to the time of Taimûrlang, who, on the death of his son, gave himself
over to mourning for twelve years. Then one Sayyid Hasan, a courtier of
the Emperor, composed a humorous poem in Arabic which gained him the
title of Bhânr. Sayyid Hasan is regarded as the founder of the caste.
Though he was a Sayyid, the present Bhânrs are either Shaikhs or
Mughals; and the difference of faith, Sunni and Shiah, is a bar to
intermarriage. The Kashmîri Bhânrs are said to be of quite recent
origin, having been invited from Kashmîr by Nasîr-ud-dîn Haidar, King
of Oudh. The Chenr Bhânrs fix their headquarters at Karra in Allahâbâd,
and Lucknow. In Farrukhâbâd they profess to have twelve-and-a-half
sub-divisions, all of which, except the half sub-division, intermarry.
Many of these are derived from the names of castes from which they are,
or pretend to be, sprung: thus Kaithela (Kâyasth); Bamhaniya (Brâhman);
Kamarhas; Ujharha; Banthela; Gujarha (Gûjar); Nonela (Luniya); Karraha
(from Karra); Pitarhanda. The Census returns give the sub-caste of the
Hindu Bhânrs as Baraha, Nakhatiya, and Shâhpuri, and of the Muhammadan
branch as Bakarha, Bhandela, Burkiya, Desi, Gâorâni, Hasanpuri, Harkha,
Jaroha, Jaroyân, Kaithla, Kâyasth, Kâniwâla, Kashmîri, Kathiya, Katila,
Qawwâl, Kha, Kharya, Khatri, Kheti, Monkhra, Musalmâni, Naqqâl,
Naumuslim, Pathân, Patua, Purabiya, Râwat, Sadîqi, Shaikh, and
Târâkiya.
2. Girls are married at the age of twelve or fourteen, and unlimited
polygamy is allowed. Widows re-marry generally in the family of their
late husband, and if a match then is impossible, they marry an
outsider, and the levirate in the usual form prevails. A wife can be
put away for infidelity, and cannot then marry again in the caste. The
marriage ceremonies are conducted in the standard Musalmân form. Bhânrs
are generally Sunnis, except in Lucknow, where they are mostly Shiahs,
and respect the Pânchonpîr (of whom the most regarded is Ghâzi Miyân)
and Sayyid Hasan. To the Pânchonpîr are offered cakes (malîda),
sharbat, garlands of flowers, and perfumes. Sayyid Hasan receives
cakes, sweetmeats, flowers, and perfumes, at any time during the year.
Food is offered to the sainted dead at the Shab-i-barât festival. The
chief offering consists of the halwa sweetmeat, and cakes. The Chenr
Bhânrs play on the small drum (dholak), and Kashmîris on the drum
(tabla) and fiddle (sârangi). A popular proverb describes the Bhânr to
be as essential at an entertainment as a tiger in a forest,—Mahfil
vîrân jahân Bhânr na bâshad; Jangal vîrân jahân sher na bâshad. They
are notoriously exacting and abusive if offended. A proverb runs,—Rânr,
Bhânr, Sânr, bigrê burê,—“The rage of a widow, a Bhânr, and a bull is
terrible.” Another classes them with the monkey,—jaisê Lakkho bandariya
vaisê Manva Bhânr—“Lakkho, the monkey, is like Manva, the actor”—“six
of one and half a dozen of the other.” Dr. Buchanan quaintly describes
them as “impudent fellows who make wry faces, squeak like pigs, bark
like dogs, and perform many other ludicrous feats. They also dance and
sign, mimicking and turning into ridicule the dancing boys and girls,
on whom they likewise pass many jokes, and are employed on great
occasions.” [305]
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BHÂNDS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
===========================================
District. | Hindus. |Musalmâns.| Total.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Sahâranpur | ... | 12 | 12
Muzaffarnagar | ... | 50 | 50
Meerut | ... | 27 | 27
Bulandshahr | ... | 167 | 167
Aligarh | ... | 105 | 105
Mathura | ... | 20 | 20
Agra | ... | 180 | 180
Farrukhâbâd | 8 | 101 | 109
Mainpuri | ... | 80 | 80
Etah | ... | 112 | 112
Bareilly | ... | 23 | 23
Bijner | ... | 32 | 32
Budâun | ... | 21 | 21
Morâdâbâd | ... | 75 | 75
Shâhjahânpur | ... | 57 | 57
Pilibhît | ... | 11 | 11
Cawnpur | ... | 12 | 12
Fatehpur | ... | 79 | 79
Hamîrpur | ... | 40 | 40
Allahâbâd | ... | 52 | 52
Jhânsi | ... | 8 | 8
Jâlaun | ... | 9 | 9
Lalitpur | ... | 9 | 9
Jaunpur | ... | 33 | 33
Ghâzipur | ... | 84 | 84
Gorakhpur | ... | 47 | 47
Lucknow | ... | 43 | 43
Unâo | ... | 5 | 5
Râê Bareli | ... | 21 | 21
Sîtapur | ... | 294 | 294
Hardoi | ... | 58 | 58
Kheri | ... | 203 | 203
Gonda | ... | 1,325 | 1,325
Bahrâich | 6 | 385 | 391
Sultânpur | ... | 75 | 75
Partâbgarh | ... | 25 | 25
Bârabanki | ... | 120 | 120
+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~
Total | 14 | 4,000 | 4,014
==============+=========+==========+======
Bhangi. [306]—The sweeper tribe of Hindustân. About the derivation of
the word there is some difference of opinion. It is usually derived
from the Sanskrit bhanga, “hemp,” in allusion to the drunken habits of
the tribe. Mr. Nesfield would derive it from the same word in the sense
of “interruption,” as a Hindu must give up whatever he is doing when he
is touched by a sweeper. The Benares sweepers say that the word is a
corruption of sarbhanga (sârva-bhanga), in the sense that while part of
the Hindu community they are isolated from it. There are various titles
used to designate the tribe. Thus they are known in the Western
districts of the province and in the Panjâb as Chûhra, Chûra, or
Chûhara, which is by some derived from their business of collecting or
sweeping up scraps (chûra-jhârna), while Mr. Nesfield, with perhaps
less probability, connects it with chûha, “a rat,” which would make
them eaters of rats and mice like the Musahars of the Eastern
districts. They are also known as Mehtar or “prince,” which is a
honorific title of various classes, such as Bhatiyâra, Mochi, Qasâi,
etc., and seems to have been used ironically, as cooks, tailors, or
barbers are called Khalîfa. In connection with this it is important to
note that the Bediyas of Bengal call their leaders Bhangi or
hemp-drinkers, as a title of honour. [307] The name Mehtar was commonly
applied to the servants of the Emperor Humâyun. [308] Another title for
them is Halâlkhor, “one who eats what is lawful, one whose earnings are
legitimate.” This euphemistic title is said to have been introduced by
the Emperor Akbar. [309] They are also known as Khâkrob, or “sweepers
of dust,” and Bâharwâla, “one who is not admitted into the house.”
Another euphemistic name for them in the Punjâb is Musalli, “one who
prays.” From their religion and patron saint they are sometimes known,
collectively, as Lâlbegi, which is really the name for one of their
sub-castes.
[Origin of the tribe.] 2. The modern Bhangi is apparently the
representative of the Chandâla of Manu, [310] who is said to be
descended by a Sûdra from a Brâhmani woman. He ordains that they must
live without the town, whence the name Antavâsin or Antevâsin, “one who
dwells near the boundaries.” Their sole wealth must be dogs and asses;
their clothes must consist of the cerecloths of the dead; their dishes
must be broken pots, and their ornaments of rusty iron. No one who
regards his duties must hold any intercourse with them, and they must
marry only among themselves,—a prohibition which takes us back to the
very beginning of the caste system. By day they may roam about for the
purposes of work, be distinguished by the badges of the Râja, and they
must carry out the corpse of any one who dies without kindred. They
should always be employed to slay those who by the law are sentenced to
be put to death, and they may take the clothes of the slain, their
beds, and their ornaments. The term Chandâl is now-a-days used only in
the sense of contumely, and the so-called Chandâls of Bengal invariably
call themselves Nâmasûdra, [311] “and with characteristic jealousy the
higher divisions of the caste apply the name Chandâl to the lower, who
in their turn pass it on to the Dom.” The word Chandâla, which, if it
really comes from an Aryan root, may be connected with chanda, in the
sense of “evil or mischievous,” was possibly the designation of some of
the meaner non-Aryan or Dravidian races who were at an early time
reduced to servitude, and compelled to perform the vilest functions of
the Aryan commonwealth, [312] but that the term Bhangi can be applied
to any definite ethnological unit is more than doubtful. Many of the
special duties of the Chandâla of Manu, such as the conveyance of
corpses and the task of acting as public executioners, are now vested
in the Dom and his kindred, with whom the Bhangi, as we now see him, is
doubtless closely allied. But the modern names seem to imply that the
present organisation of the caste may have been contemporaneous with
the early Muhammadan conquest, and there seems reason to believe that
the tribe, as we now find it, is made up of a number of different
elements. This is corroborated by the divergent physical appearance of
the race. Some Bhangis have the dark complexion, stunted figure, and
peculiar dark flashing eye which is so characteristic of the Dom.
Others, again, are of a much taller form and fairer complexion. This
may be perhaps accounted for partly by the fact that their admittance
as servants into the higher class families facilitates illicit
connection with superior races, and partly that the tribe habitually
recruits itself by the admission of outcastes from the superior tribes.
It has also been suggested that the names of some of their sub-castes
point to the supposition that the caste may be made up of menials
attached to various Râjput, Jât, or Musalmân tribes, the Hâris, with
the Haras, the Dhe, with the Dhe Jâts, and the Râwats with the higher
tribe of the same name. But of this there is no distinct evidence.
[Tribal legends.] 3. The tribal legends do not throw much light on
their history. Of these a whole cycle centres round Lâl Beg. [313] The
common legend, as told by the Chaudhari or headman of the Lâlbegis in
Benares, runs as follows:—In the city of Hastinapur lived the five
Pândavas, whose mother’s sister had one hundred and one sons. The
Pândavas quarrelled with their cousins, who were all killed. In order
to celebrate their victory, the Pândavas invited their gods to a
banquet, but the gods refused to come, on the ground that the Pândavas
had killed so many of their Brâhman kinsmen. The penance imposed upon
the Pândavas was that they should be dissolved in the snows of the
Himâlaya. They agreed to this, but as they were starting one of their
cows died. They did not know how to dispose of the carcase, as it was a
sin to touch it. So the other four conspired to induce their brother,
Nakula, to perform the hateful duty. They addressed him thus: “Good lad
(bâlnîk, whence his name Bâlnîk), remove the carcase, and we promise
not to excommunicate you.” He obeyed, and hid the carcase under some
leaves by the bank of a stream. But when he returned his brothers
refused to admit him until he brought some mango wood to perform the
fire sacrifice (hom), and while he was away in search of it they
started on their journey to the Himâlaya. When Nakula found himself
deserted, he returned to the place where he had buried the dead cow and
wept, when lo! by the grace of the Almighty, the cow was restored to
life.
4. So Nakula lived on the milk of the cow in the jungle until he grew
up, and then the cow died. As he was lamenting her loss, a voice came
from heaven, “Do not grieve! You, Bâlnîk, are destined to be the
progenitor of those who make fans (sûp) and sieves (chhalni) from the
hide of the cow. These you will sell and teach the world the art of
grinding and sifting flour for bread.”
5. Thus Nakula or Bâlmîk became an ascetic, and taught the people the
art of making bread; so he was called Sûpach Bhagat, from the sûp or
winnowing fan, which he invented. Here it may be incidentally remarked
that Sûpach appears to represent the Sanskrit Svapâka or “dog-cooker,”
who in early Hindu literature is one of the most degraded classes, and
is ranked with the Chandâla.
6. When he had accomplished his mission he retired from the world and
entered the hole of a snake. When Râma was on his journey to Ceylon in
search of Sîta, he halted near the place. The smoke of his fire
disturbed the holy man, who came out in a rage, and the followers of
the hero worshipped him in the form of Bânbhisûr, “the lord of the
ant-hill” (bânbhi, Sanskrit, Vâlmîka, an ant-hill). When Bâlmîk heard
of the capture of Sîta he was consumed with rage, and began to kill
every Brâhman who came within his reach. He started for Prayâg
(Allahâbâd), and halted somewhere near Gopiganj, in the Mirzapur
District, and thence he was called Chandâla. Parmeswar took pity upon
him, and, in order to save his soul, sent Guru Nânak from heaven, who
won his confidence by relating to him all the events of his past life.
He then asked Chandâla, “For whose sake dost thou commit these
excesses?” “For the sake of my wife and children,” he answered. Guru
Nânak then said:—“Go and ask your wife if she is willing to lay down
her life for your sake.” She refused, and Chandâla was so disgusted
with the world that he turned his thoughts to Parmeswar, and settled
down at this place as an ascetic, and from him the place was called
Chandâlgarh, the present Chunâr. He was known by the Muhammadans as
Gada, or “the mendicant,” and the hillock on which he lived is known as
Gada Pahâr to the present day, and is one of the places of pilgrimage
of the Bhangis.
7. Remembering the sins of his life, no one would touch Chandâla; so
Guru Nânak brought him to the Triveni, or sacred junction of the Ganges
and Jamuna, at Prayâg. There he told him to stand in the water and
utter the words Râma! Râma! But all he could say was, Mâra! Mâra!
“Stricken! Stricken!” So Nânak went to Chandâla’s wife and told her
that as long as she lived her husband had no chance of absolution. She
consented to die for his sake, and by the mercy of Parmeswar, she and
her husband were transported to heaven. She left two sons, Kâlu and
Jîwan.
8. In those days Râja Kesava reigned at Kâshi or Benares. A relation of
his, who bore a bad character, died, and no one would remove his
corpse. The servants of the Râja suggested that this duty might be
imposed on the sons of Chandâla. The Râja sent for Kâlu, who consented
to perform the task. In return for his services he was given the
monopoly of burning all the bodies on the Benares Burning Ghât. He
married a poor woman, and, in default of issue, adopted two sons to
follow his profession. In time he became very rich, and then he
succeeded in making a slave of Râja Hari Chand or Haris Chandra. He was
so pious and god-fearing that he used daily to pay the expenses of the
marriage of a poor Brâhman’s daughter. One day, as he was hunting, a
poor Brâhman asked him to pay for the marriage of his daughter. He
replied:—“My treasury is at your service.” “This will not suffice,”
answered the Brâhman, “without the wealth of Kâlu as well.” So the Râja
said:—“Sell me to Kâlu for all his wealth.” Thus the Râja became Kâlu’s
slave, and his Râni wandered over the world. After some time Râotâr,
son of Hari Chand, died, and the Râni, his mother, brought his corpse
to the Ghât, where her husband was a slave, to be burned. The Râni
could not pay the usual fee, and she at last offered to give half her
sheet instead. But, before she could perform this last act of piety,
Parmeswar was moved to pity, and carried off the Râja, Râni, and Kâlu,
to heaven, where they are still. Their adopted sons became the
progenitors of the race of the Doms or Chandâlas. The Bhangis are the
descendants of Jîwan, the elder brother.
9. Jîwan, in want of a livelihood, began to wander in the jungle. By
chance he came across the army of Alexander the Great, and was employed
by him to remove the filth and night-soil of his camp. When the Greek
army was at Delhi, one day, Lâl Beg, an incarnation of the Almighty,
came and begged alms at the door of Jîwan. He treated him so hospitably
that Lâl Beg said—“How can I requite your kindness?” “I am childless,”
answered Jîwan, “bestow on me a son.” So Lâl Beg kicked Jîwan seven
times, and said:—“For every kick thou shalt have a son;” and so it was.
Alexander, who was also childless, when he heard of this miracle,
called Jîwan, and giving him a horse ordered him to fetch Lâl Beg to
his presence. Lâl Beg refused to go, and calling for the Qâzi of Delhi,
ordered him to sacrifice the horse of Alexander, and when he had done
so gave him a leg for his trouble. Then Lâl Beg disappeared, and when
Alexander heard what had happened he threatened to hang Jîwan unless he
could produce either Lâl Beg or the horse. Lâl Beg appeared, restored
the horse to life, and rode it to the palace. He ordered Jîwan to bring
the three-legged horse before Alexander. When the Emperor saw the horse
he asked what had become of the fourth leg. “It is with your Majesty’s
Qâzi,” answered Jîwan. The Emperor was wroth, and ordered them to drown
Jîwan in the Jumna. One of his sons became a Muhammadan like Alexander,
and he was the progenitor of the Shaikh or Musalmân Bhangis. Another
disappeared on the way (râh) to the river, and his descendants are the
Râwat Bhangis. A third hid himself in a paddy (dhân) field, and from
him are sprung the Dhânuks. The fourth hid in a grove of bamboos
(bâns), and from him came the Bânsphors. The fifth saved his life by
swimming (helna), and his descendants are the Helas. The sixth son
escaped by holding on to an earthen pot (hânri), and he was the father
of the Hâris. Jîwan and his seventh son walked beneath the water till
they came to Amritsar, and from them come the Lâlbegi Bhangis.
10. By another equally veritable tale Lâl Beg was the son of the King
of Ghazni. Being old and childless, the King devoted himself to the
service of the saint Dâdagir Jhonpra, who blessed him with four sons on
condition that he should receive the eldest. But Lâl Beg, the eldest,
was so lovely that the King tried to pass off his second son on the
saint. But he refused the exchange, and threatened that if Lâl Beg were
not made over to him, he would strike him with dumbness. So the King
was obliged to keep his word, and made over the prince to the saint,
giving him kingdoms and palaces. When the prince came to the saint, the
latter discovered his desire to rule. He sent him back and presented
him with the wonderful cup which gave him all he wished, one of the
wonder-working vessels like the sack or cap or jar which appears all
through the range of folk-lore. [314] Lâl Beg succeeded his father as
King of Ghazni and, with the aid of the cup, worked such miracles that
he was deified after his death.
11. According to another legend, in the beginning was chaos; the
Almighty created Bâlmîkji, and he was placed on duty to sweep the
stairs leading to the heavenly throne. One day God, out of compassion,
said to Bâlmîkji:—“Thou art getting old; I will give thee something to
reward thee.” Next day Bâlmîkji went as usual to sweep the stairs, and
there, through the mercy of Providence, he found a boddice (choli). He
brought it to his house, and laying it aside attended to his other
work. By the omnipotence of God, from this boddice was born a male
child. When Bâlmîkji heard the voice of the child he went to the foot
of the heavenly staircase and said—“Almighty God! a son has been born
from the boddice given to thy servant.” He was told in reply—“This is a
Guru given unto thee.” Bâlmîkji then said that he had no milk for the
child. He was directed to go home, and whatever animal crossed his path
to get it to nurse the child. God, moreover, said that he had created
out of Lâ illâha ill allâho (“there is no God but God”) Lâl Beg, and
his name should be Nûri Shâh Bâla. Bâlmîkji descended from heaven and
came to this earth and saw a female hare (sassi) suckling her young. He
caught and brought her with her young ones, and Lâl Beg drank her milk,
and was nourished and grew up. From that time sweepers are forbidden to
eat the hare, a prohibition possibly based on totemism. The Almighty
declared Lâl Beg to be the Guru, and that in every house a temple of
two-and-a-half bricks would be reared to him, and for this reason a
temple of two-and-a-half bricks is built in front of the house of every
pious sweeper.
12. Another legend tells how the holy prophet (Hazrat Paighambar),
saint (Mehtar) Ilias, or the Prophet Elias, attended at the Court of
Almighty God, where many prophets were sitting. Mehtar Ilias coughed,
and finding no room to spit in, he spat upwards, and his spittle fell
upon the prophets. They all felt disgusted and complained to Almighty
God, who directed that he should serve throughout the world as a
sweeper. Mehtar Ilias begged that some prophet should be created in the
world to intercede for him, and it was ordered that such a one should
be born. According to the order of the God of Mercy he came into the
world and took to sweeping, and passed many days in the hope of
forgiveness. One day, the great saint, Barê Pîr Sâhib, Pîr-i-Dastagîr,
or Sayyid Abdul Qâdir Jilâni, took his coat (chola) off, and gave it to
Mehtar Ilias to wear. Mehtar Ilias put it into an earthen pitcher
(matka), and intended to wear it at some auspicious time. One day the
great saint asked him why he did not wear the coat. He answered—“My
work is to sweep, and it would become dirty. I will wear it on some
lucky day.” The great saint said—“Wear it to-day, and come to me.” He
agreed, and went to open the pitcher, but it was shut so fast that he
could not open it. He came to the saint and said that the pitcher would
not open. The saint said—“Take my name and say to the pitcher that the
Pîr Sâhib calls you.” Mehtar Ilias went and did as he was bidden, and
putting the pitcher on his head brought it to the saint. The saint
said, Nikalâo, Lâl Beg, “Come out quickly, my boy” (Lâl is “My dear
boy,” beg means “quickly”). Immediately out of the pitcher came a fair
man wearing red clothes, and the saint said to Lâl Beg:—“This was the
order of Almighty God that you should be the prophet of the sweepers
and intercede for them at the day of judgment.” Mehtar Ilias took him
home, and placing him under a nîm tree filled his pipe for him (a
custom of the sweepers to the present day towards their religious
teachers) and worshipped him. Lâl Beg became at once invisible, and
Mehtar Ilias went to the great saint and told him the story. The great
saint said that Lâl Beg had disappeared because he did not approve of
his religion. “However, worship him, and he will intercede for you.” He
then ordered Mehtar Ilias to do penance, and said—“In the first age the
ghatmat (vessels worshipped to represent Lâl Beg) will be golden; in
the second, they will be of silver; in the third, copper; in the
fourth, earthen.” This is why the sweepers now worship vessels of
earth, and believe in Lâl Beg as their prophet.
13. Another form of the legend connecting Lâl Beg with Benares and
Chunâr is thus told:—In the beginning Bâlmîk went to Ghazni Fort and
did penance there. A barren Mughal woman came to visit him and ask for
a son, and promised that if one were given her, she would dedicate him
to his service. In short, by the intercession of Bâlmîk, she gave birth
in due time to a son, and called him Lâl Beg. When he grew up she took
him and dedicated him to Bâlmîk, according to her promise. Bâlmîk
afterwards took him to Benares. The ninety-six millions of godlings
that inhabit Benares had turned the Chandâlas out of the home of the
gods, and placed them at Chandâlgarh or Chunâr. When Bâlmîk was in
Benares he saw that in the mornings when the sweepers came from
Chandâlgarh to sweep the city, they used to sound drums before entering
it, and that the inhabitants, who were really godlings, used to hide
themselves in their houses to avoid seeing them. When they had finished
sweeping they again sounded drums, and then the people came out of
their houses and went on with their business. When Bâlmîk saw this, he
could not hide himself, and asked the people why they avoided seeing
sweepers. The people answered—“Because they are sweepers it is unlawful
for us to look upon them.” Bâlmîk out of pity gave up his life for
them. When he died, blood and matter oozed from his body, so that no
Hindu could touch it. So one of the inhabitants of Benares went to
Chandâlgarh to call a sweeper, and saw them all there. The sweepers
came into Benares and threw the body of Bâlmîk into the Ganges. But the
Hindus found the body lying in the same condition in another house, and
called the sweepers again. Again the sweepers threw the body into the
Ganges and went home. A third time the body was found in a house in
Benares, and the people were astonished, and calling the sweepers saw
all their faces. Afterwards Bâlmîk appeared in a dream to an inhabitant
of Benares, and told him that as long as the people refused to see the
sweepers his body would not leave the city. Ever since then the people
have not hidden themselves from the sweepers. The sweepers took the
body from the city, for the last time, and Bâlmîk told them to take it
to Chandâlgarh. And it is said that when the body reached Chandâlgarh
all the mat huts of the sweepers turned into houses of gold; but this
was in the age of gold.
14. Still another Panjâb legend of Lâl Beg tells that he was the son of
Shaikh Sarna, a resident of Multân, who left that place in the train of
his spiritual master for Sadhaura, in the Ambâla District, where he
devoted himself to the worship of the saint Pîran Pîr, Abdul Qâdir
Jilâni, who lived from 1078 to 1166 A.D. Shaikh Sarna had no child, and
some one referred him to Bâlmîk, who then resided at Ghazni. Whereupon
the Shaikh set out for Ghazni, taking his wife with him. As he
approached the place he came across a girl, named Pundri, feeding
swine, and when he asked her where Bâlmîk was, she said that she was
his daughter. On this the Shaikh offered to watch her swine if she
would take his wife to her father, to which she agreed. When she
returned she saw that two young pigs had been born during her absence,
and asked the Shaikh Sarna to carry them home for her, which he did.
Meanwhile his wife had so won over Bâlmîk by her devotion, that he
asked her what she wanted, and she answered, “a son.” So Bâlmîk
promised her a son, whom she was to call Lâl Beg. After nine months she
gave birth to a son, and called him Lâl Beg. When Lâl Beg was twelve
years old his mother dedicated him to Bâlmîk, and sent him to the saint
on an elephant. He served Bâlmîk with heart and soul, and the saint was
so pleased with him that he made him chief of all his disciples. Lâl
Beg then proceeded to Kâbul and Kashmîr, accompanied by Bâlmîk and all
his followers. On arrival at Kâbul and Kashmîr, Lâl Beg told his
followers to go and beg in the cities, but the people would not allow
it. So they complained to Lâl Beg, who told them, after consulting
Bâlmîk, to fight the people, and with the help of the saints and all
the gods Lâl Beg gained the victory and took possession of Kâbul and
Kashmîr.
15. After establishing his authority Lâl Beg placed one of his
followers, named Sultâni, a native of the place, on the throne, and
then went to Thanesar, where Bâlmîk died. His tomb is still worshipped
as a shrine. Lâl Beg subsequently went with all his followers to Delhi
and founded the Lâl Begi religion, dividing his followers into five
sects—Lâl Begi, Shaikhri, Dumri, Heli, and Râwat.
16. Another legend shows more decided traces of Hindu influence. One
day Siva became very drunk, and the procreating principle (madan)
escaped from him. Parameswar took it in his hand and assumed the form
of a man, put some of it in the ears of Anjana, and so Hanumân was
born. He then rubbed some of it on a red stone, and Lâl Beg sprung
forth. Then he rubbed it on a sarkanda reed (saccharum procerum),
whence came Sarkandnâth. Then on some cow-dung (gobar), whence came
Gobarnâth. And lastly he washed his hands in a river, where a fish
swallowed some of the principle, and brought forth Machhandranâth, the
preceptor of Guru Gorakhnâth.
17. To close this long account of sweeper hagiology, Lâl Beg’s father
was a Mughal, and had no children. He heard that Bâlmîk, who could help
him, was living in a jungle not far from him; so he prayed to him and
had in due time a son, whom he named Lâl Beg. About this time the
Pândavas were making a great sacrifice (jag) which they could not
complete, and a saint (Mahâtma) had told them that the sacrifice would
be useless unless Bâlmîk came to complete it. So one of them mounted a
heavenly chariot and found Bâlmîk in the jungle covered with leprosy;
but he took him in his chariot, and brought him to the sacrifice.
Draupadi had prepared all the food necessary for the sacrifice, and had
distributed it to all present. Everybody but Bâlmîk had a taste of the
thirty dishes in turn; but Bâlmîk collected all his share together and
gobbled it down in two-and-a-half mouthfuls. Now, properly, the sound
of a shell (sankha) from heaven ought to have been heard for every
grain of food eaten before the sacrifice was properly completed. But
now only two-and-a-half sounds were heard, when Bâlmîk consumed his
share. The reason for this was that Draupadi was angry because Bâlmîk
would not eat. However, as a sound had been heard, the sacrifice was
considered complete. After this Bâlmîk gave power to Lâl Beg over all
Hindustân, and ordered all the sweepers and scavengers to worship him
for the accomplishment of their prayers.
18. Out of this mass of legend, which might be easily increased, very
little can be gathered as to the actual personality of Lâl Beg.
According to Sir H. M. Elliot, Lâl Guru is the name of the Râkshasa
Aronakarat; but it is very doubtful who this personage was. Aruna is
the title of the dawn, and Lâl or “red” may be a translation of this
word. Major Temple hazards the speculation that Lâl Beg may represent
Lâl Bhikshu, or the “red mendicant,” which would bring the origin of
the cultus to the era of Buddhism. The connection, again, of the
worship with Bâlmîki, the author of the Râmâyana, who is said to have
received the banished Sîta into his hermitage on the Chitrakûta hill,
in the Bânda District, where he educated her twin sons, Kusa and Lava,
is at present inexplicable. But it serves as an additional example of
the extraordinary mixture of all the mythologies out of which so much
of modern Hinduism is made up.
[Tribal organization.] 19. As might have been expected from what has
been already said, the ethnological classification of the Bhangis is
not very easily fixed. The last Census classifies them under five main
sub-castes: Bâlmîki, derived from the tribal saint whose legends have
been already given; Dhânuk, which, though allied to the Bhangis, has
been treated as a distinct tribe; Hela, Lâl Begi, and Patharphor, or
“stone-breaker.” Of the word Hela more than one explanation has been
given, of which none can be regarded as certain. We have given already
the folk etymology, which makes it out to mean a person who saved his
life by swimming (helna). Others say that hela means a “cry,” and that
they were so called because they were town criers, a function which the
Bhangi usually still discharges in Northern India. According to another
theory, again, it is derived from hilna, in the sense of “to be
domesticated”; others again derive it from hel, “a basket load,” or hel
or hil, “filth, mud.” One list from Benares divides the caste into nine
endogamous sub-castes,—Shaikh, Hela, Lâl Begi, Ghâzipuri Râwat, who
trace their origin from Ghâzipur, and take their name from the Sanskrit
râja-dûta, or “royal messengers,” Hânri or Hâri, who appear to be so
called because they pick up bones (Sanskrit, hadda) and other rubbish,
Dhânuk, Bânsphor, and Dhê. Of these, according to the Benares account,
the Lâl Begis have their head-quarters at Amritsar and Delhi; the
Râwats at Agra, Mainpuri, Meerut, Ghâzipur, and Dînapur; the Shaikhs at
Mirzapur and Delhi, and the Helas at Calcutta.
20. The detailed Census lists supply no less than thirteen hundred and
fifty-nine sub-castes of Hindu and forty-seven of Muhammadan Bhangis.
It is impossible with our existing knowledge to attempt anything
approaching a complete analysis of this mass of names. Many, however,
fall into two groups: first those connected by name at least with some
tribe or occupational and well-known caste. Such are the Bâgri, Bais,
Baiswâr, Bâlakchamariya, Bargûjar, Barwâr, Bhadauriya, Bisensob,
Bundeliya, Chamariya, Chandela, Chauhân, Chhîpi, Dhelphor, Gadariya,
Jâdon, Jâdubansi, Jaiswâr, Jogiya, Kachhwâha, Kâyasthbansi, Kinwâr,
Sakarwâr, Tânk, Thâkur Bais and Turkiya. Others, again, clearly take
their names from their places of origin, such as the Antarbedi, “those
of the Duâb,” Bilkhariya, Banaudh, Baranwâr, Bhojpuri Râwat, Ghâzipuri
Râwat, Jamâlpuriya, Jamunapâri, Janakpuri, Jaunpuri, Kânhpuriya,
Katheriya, Manglauri, Mânikpuri, Mainpuri, Mathuriya, Mehtarânpuri,
Mukundpuri, Multâni, Nânakpuri, Sayyidpuri, Sarwariya, and Ujjainwâl or
Ujjainpuriya.
21. Of the more important local sub-castes, we find in Dehra Dûn, the
Badlân and Nânakshâhi; in Sahâranpur, the Barlang, Chanahiya, Machal,
and Tânk; in Muzaffarnagar, the Bhilaur, Deswâl, Gahlot, and Soda; in
Bulandshahr, the Bachanwâr, Baiswâr, Bhadauriya, Bhagwatiya, Bhokar,
Chandâliya, Chauhân, Chauhela, Chunâr, Dhakauliya, Garauthiya,
Janghârê, Jasnubali, Nauratan, Nirbâni, Panwâri, Phûlpanwâr, Râthi,
Rolapâl, Shaikhâwat, Tarkhariya, Turkiya, Ujjainpuriya, and Ujjainwâl;
in Aligarh, the Chutelê, Kalawata, Kharautiya, Kothiya, Kausikiya, and
Mathuriya; in Mathura, the Soda; in Mainpuri, the Pattharwâr; in Etah,
the Churelê, Katheriya, Mathuriya, and Patthargoti; in Bareilly, the
Bargûjar, Dankmardan, Janghârê, Katheriya, and Rajauriya; in Bijnor,
the Gangwati; in Morâdâbâd, the Barchi, Bargûjar, Bhumiyân, Deswâli,
Multâni, and Rajauriya; in Shâhjahânpur, the Katheriya; in Cawnpur, the
Basor and Domar; in Fatehpur, the Sûpa Bhagat; in Allahâbâd, the
Bilkhariya; in Jhânsi, the Domar; in Ghâzipur, the Râwat; in Basti, the
Audhiyâr, Desi, and Dom; in Lucknow, the Bânsphor; in Unâo, the
Turaiha; and in Sultânpur, the Dom.
22. Of the Benares sweepers, Mr. Greeven writes:—“In Benares, only the
Lâl Begi, Shaikh Mehtar, and Hela, with a few Râwats, are found. All
sub-castes, including Lâl Begis, who acknowledge a Musalmân hero, claim
to be Hindus, with the exception of the Shaikh Mehtars, who call
themselves Muhammadans. These pretensions are, however, equally
rejected by Hindus, who exclude them from temples, and by Musalmâns,
who exclude them from mosques. The distinction between Lâl Begis and
Shaikh Mehtars is purely religious, and an elaborate legend admitting
the common origin has been invented to explain why Mazhabis, who are
Lâl Begis converted to Nânakshâhi doctrines, do not object to eating
with Shaikh Mehtars. Only Lâl Begis and Râwats eat food left by
Europeans, but all eat food left either by Hindus or Musalmâns. The
Shaikh Mehtars alone, as Musalmâns, circumcise, and reject pig’s flesh.
Each sub-caste eats uncooked food with all the others, but cooked food
alone (kachchi, pakki). Only Helas refuse to touch dogs. Shaikh Mehtars
and Lâl Begis alone admit proselytes. No sweeper touches the corpse of
any other caste, nor, within his caste, of any sub-caste, except his
own. While to the west of Delhi they are willing and regard it as their
function to sweep streets and burn corpses, in Benares they profess, on
the authority of a legend, to abandon streets to Chamârs, corpses to
Doms. In fact, sweepers by no means endorse the humble opinion
entertained with respect to them; for they allude to castes, such as
Kunbis and Chamârs, as petty (chhota); while a common anecdote is
related to the effect that a Lâl Begi when asked whether Musalmâns
could obtain salvation, replied—“I never heard of it, but perhaps they
might slip in behind Lâl Beg.”
23. Further he goes on to say:—“Each sub-caste of sweepers is
endogamous, but within each sub-caste are certain exogamous stirpes
(gotra). Thus the Lâl Begis admit three exogamous stirpes—Kharaha,
‘hare’; Pattharâha, ‘stone’; and Chauhân.” These sections, it may be
noted, are almost certainly totemistic. Thus the Kharaha section will
not eat the hare; the Pattharâha will not eat out of stone vessels. We
shall notice later on another explanation of this; in fact, as in the
case of the Dhângars, each of these minor castes is constantly working
out fresh explanations of their totemistic sections, and this is
probably the explanation why it is now so difficult to trace this form
of tribal organisation among the castes of Upper India. Mr. Greeven
adds that besides these sections a special section has been created by
spiritual ministers (bâba), who proudly declare that, just as kingship
is not confined to any special classes, so they have abandoned their
section, but not their sub-caste. This special section, though
recruited from three exogamous sub-divisions, is endogamous.
24. Another account of these Benares sections may be given. These are
said to be Chauhân, who connect themselves with the Râjput sept of the
same name; Chuhân, who are named from chûha, “a rat”; Kharaha, “a
hare”; Patthara, “a stone”; Pathrauta, who profess to derive their name
from a kind of vegetable known as pathri-kâ-sâg.
25. This, however, does not exhaust the tribal organisation of the
sweepers of these provinces. Thus, in Kheri, they are reported to be
divided into two endogamous groups, with various exogamous sections. In
the first group are the Mehtar, Bhangi, Lâl Begi, Chaudhari, and
Rangreta. The second group consists of the Hathîlê, Râwat, Domra,
Dhabâê, and Bânsphor. Most of these names have been already discussed.
But in connection with the Rangreta section Mr. Ibbetson’s remarks
[315] may be quoted:—“The terms Mazhabi and Rangreta denote Chûhras who
have become Sikhs. The Mazhabis take the pahul or formula of
initiation, wear their hair long, and abstain from tobacco, and they
apparently refuse to touch night-soil, though performing all the other
offices hereditary to the Chûhra caste. Their great Guru is Tegh
Bahâdur, whose mutilated body was brought back from Delhi by Chûhras,
who were then and there admitted to the faith as a reward for their
devotion. But though good Sikhs as far as religious observance is
concerned, the taint of hereditary pollution is upon them; and Sikhs of
other castes refuse to associate with them even in religious
ceremonies. They often intermarry with the Lâl Begi or Hindu Chûhra.
They make capital soldiers, and some of our regiments are wholly
composed of Mazhabis. The Rangreta are a class of Mazhabi apparently
found only in Ambâla, Ludhiâna, and the neighbourhood, who consider
themselves socially superior to the rest. The origin of their
superiority, I am informed, lies in the fact that they were once
notorious as highway robbers. But it appears that the Rangretas have
very generally abandoned scavengering for leather work, and this would
at once account for their rise in the social scale. In the hills
Rangreta is often used as synonymous with Rangrez to denote the cotton
dyer and stamper; and in Sirsa the Sikhs will often call any Chûhra
whom they wish to please, Rangreta, and a rhyme is current, Rangreta,
Guru ka beta, or “the Rangreta is the son of the Guru.”
26. Again, in Mirzapur, the Bhangis name seven endogamous sub-castes:
Halâlkhora, who are said to be so called because they support
themselves by honest labour and do not eat the leavings of others; Lâl
Begi, Râwat, Domar, who are like Doms; Hinduaiya, who are supposed to
be so called because they are Hindus and more precise in the
observances of the faith than other Hindu sweepers; Kirtiya, who are
said to have been originally Hindus and to have been converted
(kirtiya) to Islâm.
27. In Lucknow, again, their endogamous sub-castes are given as
Bânsphor, Hela, Râwat, Hâri, Dhânuk, Lâl Begi, Shaikh or Shaikhra,
Chûhra, and Dom.
28. In Bareilly, the Bhangis are reported to have four exogamous
sections,—Khariya, who are perhaps the same as the Kharaha of the
Benares list, Dalwariya, Tânk Mardân, Singha.
29. In Mirzapur another name for the Hela sub-caste is said to be
Mâlwar, which the members say is derived from their profession of
keeping hogs. They may possibly be akin to the Mâl of Bengal.
30. Lastly, Sir H. M. Elliot names the Bhangi sections (gotra) as
Baniwâl, Bilpurwâr, Tânk, Gahlot, Kholi, Gagra, Sarohi, Chandâliya,
Sirsawâl, and Siriyâr. Some of these are the names of Râjput septs;
others are apparently taken from the place of their origin. It has as
yet been found impossible to identify the exact part of the country in
which these sections prevail.
[Traditions of origin.] 31. Beyond the legends already given in
connection with Lâl Beg, the Bhangis do not appear to have any very
distinct traditions of their history. The Lâl Begis of Benares
undertake occasional pilgrimages to Amritsar, which they consider to be
their home. The Bhangis of Mirzapur refer their origin to Jaunpur. They
make occasional visits to the village of Surhurpur, where they worship
at the tomb of a Muhammadan Faqîr named Makhdûm Shâh. On the other
hand, the Hindu Helas make pilgrimages to the temple of Kâlika Mâi, in
the village of Lokhari, in the Bânda District. They attend a special
fair held in honour of the goddess on the thirtieth day of Chait, at
which, as at the shrine of the goddess Vindhyabâsini Devi at
Bindhâchal, they have the ceremonial shaving of their sons performed,
and offer pigs, goats, rams, and a libation of spirits. They have also
a preference for arranging marriages, and taking their barbers from
this place, which they regard as their original home. The Benares Lâl
Begis all collect at what is called the Panchâyat Akhâra sacred to Guru
Nânak, near the Sivâla Ghât, in the city, for the decision of all
social matters. There is, lastly, the Gada Pahâri at Chunâr, to which
reference has been already made, which is a well-known resort for the
Bhangis of the eastern part of the Province.
[Tribal council and caste discipline.] 32. The Bhangis have a most
elaborately organised tribal council. Thus, the Lâl Begis of Benares,
to follow Mr. Greeven’s account again, have a semi-military
organisation modelled on that of the British Cantonment in which they
are employed. Their headman is known as Brigadier Jamadâr, whose
office, though in theory elective, is in practice hereditary, so long
as the requirements are fulfilled. These are chiefly: on election to
provide two dinners for the whole sub-caste, sweetmeats, to the value
of fourteen rupees, to be distributed among them, and two turbans to
each president as below described. Within the sub-caste the
administrative unit is the “company” (bera), of which in Benares there
are eight, viz., the Sadar, or those employed by private residents in
Cantonments; the Kâlê Paltan, who serve the Bengal Infantry; the Lâl
Kurti, or “Red Coats,” who are employed by the British Infantry; the
Teshan, or those employed at the three Railway Stations of Cantonment,
Râjghât, and Mughal Sarâi; the Shahr, or those employed in the City;
the Râmnagar, who take their name from the residence of the Mahârâja of
Benares, whom they serve; the Kothiwâl or “Bungalow men,” who serve
residents in the Civil Lines; and lastly, the Genereli, who are the
survivors of the sweepers who were employed at headquarters when
Benares was commanded by a General of Division. Under the Brigadier
each “company” has four officers (sardâr) as follows:—The Jamadâr or
President, the Munsif or Spokesman, the Treasurer or Chaudhari, and the
Nâib or Summoner. As with the Brigadier, these offices, though supposed
to be elective, are practically hereditary, provided that the candidate
can afford to present one dinner to the whole sub-caste, and one turban
to each of the Presidents. Under these officers every member of the
company is designated a private soldier (sipâhi); and out of these a
ministerial officer is appointed under the title of the messenger
(piyâda).
33. At a meeting of the council a private may, with much respect,
interrupt proceedings to direct attention to anything irregular. On the
conclusion of the evidence, the three inferior officers in each company
confer together until they arrive at a unanimous decision, which,
through their spokesman, they submit to their President. When each
President is unanimous with his assistants, he confers with the
Presidents of the other companies, and when all eight Presidents are
unanimous they confer with the Brigadier, who, if he agrees with them,
delivers the final decision. In case of disagreement, the disputed
question must be argued out, or further evidence adduced, until the
disagreement is removed. Mr. Greeven adds:—“As there is no record or
evidence of judgment, it may well be inquired how it is possible,
except by accident, ever to obtain a unanimous decision amongst
thirty-three human beings. In point of fact, however, the issues are of
so simple a character and, therefore, so fully within the compass of
the private soldiers, that public opinion is very powerful, and, as in
cases of dead-lock, oaths are administered to the dissentient officers,
the practical result follows that where an officer, in spite of an
oath, persists in blocking the decision of a dispute by a corrupt, or
perverse, or even unpopular verdict, he is liable to be dismissed from
his office, or even expelled from the brotherhood. The subordinate
officers decide according to the verdict of the private soldiers, and a
President rarely persists in opposition to his subordinate officers,
while the Brigadier accepts the opinion of the Presidents almost as a
formality.”
34. When any dispute arises, the aggrieved party, depositing a
process-fee (talabâna) of a rupee-and-a-quarter, addresses his
summoner, who, in company with the Treasurer, and through the medium of
the spokesman, refers the matter to the President. Unless the question
is so trivial that it can be settled without caste punishments, the
President fixes a time and place, of which notice is given through the
messenger, to the summoners of the other seven companies. Within each
company the messenger, who is remunerated with one-and-a-quarter annas
out of the process-fee, carries round the notice to each private
soldier.
35. Only worthy members of the caste are allowed to sit on the tribal
matting and smoke the tribal pipe (huqqa). The proceedings begin with
the spreading of the matting, and the pipe is passed round. The members
sit in three lines, and in the following order of precedence:—The
Brigadier Jamadâr, each batch of four officers of the eight companies
arranged as follows,—the President to the right, next the spokesman,
treasurer, and summoner, and behind them all private soldiers. Each
party to the dispute, in charge of the messenger of his company, is
cross-questioned individually by the eight spokesmen, who then proceed
to examine the witnesses adduced by the litigants, and any persons
acquainted with the facts of the case.
36. The punishments inflicted by the council are of three kinds,—fines
(dând); compulsory dinners (bhog, khâna); and outcasting (kujât karna).
Non-compliance with an order of fine or entertainment is followed by
expulsion. Fines are always multiples of one-and-a-quarter, which is a
lucky number. The formal method of outcasting consists in seating the
culprit on the ground and drawing the tribal mat over his head, from
which the turban is removed. The messengers of the eight companies
inflict a few taps with slippers and birch brooms from above. It is
alleged that unfaithful women were formerly tied naked to trees and
flogged with birch brooms, but that, owing to the fatal results that
occasionally followed such punishment, as in the case of the five kicks
among Chamârs, and a scourging with a clothes line, which used to
prevail among Dhobis, the caste has now found it expedient to abandon
such practices.
37. When an outcast is re-admitted on submission, whether by paying a
fine or giving a dinner, he is seated apart from the tribal mat, and
does penance (tauba, tobah) by holding his ears and confessing his
offence. A new huqqa, which he supplies, is carried round by the
messenger, and a few whiffs are taken by the clansmen in the following
order.—The Bather, the Brigadier, the eight Presidents, the eight
spokesmen, the eight summoners, and the private soldiers. The messenger
repeats to the culprit the order of the council, and informs him that
should he again offend his punishment will be doubled. With this
warning he hands him the huqqa, after smoking which the culprit is
admitted to the carpet, and all is forgotten in a banquet at his
expense.
38. The officials and procedure of the councils of the other sub-castes
are very similar. Thus in Benares the Ghâzipuri Râwats have a President
(Chaudhari), a messenger or Chharibardâr, who announces the dates and
purposes of the council meetings, and receives two annas for his
trouble. The Shaikhs have a Chaudhari or President, a Sardâr or his
assistant, a Qâzimdâr, whose functions are similar to those of the
Chharibardâr. The Helas have two officials, the Chaudhari and the
Piyâda or Chharibardâr. In the Shaikh council all the officials at the
time of their appointment have to give a dinner to the members of their
council. The Chaudhari and Sardâr are invested with turbans as a sign
of office. The Qâzimbardâr receives a whip (kora), a mat (tât), and a
jug and bowl (lota, katora) when he is invested with office. In the
Hela council the Chaudhari receives a turban, but is not obliged to
give a dinner. The rule among the Ghâzipuri Râwats is the same.
[Marriage rules.] 39. Among the Lâl Begis of Benares a man must marry
within his own sub-caste, but not in the section (tar) to which he
belongs. Thus he cannot marry in the house of his paternal or maternal
grandfather. But he may marry a woman of any other sub-caste or caste,
provided she be initiated duly into the Lâl Begi fraternity. The Lâl
Begis are noted for their laxity in enforcing the rules of marriage.
Thus they may marry even a Dom or Chamâr woman. He cannot marry two
sisters at the same time without the consent of the first wife, or
unless she has no hope of issue. But in no case can a man marry the
elder sister of his wife, and he cannot marry the sisters of his phûpha
or husband of his father’s sister, or of the husband of his mother’s
sister. Among the Shaikhs the Muhammadan prohibited degrees are
enforced, except that a man cannot marry outside his sub-caste; he can
marry two sisters at the same time, but during the life-time of his
wife he cannot marry her elder sister, and he cannot marry in the
family of his paternal grandfather or of the husband of his father’s
sister. But he may marry the daughter of his maternal uncle or of his
mother’s sister. When a man has married into a certain family all his
male relations will, as far as possible, avoid marrying in the same
family. Among the Ghâzipuri Râwats a man must marry in his sub-caste,
but not in the family of his paternal or maternal grandfather. In fact,
all relations whose fathers or mothers can be traced back to any common
ancestor are barred. A man can marry two sisters, but not the elder
sister of the wife while she is alive. The same rules apply to the
Helas. The Bânsphors, like the Shaikhs, will not marry in the family of
the paternal grandfather, but that of the maternal grandfather is not
excluded. The Helas, as a rule, marry very near relatives. There is no
exclusion as regards marriage, and they use the proverb,—Dâm sê barh
jawê, châm sê nahîn barhta—that is to say, one who is higher in social
status is not necessarily elevated as regards caste.
40. The following rules regulate the marriage of outsiders. In Benares
the Ghâzipuri Râwats and Helas can marry any woman provided she does
not belong to another Bhangi sub-caste, is not drawn from the lower
castes, such as Doms, Dhobis, Dusâdhs, Dharkârs, Khatîks, and Chamârs,
and that prior to marriage she has been properly initiated into the
sub-caste of her future husband. When a man marries such a woman he has
to give a dinner to his brethren, and pay a fine of twenty or thirty
rupees, when the woman is being initiated. Such a marriage is not
treated as the regular marriage (shâdi), but as the lower form (sagâi),
and in spite of her initiation, the wife, but not her children, will
always be considered as an out-caste (parjât). The Shaikhs will marry a
woman of any caste, provided she embrace Islâm, but her original caste
must have been respectable, and they will not marry a woman who was
originally a Kunbi, Ahîr, Koeri, or the like. The husband in such a
marriage is not obliged to pay any fine to the council, but he has to
distribute sharbat to them. Such a woman will be admitted to full
tribal rights. The Lâl Begis can marry a woman of any caste, provided
that she is willing to be initiated as a Lâl Begi. Even the present
Guru of the Benares Lâl Begis is reported to have a very low-caste
woman as his wife. Such a marriage is not called shâdi but nikâh, but
the wife is not treated as an out-caste.
[Initiation.] 41. The following is said to be the form of initiation
among the Lâl Begis of Benares. The candidate has to prepare between
one-and-a-quarter maund and five sers of malîda, or bread made of
flour, milk, butter, sugar, and other condiments. This food, with
sweetmeats to the value of seven-and-a-quarter rupees, is placed on a
platform (chauki, chabûtra), in the presence of the assembled brethren,
and the tribal genealogy or kursinâma is repeated over it. The man who
recites the genealogy receives a fee of one-and-a-quarter rupees. Some
sharbat is also prepared, and the members present dip their finger into
it. This sharbat is drunk by the candidate, and the food and sweetmeats
distributed among those present. This ceremony is known as the chauki.
Similarly, among the Shaikh Mehtars, an outsider is admitted on feeding
the fraternity and giving alms to the poor. At the initiation of Sikh
sweepers, the headman reads out to the initiate what is known as Nânak
kî bâni, or the songs of Nânak, and he is made to drink the charnamrit,
or water in which the feet of the headman have been washed, and he eats
the prasâd, or halwa, which is prepared on such occasions and offered
before the holy volume. The present head of the community at
Farrukhâbâd is known as Vasudeva Mahârâj, who is a follower of Nânak,
and he freely mixes with the Bhangis and eats and drinks with them. One
of these incantations used at initiation by the Panjâb Bhangis runs—
Sonê kâ ghât; sonê kâ mât;
Sonê kâ ghorâ; sonê kâ jorâ;
Sonê kî kunjî; sonê kâ tâlâ;
Sonê kâ kiwâr; lâo kunjî; kholo kiwâr;
Dekho dâdâ Pîr kâ dîdar.
“Golden pitcher; golden pot; golden horse; golden dress; golden key;
golden lock; golden door; put in the key; open the door; see the figure
of the Holy Saint.” [316]
This is known as Sat jug ki kursi, and similar verses are used for the
Dwâpar Jug, Treta Jug, and Kali Jug. But the words “silver,” “copper,”
and “earthen” are used for each age respectively in place of “golden.”
The usual ritual appears to be that the candidate brings with him mince
pies (chûra) to the amount of five sers in weight, and the articles for
the worship (pûja) of Lâl Beg, viz., ghi, betel, cloves, large
cardamoms, incense, and frankincense. A kursi or genealogy is then
recited over him, and finally he is patted on the back, and a little of
the mince pies, some water, and a huqqa are given to him. A quantity of
the pies are offered to Lâl Beg, and the rest distributed among the Lâl
Begis present. A rupee-and-a-quarter is paid to the Guru, who is always
a Mehtar, who performs the ceremony, and as much clothes as the
initiate can afford. [317] The ceremony, such as it is, is always done
in secret, and it is very difficult to induce Bhangis to give anything
like a full account of it. Among some of the sweeper sub-castes it is
commonly reported that a more disgusting form of initiation prevails,
part of which is that the initiate stands in a pit, and each member of
the fraternity drops ordure on his head; but it is very doubtful how
far this is true.
[Marriage ceremonies.] 42. The following account of the ritual in force
in Bhangi marriages is mainly based on Mr. Greeven’s notes. The
marriage customs of the Shaikh Mehtars are attempts to follow as
closely as possible the Musalmân course (shâdi) of nuptial contract
(nikâh) and dower (mahar bândhna). Among the Hindu sub-castes a
match-maker (agua), spoken of by Lâl Begis as the “go-between”
(bichauliya), is selected by either party. A marriage fee, settled by
the match-makers, may be given for a bride, but not for a bridegroom,
except by way of marriage portion (dahej). Where the bride’s father is
wealthy, a form of Beena marriage prevails, and it is common for him to
require or permit his son-in-law to reside with him (ghar damâdu).
The period between the conclusion of arrangements by the match-makers
and the actual wedding is known as the lagan. It is inaugurated on the
first evening by a dinner of raw sugar (gur) given by the parents of
both parties jointly at the bride’s dwelling to all the clansmen. The
next essential is to erect a marriage pole (mâcha) consisting of a
plough shaft (haris) enwreathed in dûb grass and mango leaves on the
first evening in the bridegroom’s, and on the second in the bride’s
court-yard. A night wake (ratjaga) precedes each of these ceremonies,
in which the women are feasted at the household concerned with pulse
and rice, and occupy themselves in preparing comfits (gulgula) of raw
sugar, flour, and oil, which on the following morning are distributed
among all the clansmen at their houses. When the marriage pole is
erected in the bridegroom’s court-yard, merely an earthen water-pot
(gâghar), surmounted with a pot with a spout (badhana), is deposited
beside it, and on the same evening all the members of the tribe, male
and female, are feasted with rice and sugar and clarified butter. When,
however, a second marriage pole is erected, after a second night wake,
in the bride’s court-yard, it has a thatched canopy (chhappar) attached
to it, and on this occasion, and under this canopy, the actual wedding
is celebrated on the lucky date (sâit) given by the Brâhman astrologer.
43. Towards evening all the clansmen, both male and female, in
procession escort the bridegroom, usually on horseback and with music,
to the bride’s dwelling. There is no hard-and-fast usage with respect
to the shape and colour of the wedding garments, except that both bride
and bridegroom must carry a head-dress (maur) made of flowers and palm
leaves.
44. On arrival the bride’s father assigns the procession “a field” for
sitting (janwânsa, khet dena), and placing an earthen jar (kunda) of
boiled rice before the bridegroom, bestows a present on his father,
usually consisting of a turban, which he has on his head, and a rupee
which he places in his hand. Four or five of the bridegroom’s comrades
taste the boiled rice, and into the remainder the bridegroom’s father
drops some money, which should not be less than five copper coins.
45. Then comes the duâr bâr, when two sheets, one of the bride’s and
the other of the bridegroom’s father, are held up before the doorway.
From within the bride, and from without the bridegroom, approach each
other, separated by the curtain. The bride’s mother waves seven times
round the head of the bridegroom a winnowing fan or tray containing a
lamp, some rice, turmeric, betel-nut, betel-leaf, and dûb grass. Next
she waves again seven times round his head a pot of water, a wooden
rice-pounder, and a pestle. Lastly, she applies a coin bedaubed with
rice and turmeric in the manner of a caste mark (tilak) to the forehead
of the youth, who receives the coin as his perquisite. The bridegroom’s
father also drops a coin into the water-pot beside the marriage pole.
On this the boy salutes his clansmen and returns to them, while the
bride retires to array herself in wedding garments, and the sheets are
lowered.
46. When the bride is ready, she is seated with the bridegroom under
the marriage canopy. Four pegs of mango wood are driven into the ground
before them, and a thread fastened around them. In the centre a fire is
kindled by the father of the bridegroom, who, after raising a flare
with a libation of ghi, reverses an earthen vessel over it, with the
object, as is alleged, of conciliating the household deities. The
bride’s father deposits at the feet of the couple the tray or fan which
in an earlier ceremony the mother was seen waving over the head of the
bridegroom. All the bride’s relatives, after taking some of the
contents and touching the feet of the couple, apply it to their
foreheads, and deposit as much money as they can afford by way of a
present.
47. Next the gown (jâma) of the boy is knotted to the mantle (châdar)
of the bride by the religious mendicant, who is by caste also a sweeper
and is known as Bâbaji. This is the gath bandhan rite. In the absence
of the Bâbaji the husband of the sister of the bridegroom, known as
Mân, does this office.
48. Then the couple, with their left shoulders in the direction of the
marriage pole, make seven circuits (bhaunri) round it. On the first
four circuits the bridegroom, and on the last three the bride, is the
leader. As each circuit is completed, it is usual, but not necessary,
for the father, or in his absence the bridegroom’s sister’s husband, to
hand over a strip of mango wood (tîli) to the leader, who, tapping his
or her partner on the back with it, flings it back by way of record
over the marriage canopy. The bridegroom, then conducting the bride to
the doorway, removes his head-dress, and tenders it with a money
present to the bride’s mother, who, in like manner, removing her
daughter’s head-dress, tenders it with a money present to the father of
the bridegroom. The bride retires into the house, and the bridegroom
rejoins his clansmen who, male and female, are feasted with raw sugar
and rice with ghi, and then retire in a body, with the exception of the
bridegroom and his father.
49. On the following morning comes the parting (bida), when the four
headmen (sardâr) attend to witness the giving and receiving of the
marriage portion (dahej). The bridegroom’s father for this service pays
over a fee of two rupees, which is, perhaps, the most important of all
the rites, because it signifies that the marriage is complete.
50. Before the bridegroom removes the bride to her new home, her mother
offers him pulse and rice (khichari), which he refuses to touch until
he receives a present. At the moment of departure the bridegroom
salutes the bride’s relatives and receives presents from them, while he
bestows largess on female menials, such as the wife of the barber,
washerman, and the village midwife. It is usual to remove the bride in
a litter carried by Kahârs or Musahars. At the entrance of the
bridegroom’s house, his sister, or, in her absence, her daughter, or
else any other female relative, bars the way against the new wife,
until appeased by a present.
51. For four days the bride remains with the women of her husband’s
family. On the fourth day the womenfolk are collected, and the couple
in their wedding garments are seated facing one another on a blanket,
with a basket of fruit and flowers between them. To overcome their
modesty the women incite them to pelt one another with flowers. The
bridegroom removes his ring from his finger and places it once on the
parting of his wife’s hair, thereby sealing the moment when the bride
(dulhin) becomes a matron (suhâgan). The bridegroom’s gown and the
bride’s mantle are knotted together by the women, who tearing down the
marriage pole, consign the materials with the marriage head-dress
(maur) to the nearest water. On their return the newly-married couple
assume their usual dress, and the wedding is ended.
[Divorce.] 52. Among the Lâl Begis impotency, leprosy, or lunacy in the
husband warrants the wife in claiming a separation. Among the Shaikhs
and Helas only impotency is a recognised ground. But the woman claiming
a separation has to pay a fine of five or ten rupees, and give a dinner
to the council. Among the Lâl Begis no marriage can be annulled without
the sanction of the council, and among the Shaikhs without the joint
consent of husband and wife. Among the Ghâzipuri Râwats no physical
defect, however serious, is recognised as valid cause for a separation.
Unfaithfulness or loss of caste in the wife is a ground for her husband
to repudiate her. Among the Lâl Begis when a man wishes to get rid of
his wife he assembles the brethren, and in their presence says to
her—“You are as my sister”; she answers—“You are as my father and
brother.” When the divorce is sanctioned, the husband has to pay
one-and-a-quarter rupees to the council and two-and-a-half rupees to
the Sardâr. Among Shaikh Mehtars the Qâzi is called in, and in his
presence the husband says the word talâq three times. If the wife be
found in fault she cannot claim dowry. Among the Ghâzipuri Râwats
intertribal infidelity is not regarded as a ground for divorce; but it
will be so if her paramour be an outsider. The Lâl Begis do not
recognise any distinction between children the result of illicit
connections and those of regular marriage, provided they are Lâl Begis.
The same rule applies among the Shaikh Mehtars; the Ghâzipuri Râwats
call such children dogla or dunasla, and though they have full tribal
rights as regards marriage and social intercourse, they receive a
smaller share of the inheritance than legitimate children. Naturally
illegitimate children find it less easy to marry than those of
legitimate birth. If a woman of the Ghâzipuri sub-caste intrigues with
a stranger to the sub-caste she is permanently expelled; if her
paramour be a fellow caste-man she can be restored on payment of the
penalty imposed by order of the council. Among the Lâl Begis of Benares
it is not necessary that the widow of the elder should marry the
younger brother; but among the Shaikhs and Ghâzipuri Râwats the widow
must marry her younger brother-in-law if he be of suitable age and
willing to take her. Among the Helas the matter is optional. If a Lâl
Begi widow marry an outsider she continues to maintain her right over
the property of her first husband, provided her second marriage was
contracted with the consent of the council. Among the Shaikhs and
Ghâzipuri Râwats the rule is different, and if the widow marry an
outsider she loses all right to her first husband’s estate.
[Birth ceremonies.] 53. During pregnancy the woman wears a thread round
her neck and a rupee tied round her head to scare evil spirits. In
Lucknow the pregnant Lâl Begi woman counts seven stars as a spell to
procure an easy delivery. She also has her lap filled with sweetmeats
and fresh vegetables as an omen of fertility. This is known as
godbhari. In the Western Districts the expectant mother worships Sati
in the fifth or seventh month of her pregnancy. When delivery is
tedious, it is a common practice to give her some water to drink over
which a Faqîr has blown. When the delivery takes place the Chamârin is
called in, who cuts the cord, buries it in the delivery room, and
lights a fire over it. The phrase used is kheri jalâi jâti hai—“the
after-birth is being burnt.” At the head of the bedstead she places
some iron article, usually a penknife, and hands over to the mother an
iron ring, which she reclaims on her dismissal, six days after. During
that period a fire is kept smouldering at the door to repel the demon
Jamhua, who takes his name apparently from Yama, the god of death. The
most fatal disease from which Indian infants suffer is infantile
lock-jaw, which is the result of the cutting of the umbilical cord with
a blunt and perhaps foul instrument, like the common sickle used for
this purpose. This disease, as is well known, generally appears on the
sixth or twelfth day after birth, and this is the reason why these days
have been, among most of the Indian castes, selected as the time for
the rites of purification. This demon, like all his kin, detests foul
smells, so they burn bran, leather, horns, and anything else which
gives a fetid smoke in the neighbourhood of the mother, and all the
foul clothes, etc., are carefully taken away by the midwife and buried
in the ground, as, like all the lower tribes, the Bhangis have an
intense dread of menstrual and parturition blood. Among the Lâl Begis
the rite of purification is complete on the sixth day, and after the
mother has been bathed and dressed in clean clothes, she is taken
outside at night to see the stars, while her husband stands close to
her with a bludgeon to ward evil spirits from her. Then a tray full of
food is brought, and all her women friends join in eating with the
mother. In return, the friends send a coat and cap for the child. Among
the Helas the rite of purification ends on the twelfth day. After the
Chamârin is dismissed Bhangis do not, as other low castes do, call in
the wife of the barber to attend the mother. A Brâhman is usually
called in to select a name for the child, and then the birth hair is
shaven. Some of the more advanced Bhangis are more careful in
performing the rites of purification common to the superior castes. At
the age of five or six many of them have their children’s ears bored at
shrines like that of Kâlika Mâi and the Vindhyabâsini Devi of
Bindhâchal. On this occasion they offer a goat or ram, or cakes, and
pour some spirits on the ground. Among the Helas of Mirzapur, when the
mother first leaves her room, she offers a burnt sacrifice (hom), and
makes an offering to Ganga Mâi.
[Death rites.] 54. The Bhangis appear to be in the intermediate stage
between burial and cremation. In Benares, according to Mr. Greeven,
most of them are buried. The Lâl Begis and Shaikh Mehtars burn nothing;
while the others scorch the face or hand and then bury. The funeral
rites are the same for men and women. The body is bathed, according to
sex, by the barber or his wife, but in perhaps most cases this is done
by one of the relations. The two thumbs and the two great toes are
fastened together with strips of cloth. It is then deposited, attired
in a loin cloth, on a new mat, and sprinkled with camphor and water, or
rose water. The Shaikh Mehtars use the ordinary Muhammadan cerecloths.
The clansmen carry the body to the grave-yard on a bedstead, which each
takes a turn in raising. With Musalmâns every member of the procession
repeats the creed (Kalima), while with Nânakshâhis the Bâba advances in
front reading the sacred volume (granth). Each sub-caste has its
separate grave-yard; but the custodian is always a Musalmân. The
Takyadâr or custodian receives four annas for reading the funeral
prayers (janâza ki namâz); the grave-digger (beldâr) six annas for
digging the grave; and the carpenter four annas for supplying a plank
for the grave. Two clansmen descend into the grave to receive the
corpse as it is lowered. Either method of interment, lateral (baghli),
or vertical (sandûqchi), is adopted. The sheet is withdrawn for a
moment from the face of the corpse to allow it one last glimpse of the
heavens, while with Musalmâns the face is turned towards Mecca. The
sheet is replaced and the plank deposited, on which each clansman
flings a handful of dust. A sheet is extended over the grave, and a
viaticum, consisting of bread, sweetmeats, and some water, is laid upon
it; each clansman sprinkles a little water and crumbles a little
sweetmeats and bread on the mound. An earthen vessel is reversed over
the grave; but sweepers do not observe the ceremony of withdrawing ten
paces, nor, of course, is the Fâtiha recited, except for Musalmâns. At
the moment of leaving the grave-yard it is not unusual for each mourner
to fling a pebble over his shoulder to bar the ghost. The custodian
pounces on the sheet as his perquisite, except in the case of sweepers
who come from the Nawâbi Mulk (Delhi, Râmpur, and Lucknow), in which
case he retains it, shut up in the pot which was reversed over the
mound, until forty days after the funeral.
55. The more respectable Hindu sweepers sometimes burn the dead, and,
if possible, induce some of the meaner class of Brâhmans to mutter a
few spells while they burn the corpse themselves.
56. The subsequent ceremonies are more or less elaborate according to
the means of the family. Thus, among the Shaikh Mehtars of Benares,
according to Mr. Greeven, in the morning of the third day after the
funeral, the clansmen, male and female, are collected at the house of
the deceased, and a vessel is handed round containing sweetmeats,
rose-water, and betel. In Musalmân households the children recite the
Kalima, and count grains of the chick pea, like the beads of a rosary,
to the name of the Almighty. On the same evening the clansmen with
their women are feasted on boiled rice. No ceremonies are observed on
the tenth (daswîn) or twentieth (bîswîn) day after death. On the
fortieth day (chehlam, châliswân) the spirit of the departed, which has
hitherto haunted the death chamber, is expelled in the following
way:—The relatives, male and female, are feasted till about 11 P.M. An
earthen vessel, half filled with water, is deposited, with bread, a few
sweetmeats, and some boiled pulse, under a bedstead. Over this bedstead
the sweepers from the Nawâb’s territory, as defined above, require the
custodian of the grave to extend the sheet, which he has retained as
described already. Over this, with Musalmâns, some low-class mendicant,
usually the custodian of the cemetery, repeats the Kalima or creed,
while with Nânakpanthis the Bâbaji recites from the sacred volume
(granth). At 4 A.M., as the mendicant ceases, the male relations should
proceed to the cemetery, fling the earthen vessel upon the grave, and
depart, leaving the provisions with the sheet, in the case of Nawâbi
sweepers, to the custodian as his perquisite. The terror of ghosts
usually prevents this rite being duly performed, and in most cases they
content themselves with breaking the vessel at the cross roads, and
when it has once been broken the ghost is released.
57. In Benares the Helas and the Shaikhs do the tîja and barsi rites,
for the propitiation of the dead, like Musalmâns. The Lâl Begis and
Ghâzipuri Râwats offer water for ten days. The vessel (hânri)
containing water with a hole in the bottom is hung on a pîpal tree.
They observe the pitrapaksha or fortnight of the dead. The worshipper
stands in running water and offers some to his deceased ancestors. Some
offer a kind of pinda or sacred ball of rice. No Brâhman takes part in
this kind of srâddha. In fact, though Bhangis assert the fact, it does
not appear certain that Brâhmans superintend any of their ceremonies.
In the absence of a Brâhman, the son, grandson, or brother of the
deceased officiates. Though it is said not to be so among the Benares
Bhangis, it seems to be usual to give the preference to the son-in-law
or sister’s son in performing the death ceremonies.
[Religion.] 58. The religion of the sweepers is a curious mixture of
various faiths. Some, as we have seen, profess to be Hindus, others
Musalmâns, and others Sikhs. But though these two latter religions
avowedly preach the equality of all men, they refuse to recognise
sweepers as brethren in the faith. In Benares the Râwats are said to be
as bad Hindus as the Shaikhs are indifferent Muhammadans, and the
Chaudhari of Helas could say only that he professed the Hela religion.
But the experience of the last Panjâb Census has shown the
impossibility of classing their beliefs under any one definite creed.
Some ninety-five per cent of the Chûhras of the Province did, it is
true, record themselves as professing some religion which might be
assumed to be peculiar to them, such as Lâl Begi, Bâlmîki, or
Bâlashâhi; but, as Mr. Maclagan observes [318]:—“While there is no
doubt that we should be complying with Hindu feeling in excluding the
Chûhra from the list of Hindus, should we also exclude the Chamâr? And,
if the Chamâr, why not the Sânsi? And should the Gâgra, the Megh, and
the Khatîk follow? And, in fact, where is the line to be drawn? In the
absence of any clear decision on this point, it will be best to adhere
to the present system and include all as Hindus.” At the last Census of
these provinces 2,65,967 persons recorded themselves as votaries of Lâl
Beg. To the east of the province many are worshippers of the
Pânchonpîr. To the west Shaikh Saddu and Guru Nânak are worshipped. We
have already given some of the legends connected with the tribal saint
Lâl Beg. Gûga or Zâhir Pîr is again held in high respect by the
sweepers of the Western Districts. They consider that he cures the
blind, lunatics, and lepers, and has the power of bestowing offspring
on barren wives. His shrine is a small, round building, with a
courtyard and flags hung from a neighbouring tree. On the shrine is
laid a leaf platter containing a chip of the wood of the pîlu tree
(Careya arborea), a flower of the karîl or caper bush, and some bâjra
millet. The tomb is then rubbed with sandalwood, and this substance is
considered a cure for various diseases. A goat is sometimes offered at
a neighbouring shrine known as Gorakhnâth kâ qila; and every Lâlbegi
erects in his house a standard (nishân) in the form of a trident
(trisûl) in honor of Zâhir Pîr. In the eastern parts of these
provinces, where distance overcomes the zeal for pilgrimage, it is
usual for the Bhangis to carry round the sacred symbol of the Pîr in
the month of Bhâdon, and raise contributions.
59. Ghâzi Miyân, again, is a favourite object of worship by Bhangis.
They have corrupted the standard legend of the saint into a mass of
extraordinary hagiology. According to one version Mâmal and her father
Sarsa fled from Delhi to Ghazni on account of the tyranny of Prithivi
Râja. There Salâr Sâhu married Mâmal, and Sarsa managed to persuade
Sultân Mahmûd to attack Prithivi Râja. His tomb at Bahrâich is a
favourite place of Bhangi pilgrimage. The Dafâli priests of the tomb
perform all the rites. One of them wears the figure of a horse on his
waist; others follow him in a wild dance, singing the praises of Shâh
Madâr. All this is in commemoration of the marriage of Ghâzi Miyân,
which is said to have taken place the day before his martyrdom.
60. Bhangis, again, have an army of local deities, such as in Lucknow,
Kâle Gora, Baram Gusâîn, Narsinha, and Buddhi Prasâdi. They believe
largely in various evil spirits, the Bhût, the Deo, the Bîr, the
Râkshasa, and the Churel. They observe, if Hindus, the festivals of the
faith, such as the Diwâli, Ghâzi Miyân kâ byâh, the Basant, ’Id, and
Muharram, which are all observed by the Lâl Begis of Benares; while the
Ghâzipuri Râwats celebrate the Pachainyân, the Diwâli, the Dithwan, the
Khichari, the Holi, and Ghâzi Miyân kâ byâh. The Helas observe the
Holi, the Muharram, and the marriage of Ghâzi Miyân, and the Shaikh
Mehtars, the last, with the ordinary feasts of Islâm. The common oaths
in use are Parameswar qasm and Khuda qasm. The Lâl Begis also swear by
their patron saint. They plaster a place with cow-dung, place a vessel
of water inside it with a copy of the genealogy (kursi), and the person
swearing faces the Ka’ba and swears with the book in his hand.
[Social rules.] 61. Among the Hindu Bhangis of Lucknow, the women
cannot wear the boddice (angiya), chemisette (kurti), or gold
ornaments, and do not bore the nose for a ring. Muhammadan Bhangi women
do not wear gold ornaments or sky-blue (asmâni) or lac bangles (chûri).
The use of brass ornaments is considered unlucky, but those of alloy
are allowed. They prefer earthen to metal cooking vessels, and no
Bhangi will plant the ber tree (zizyphus jujuba) or the bamboo before
his door. The elder brother cannot touch the wife of his younger
brother, and he can eat with no woman but his own sister. If he touch a
Dom he must purify himself before doing any other work. He will not eat
food touched by a Dom or Dhobi, and the husband and wife will not
mention each other by their names. Of all tribes the Dom, though he is
admitted to be akin to the Bhangi, is held in particular abhorrence.
Their rules of food vary with the religion they profess. Thus, Shaikh
Mehtars will not eat pork, and some of the Hindu Bhangis will not eat
beef. The Helas profess to eat the leavings of only high caste Hindus.
No Bhangi, it appears, will eat monkeys, uncloven footed animals,
scaleless fish, crocodiles, lizards, snakes, jackals, rats, or other
vermin. The Lâl Begis salute in the form Râm! Râm! Yâdallâh! and Hardam
Allâh! To elders, they say Salâm! or Satnâmko! Brâhmans they salute
with Mahârâj! or Pâlagan! The Ghâzipuri Râwats and Helas salute
everybody with Râm! Râm! with the exception of Musalmâns, to whom they
say salâm or bandagi; and pâlagan to Brâhmans. Shaikhs use the word
salâm only.
[Occupation.] 62. The occupations of the Bhangi are manifold. Speaking
of the scavenger tribes of the Panjâb, Mr. Ibbetson says:—“Socially
they are the lowest of the low, even lower perhaps than the vagrant
Sânsi, and the gypsy Nat, and, as a rule, they can hardly be said to
stand even at the foot of the social ladder, though some sections of
the tribe have mounted the first one or two steps. Their hereditary
profession is scavengering, sweeping the houses and streets, working
up, carrying to the fields and distributing manure, and in cities and
village houses, where the women are strictly secluded, removing night
soil. They keep those impure animals, pigs, and fowls; they and the
leather-workers alone eat the flesh of animals who have died of disease
or by a natural death. Together with the vagrants and gypsies they are
the hereditary workers in grass and reeds, from which they make
winnowing fans and other articles used in agriculture.” In these
Provinces their occupation is to remove filth, to sweep the houses and
roads, to play on the flute or tambourine (shahnai daf) at marriages
and other social occasions. They also conduct what is called the
roshanchauki at marriages, or when solemn vows (mannat) are made. Some
of them are noted for their musical ability. The Hela makes winnowing
fans and sieves (sûp, chhalni), and some of the Shaikhs are collectors
and appliers of leeches. The Bânsphor makes baskets, mats, etc. The
Dhânuks are fowlers and watchmen. They serve in the bands of native
princes, and their women are midwives. To the west of the Province the
Dhês, a class of Lâl Begis, act as hangmen and killers of pariah dogs.
The Dhânuks and Bânsphors will not remove night-soil, and the Shaikhs
will not do this work at public latrines. Their implements are the
broom (jhâru) and the rib bone of an ox (panja), with which they scrape
up filth. Many of them are the hereditary priests of Sîtala, and
arrange the offerings of pigs released at her shrine; others serve
Bhûmiya and similar local godlings. As a rule Bhangi women bear an
indifferent character.
63. In some places Bhangis are true village menials and receive a patch
of rent-free land or some allowances at harvest in return for their
services. In our cities, particularly in places like Mirzapur, where
they are not numerous, they are much given to combination among
themselves. They resent the settlement of new members of the tribe and
allot the houses of the residents into certain beats (halqa, ilâqa)
each of which is served by a Bhangi and his wife. They call the
occupants of such houses their “parishioners” (jajmân), and fiercely
resent the intrusion of any strange Bhangi within the beat; in fact
most of the cases which come before the council relate to disputes of
this kind. There is also a distinct local organisation among them. Thus
in the Districts about Benares the Ghâzipuri Râwats are divided into
four great local sections, each of which has its own subordinate
council. These four are the jurisdiction of the Chaudhari of the city
of Benares; the Ghâzipur Chaudhari of the Kaswâr mat or chatâi, which
is the technical term for the jurisdiction; the Karsara Chaudhari of
the Kariyâr chatâi, who lives at Karsara near Chunâr in the Mirzapur
District; and fourthly, the Sanapur Chaudhari of the Chauâlîs chatâi in
Azamgarh. The last is by far the most influential of the four. It
appears that the chatâi never meets as a body except to discuss some
very important question affecting the sub-caste as a whole.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BHANGIS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
==============+========+=======+=====+=========+============+=======+============+========
District. |Bâlmîki.|Dhânuk.|Hela.|Lâl Begi.|Pattharphor.|Others.|Muhammadans.|Total.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Dehra Dûn | 59| ... | ... | 746| ... | 2,662| ... | 3,467
Sahâranpur | 95| ... | 72| 6,057| ... | 23,890| 5| 30,119
Muzaffarnagar | 378| 258| ... | 16,128| ... | 13,093| ... | 29,857
Meerut | 4,770| ... | ... | 30,297| ... | 23,402| 91| 58,560
Bulandshahr | ... | ... | ... | 2,859| ... | 27,939| ... | 30,798
Aligarh | ... | ... | 64| 8,228| 766| 20,186| ... | 29,244
Mathura | ... | 14| 57| 1,231| ... | 11,953| 31| 13,286
Agra | ... | ... | ... | 10,707| 47| 5,031| 663| 16,430
Farrukhâbâd | ... | ... | ... | 5,840| 53| 1,259| 3| 7,155
Mainpuri | ... | ... | ... | 8,870| 484| 682| ... | 10,036
Etâwah | ... | ... |1,069| 4,042| 127| 913| 45| 6,196
Etah | 27| ... | 8| 4,612| 4,662| 4,042| ... | 13,351
Bareilly | ... | ... | ... | 8,925| ... | 5,807| ... | 14,732
Bijnor | 43| | ... | 11,399| ... | 1,286| ... | 13,148
Budâun | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 17,337| ... | 17,337
Morâdâbâd | 32| 210| ... | 11,199| ... | 13,187| 14| 24,642
Shâhjahânpur | ... | ... | ... | 5,146| 53| 2,409| 225| 7,833
Pilibhît | ... | 1| ... | 3,200| ... | 1,170| 8| 4,379
Cawnpur | ... | 65| 392| 3,698| ... | 2,356| 63| 6,574
Fatehpur | ... | 222| 556| 33| 2| 3,016| 46| 3,875
Bânda | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 11| 11
Hamîrpur | ... | ... | 139| ... | ... | 183| 41| 363
Allahâbâd | ... | ... |1,790| 556| ... | 6,359| 644| 9,349
Jhânsi | ... | ... | 36| 1,444| 72| 826| 180| 2,558
Jâlaun | ... | ... | ... | 951| ... | 1,326| 531| 2,808
Lalitpur | ... | ... | ... | 123| ... | 455| 133| 711
Benares | ... | ... | ... | 144| ... | 1,126| 812| 2,082
Mirzapur | ... | ... | 144| 13| ... | 378| 930| 1,465
Jaunpur | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 15| 1,751| 1,766
Ghâzipur | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 1,360| 477| 1,837
Ballia | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 1,348| 120| 1,468
Gorakhpur | ... | ... | 300| 38| ... | 1,466| 2,025| 3,829
Basti | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 2,315| 1,095| 3,410
Azamgarh | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 13| 1,772| 1,785
Kumâun | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 692| ... | 692
Garhwâl | ... | ... | ... | ... | ... | 126| ... | 126
Tarâi | 275| ... | ... | 2,116| ... | 390| ... | 2,781
Lucknow | ... | 675| 313| 766| ... | 2,867| 1,424| 6,045
Unâo | ... | 798| 457| 8| ... | 390| 20| 1,673
Râê Bareli | ... | ... | 480| ... | ... | 693| 14| 1,187
Sîtapur | 6| 39| ... | 2,747| ... | 1,186| 305| 4,283
Hardoi | ... | ... | ... | 4,496| ... | 1,027| ... | 5,523
Kheri | ... | ... | ... | 3,522| 18| 557| 84| 4,181
Faizâbâd | ... | 5| 654| 417| ... | 426| 1,212| 2,714
Gonda | ... | ... | 685| 932| ... | 246| 130| 1,993
Bahrâich | ... | 1| ... | 809| ... | 687| 586| 2,083
Sultânpur | ... | ... | 761| ... | ... | 1,145| 593| 2,499
Partâbgarh | ... | ... | ... | 4| ... | 1,553| 433| 1,990
Bârabanki | ... | ... | ... | 1,446| ... | 35| 818| 2,301
+~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~~
Total | 6,105| 2,288|7,977| 1,63,751| 6,284|210,792| 17,335|4,14,532
==============+========+=======+=====+=========+============+=======+============+========
Bhântu, Bhâtu.—A criminal tribe found chiefly in Rohilkhand and Oudh.
They are merely one branch of the Sânsiya tribe, known elsewhere as
Beriya, Hâbûra, or Kanjar. The derivation of the word is uncertain.
Some connect it with Bhât, as some Sânsiyas act as bards or
genealogists to some Râjputs and Jâts: others say it comes from bhânti
(Sanskrit, bhinna, “broken”), with reference to the miscellaneous
elements of which they are composed. There is a tribe of the same name
in Central India who are also known as Dumar or Kolhâti, who are
wandering athletes and worship Nârâyan and the bamboo, with which all
their feats are accomplished. When they bury their dead they place rice
and oil at the head of the grave, and draw the happiest omens of the
state of the departed from crows visiting the spot. [319]
2. The Bhântus of these Provinces follow exactly the customs of the
kindred tribes of Beriya, Hâbûra and Sânsiya.
DISTRIBUTION OF THE BHÂNTUS ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1891.
===========+=======
District. |Number.
~~~~~~~~~~~+~~~~~~~
Agra | 3
Bareilly | 17
Budâun | 98
Morâdâbâd | 2
Ghâzipur | 12
Kheri | 9
Sultânpur | 231
+~~~~~~~
Total | 372
===========+=======
NOTES
[1] Rig Veda, X., 90; 6, 7.
[2] Chips from a German Workshop, II., 312.
[3] Ibid, 211, Monier Williams, Brahmanism and Hinduism, 17 sq.
[4] Wilson, Rig Veda, Introduction, XLIII., I., 20.
[5] The translation is from the North British Review, L., 521, note.
[6] Monier Williams, loc. cit., 51 sq.
[7] Loc. cit., 345 sq.
[8] Institutes, III., 12–15; 44: IX., 22, 24; 85–87: III., 16–19: X.,
5, 6; 10–15: with Duncker’s comments, History of Antiquity, IV., 245
sq.
[9] Erato, 60.
[10] Institutes V., 22 sqq.
[11] Wilson, Rig Veda, II., 319.
[12] III., 8026.
[13] See Vishnu Purâna, Book IV., Cap. I., p. 359: Cap. XIX., p. 451:
Muir, Ancient Sanskrit Texts, I., 222 sqq.; 227; 238; 426 sqq. Wilson,
Rig Veda, I., 42 note: Essays, II., 309: Max Müller, Chips from a
German Workshop, II., 339 sq. Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 58 sq., and
compare Rajendra Lâla Mitra, Indo-Aryans, II., 266.
[14] Grant, Introduction, Central Provinces Gazetteer, CX., sq.
[15] Highlands of Central India, 8.
[16] Brief View, 79.
[17] Oudh Gazetteer, I., 305.
[18] Ibid., III., 229: I., 365.
[19] Gazetteer, North-Western Provinces, VI., 351, 2.
[20] Ibid., VIII., Part III., 49.
[21] Bühler, Sacred Laws of the Aryans, I., 209; 211: II., 12.
[22] Journey through Oudh, I., 213.
[23] The derivation from the root such “to be afflicted” hardly
deserves consideration.
[24] The stars indicate intervals with figures ranging between.
[25] Brief view of the caste system of the North-Western Provinces and
Oudh. The same theory was, however, advocated before Mr. Nesfield by
Mr. Ibbetson in the Panjab Census Report of 1881, page 173, sq.
[26] Loc. cit., 3.
[27] Loc. cit., 115.
[28] Kinship, 239.
[29] Some of Mr. Nesfield’s identifications and derivation of tribal
names must be received with caution e.g., the connection of the Musahar
and Bâri; of the Koli and Koiri with the Kol; the Kalwâr with the
Kharwâr or Khairwâr; the Bâdi with the Bhât.
[30] Panjâb Ethnography, 176.
[31] Loc. cit. 178.
[32] Quoted by Risley, Tribes and Castes, I., Introduction, XLIII.
[33] Manu, Institutes, III., 5, and other authorities quoted by Mayne,
Hindu Law, 73.
[34] For further details see Haug, Aitareya Brâhmanam, II., 479 sq.
[35] Panjâb Ethnography, 182.
[36] The formula of Musalmân exogamy is thus given in the Qurân, Surah
IV., 27:—“Ye are forbidden to marry your mothers, your daughters, your
sisters and your aunts both on the father’s and on the mother’s side;
your brother’s daughters and your sister’s daughters; your mothers who
have given you suck and your foster sisters; your wives’ mothers and
your daughters-in-law born of your wives with whom ye have cohabited.
Ye are also prohibited to take to wife two sisters (except what is
already past) nor to marry women who are already married.”
[37] Studies in Ancient History, 75 sqq.
[38] Principles of Sociology, I., 614, sqq.; History of Human Marriage,
311, sqq.
[39] Loc. cit. I., 619, sqq.
[40] Primitive Family, 216, sqq.
[41] History of Human Marriage, 316, sq.
[42] Origin of Civilisation, 135, sq.
[43] Primitive Family, 230, sq.
[44] Journal Anthropological Institute, XVIII., 267, sqq.
[45] Loc. cit., 317.
[46] Ancient Society, 424.
[47] Loc. cit. Chapter XV.
[48] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, Introduction, LXII.
[49] Spencer Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, 136, 293, 318.
[50] Introduction to Popular Religion and Folklore, 278, sqq.
[51] Frazer, Totemism, 58, sqq.
[52] II. Page 85.
[53] e.g., by Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 89.
[54] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, II., 328, sqq.
[55] Origin of Civilization, 126.
[56] History of Human Marriage, 73.
[57] For a discussion on these early cases of supposed polyandry see
Dr. J. Muir, Indian Antiquary, VI., 260, sqq.: E. Thomas, ibid., VI.,
275: Rig Veda, I., 119, 5: Wilson, Essays, II., 340: Max Müller,
History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 44, sqq.: Westminster Review,
1868, page 412: Lang, Custom and Myth, II., 155.
[58] Jummoo, 250.
[59] Abode of Snow., 231. For Tibetan Polyandry generally see C. Horne,
Indian Antiquary, V., 164: C. R. Stulpnagel, ibid., VII., 132, sqq.:
Yule, Marco Polo, II., 33, 38, 40: Williams, Memo of Dehra Dûn, 175.
[60] Lassen, Ind. Alterthumsk., 2nd Edition, II., 454.
[61] Briggs, Translation, I., 183, sq.
[62] Ghulâm Bâsit: Dowson’s Elliot, History, VIII., 202.
[63] Kirkpatrick, Indian Antiquary, VII., 86, sq.
[64] Studies, 112, sqq.
[65] Rig Veda, X., 40, 2; and Muir’s remarks, Ancient Sanskrit Texts,
V., 459.
[66] Institutes, IX., 59, 62; with Muir’s comment, Indian Antiquary,
VI., 315.
[67] Bühler, Sacred Laws of the Aryans, Part I., 267, sq.
[68] Hindu Law, 61; and see Starcke, Primitive Family, 141, sqq.:
Westermarck, History of Human Marriage, 510, sqq.
[69] Census Report, North-Western Provinces, 1891, 249.
[70] The Panjâb returns show 145 widows to 1,000 women, 23 per cent. of
women over 15 years of age are widows. This rises to 25 for Hindus and
falls to 21 for Muhammadans. (Maclagan, Census Report, 226). Mr.
O’Donnell (Bengal Census Report, 186) attributes much of the relative
increase of Muhammadans in that Province to their toleration of widow
marriage.
[71] The exact figures are:—
Not permitting widow marriage 9,713,087, or 24·05 per cent.
Permitting widow marriage 30,667,081, or 75·95 per cent.
---------- ------
Total Hindus 40,380,168, or 100 per cent.
These figures are, however, subject to the correction that some even of
the lower castes partially prohibit widow marriage, and this is
represented by the Byâhut section, which appears in many of them. In
the whole of the Behâr Provinces (Census Report, 200) the Musahars of
the north-eastern area, with only 5·5 per cent. of widows amongst women
between 15 and 40 years, are most addicted to widow marriage. The
Thârus of Champâran, and the Dhobis, Lohârs and Dusâdhs of North-West
Behâr, follow them very closely in this respect.
[72] Page 246.
[73] Of the Panjâb Mr. Maclagan remarks (Report, 255) that “the
practice of child marriage among girls prevails mainly in the east of
the Province. It is primarily a Hindu practice, and is found most
strongly developed in the districts where Hinduism is the prevailing
religion; and in the Province generally it is much more common among
Hindus than among Musalmâns. But the early marriage of girls has now
become a matter more of custom than of religion, and the Musalmâns in
Hindu districts are nearly as much addicted to it as the Hindus, while
among Hindus in Musalmân districts it is almost as rare as among the
Musalmâns. In fact, the Muklâwa is very little in vogue among Hindus
anywhere in the extreme south and west of the Province.” The Bihâr
returns (Census Report, 199) show that “the age of Kâyasth and Brâhman
girls before they find husbands to be much higher than that assigned by
popular opinion. The Râjput girl marries, like the Bâbhan and the
aboriginal Thâru, a little later than the Dusâdh. So do the Nuniya,
Lohâr, Kurmi and Kahâr, but only on an average a month or two later.
The Dhânuk girl marries earlier than females in any other large caste
in this area, though a year later than girls of low caste in North-East
Bihâr.”
[74] Mr. Ibbetson shows that the difficulty of marrying among the
Khatris of the Panjab is due to the strong law of hypergamy or
necessity of marrying a girl in a higher grade than her husband, which
prevails among them as well as among Brâhmans and hill Râjputs (Report,
356). This probably explains the fact in these Provinces.
[75] Census Report, 255.
[76] Hindu Law, 77.
[77] Hughes, Dictionary of Islam, 462, sqq.
[78] Primitive Marriage, 138. Lubbock, Origin of Civilisation, 102, sq.
[79] Institutes, III., 33.
[80] On this see Lang, Custom and Myth, 65, sqq.
[81] Weber, Indische Studien, 325, quoted by McLennan, Primitive
Marriage, 34, sq.
[82] Dalton, Descriptive Ethnology, 223, sq.
[83] Ibid., 278, and see Forsyth, Highlands of Central India, 158:
Rowney, Wild Tribes, 37, sq.
[84] Henderson, Folklore of the Northern Countries, 38: Introduction to
Popular Religion and Folklore, 151.
[85] Dalton, loc. cit., 248, 319.
[86] History of Human Marriage, 321, sq.
[87] Ibid., 330, sqq.
[88] Totemism, 68.
[89] Researches into Early History, 285: and compare Lubbock, Origin of
Civilisation, 13: Wake, Serpent Worship, 169: Development of Marriage,
330.
[90] Manu, Institutes, III., 32.
[91] Dalton, loc. cit., 142.
[92] Westermarck, loc. cit., 390.
[93] Panjab Census Report, 355.
[94] Lubbock, Origin of Civilisation, 78.
[95] Institutes, III., 15.
[96] Bühler, Sacred Laws of the Aryas, Part I., Intro. L.
[97] Mayne, Hindu Law, 117.
[98] Kinship in Arabia, 143, 154, 155, 159, 165.
[99] Based on enquiries in Parganas Dudhi and Agori of Mirzâpur.
[100] Ethnology, 322. Tribes and Castes of Bengal, I., 5.
[101] Central Provinces Gazetteer, 273 sq.
[102] Ethnology, 221. Tribes and Castes, I., 4.
[103] These are perhaps analogous to the Barar sub-division of the
Urâons, which have the same totemistic respect for the bar tree.
Dalton, Ethnology, 254.
[104] Dalton, loc. cit.
[105] For the position of the maternal uncle among the allied Gond
tribes see Mânjhi, para. 14.
[106] Risley, Tribes and Castes, I., 4.
[107] “In Efate two kinds of people were allowed to pass unharmed into
Hades: those belonging to a certain tribe call Namtaku (a sort of yam)
and those who had printed or graven or branded on their bodies certain
marks or figures tattooed.”
Somerville.—Notes on the Islands of the New Hebrides, Journal
Anthropological Institute, XXIII., 10.
[108] Risley, Tribes and Castes, I., 4.
[109] Jungle life, 668.—For a more detailed account see Watt’s
Dictionary of Economic Products, IV., 502., sqq.
[110] Panjab Ethnography, 330.
[111] Based on notes by the Deputy Inspector, Schools, Pilibhît, M.
Mahâdeva Prasâd, Head Master, Zilâ School, Pilibhît.
[112] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, I., 5 sq.
[113] Risley, loc. cit. 6.
[114] Sheo Singh Rai versus Dakho, Indian Law Reports, Allahabad, I.,
688.
[115] Settlement Report, 61.
[116] Loc. cit. 7.
[117] Risley, loc. cit. 8.
[118] Eastern India, II., 465.
[119] Based mainly on a note by Pandit Râmgharib Chaube.
[120] Tribes and Castes, I., 10.
[121] Panjab Census Report, 115.
[122] The Census in Bengal shows their numbers to be 3,877. The Jogi
Aughars of the Panjab number only 436.
[123] Based on notes by Pandit Râmgharîb Chaube and Pandit Janardan Dat
Joshi, Deputy Collector, Bareilly.
[124] Tribes and Castes, I., 11.
[125] Supplemental Glossary, s.v.
[126] Morâdâbâd Settlement Report, 8.
[127] Annals, I., 109.
[128] Oudh Gazetteer, II., 218.
[129] Journey through Oudh, II., 98.
[130] Largely based on notes collected through Mr. J. H. Monks, Deputy
Collector, Aligarh.
[131] Atkinson, Himalayan Gazetteer, II., 565, 589, and 645.
[132] Buchanan, Eastern India, II., 572; Gorakhpur Gazetteer, 624.
[133] Ibbetson, Panjab Ethnography, Section 576.
[134] Papers on Mîna Dacoits and other Criminal Classes of India, I.,
sqq.
[135] Based on enquiries at Mirzapur, and notes by Pandit Baldeo
Prasâda, Deputy Collector, Cawnpur, and the Deputy Inspector of
Schools, Agra.
[136] Sir H. M. Elliot, Supplementary Glossary, s.v.
[137] Tribes and Castes, I., 282.
[138] Atkinson, Himalayan Gazetteer, II., 364.
[139] Wheeler, History of India, Vol. III., 283, sqq.
[140] Elliot, Chronicles of Unâo, 20; Râê Bareli Settlement Report, 15.
[141] Archæological Reports, II., 81.
[142] Brief View, 106.
[143] Census Report, 1865, Appendix 21.
[144] Buchanan, Eastern India, II., 467.
[145] Gazetteer, North-Western Provinces, I., 160.
[146] Settlement Report, 33.
[147] Growse, Mathura., 252.
[148] Introduction to the Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern
India, 290, sqq.
[149] Dalîp versus Ganpat, Indian Law Reports Alláhábád, VIII., 387.
[150] Papers 15, sq.
[151] Bihar Proverbs, 52.
[152] Principally based on notes by Munshi Atma Râm, Head Master, High
School, Mathura.
[153] Dowson, Classical Dictionary, s.v., Saubhari.
[154] Mathura, 11.
[155] Ibid., 10, note.
[156] Mathura, 272.
[157] Page 32.
[158] Panjab Census Report, 166.
[159] Clans of Râê Bareli, 14, sq.
[160] Settlement Report, 9.
[161] Notes, 20, sq.
[162] Report, Census, North-West Provinces, 1891, page 237.
[163] Based almost entirely on notes by Bâbu Sânwal Dâs, Deputy
Collector, Hardoi.
[164] Settlement Report, XXIV.
[165] Oudh Gazetteer, III., 301.
[166] Mainly based on a note by Pandit Râmgharîb Chaubê.
[167] Based on notes by Munshi Niyâz Ahmad, Head Master, High School,
Fatehpur; also, see Report, Inspector-General, Police, N.-W. P., 1868,
pp. 42, 46, 111; idem, 1869, p. 128; Gazetteer, N.-W. P., VIII, Part
III., page 44; note of Mr. D. T. Roberts, Police Commission Report,
1890.
[168] Qânûn-i-Islâm, 197.
[169] Institutes, VIII, 161.
[170] Sultânpur Settlement Report, 137, sqq.
[171] Chronicles of Unâo, 69.
[172] Sir H. M. Elliot, Supplementary Glossary, s.v.
[173] Archæological Survey, I., 352, sq.
[174] II., 239, sq.
[175] Settlement Report, App. I., 2 A.
[176] Settlement Report, 59.
[177] Growse, Mathura, 12, 356.
[178] Asiatic Researches, XIII., 282.
[179] Report, Inspector-General, Police, N. W. P., 1869, page 121, sqq.
[180] People of India, III., 113.
[181] 3rd S. I., 467, sqq.; III., 186, sqq.
[182] Journey through Oudh, I., 112.
[183] Annals, I., 105, sqq.
[184] Archæological Reports, XXI., 103, sqq.
[185] Settlement Report, page 12.
[186] Highlands of Central India, page 278.
[187] Census Report, N.-W. P., 1865, I., App. B., 129.
[188] Principally based on enquiries made at Mirzapur: a few notes on
the Oudh branch of the tribe have been contributed by Bâbu Sânwal Dâs,
Deputy Collector, Hardoi.
[189] Hindu Tribes and Castes, I., 353.
[190] Hindu Tribes and Castes, I., 353.
[191] There is a tradition at Chunâr that Akbar garrisoned the fort
with a body of Baheliyas under a Commander known as Hazâri. The
descendant of the last Hazâri of Chunâr is now a runner in the
Government Tahsîl.
[192] Panjâb Census Report, 122, sqq.
[193] Râja Lachhman Sinh, Bulandshahr Memo., 188.
[194] Mathura, 179, sq.
[195] These terms are Kanarese and mean “Southerners” and
“Northerners,”—Oppert, Original Inhabitants of Bharatavarsha, 613.
[196] Loc. cit., 181, sq.
[197] Chronicles of Unâo, 66, sq.
[198] Settlement Report, 213, 276, sq.
[199] Settlement Report, 20.
[200] Archæological Reports, V., 20.
[201] III., 221.
[202] Sleeman, Journey through Oudh, I., 264.
[203] Settlement Report, 12.
[204] Eastern India, II., 380, 460.
[205] Oldham, Memo., 65.
[206] Oudh Gazetteer, III., 227.
[207] Râê Bareli Settlement Report, 8.
[208] Supplementary Glossary, s.v.
[209] See Bais Râjput.
[210] See Bhuiya, para. 14.
[211] This account is based on a set of notes prepared by the Deputy
Inspector of Schools, Dehra Dûn.
[212] Mainly from notes from Pandit Baldeo Prasâd, Deputy Collector,
Cawnpur.
[213] Prepared from notes by Munshi Atma Râm, Head Master, High School,
Mathura.
[214] Brahmanism and Hinduism, 185.
[215] For this campaign see Cunningham, Archæological Reports, II.,
455, Gazetteer, N. W. P., I., 160.
[216] The connection between the Banâphars and Ahîrs is one of many
instances which illustrate the mixed origin of many of the Râjput
septs.
[217] Sultânpur Settlement Report, 154, sqq.
[218] Notes, 40.
[219] Supplemental Glossary, s.v.
[220] Loc. cit., 171, sq.
[221] Tribes and Castes, I., 144, sgq.
[222] Based on enquiries at Mirzapur and notes by Pandit Baldeo Prasâd,
Deputy Collector, Cawnpur; Pandit Badri Nâth, Deputy Collector, Kheri;
Mr. W. H. O’N. Segrave, District Superintendent, Police, Basti; and the
Deputy Inspectors of Schools, Bareilly and Bijnor.
[223] Academy, 14th May, 1870.
[224] Quoted in the Berâr Gazetteer, 195, sqq.
[225] Dowson’s Elliot, V., 100. Brigg’s Ferishta, I., 579.
[226] Rambles, I., 129, Indian Antiquary, VIII., 219, sqq.
[227] Asiatic Studies, 89.
[228] Migratory Tribes of Central India, by E. Balfour: Journal Asiatic
Society of Bengal, N. S., Vol. XIII.
[229] Settlement Report, 19.
[230] Settlement Report, 10.
[231] Settlement Report, 41.
[232] Oudh Gazetteer, III., 6.
[233] Williams, Memo., 77, sqq.
[234] Settlement Report, 130.
[235] Mullaly, Notes, 28.
[236] Asiatic Studies, 165.
[237] Panjâb Ethnography, 299.
[238] Central India, II., 152, sqq.
[239] Bombay Gazetteer, XX., 203; XIX., 138.
[240] Panjâb Census Report, 311.
[241] But see Baidguâr.
[242] Buchanan, Eastern India, II., 353, 415; Report Inspector-General,
Police, North-Western Provinces, 1868, page 34; 1871, page 47 (a);
1870, page 99 (b).
[243] Jungle Life, 516.
[244] Notes, 31, sq.
[245] Based on enquiries at Mirzapur, and notes received through Mr. W.
Hoey, C.S., Gorakhpur, and Bâbu Sânwal Dâs, Deputy Collector, Hardoi.
[246] Tribes and Castes, I., 60.
[247] Travels, 166, sqq.
[248] Hindu Tribes, I., 296.
[249] Hindu Tribes and Castes, I., 330; and see Hoey, Monograph on
Trades and Manufactures, 188.
[250] Sherring, Hindu Tribes and Castes, I., 330. Buchanan says that
the Chaurâsis take their name from Tappa Chaurâs in Mirzapur, Eastern
India, II., 470.
[251] Yule and Burnell, Hobson Jobson, 67.
[252] Ibid., 25.
[253] Quoted by Yule, Marco Polo, II., 311.
[254] Blochmann, Ain-i-Akbari, p. 75.
[255] For a good account of the system of cultivating the plant, see
Buchanan, Eastern India, II., 864.
[256] Eastern India, II., 467.
[257] Tribes and Castes, I., 65.
[258] Oldham, Memo., I., 65.
[259] Râja Lachhman Sinh, Bulandshahr Memo., 165.
[260] Supplementary Glossary, s.v.; Aligarh Settlement Report, 22; Râja
Lachhman Sinh, Bulandshahr Memo., 155, sqq.
[261] Settlement Report, 34, sqq.
[262] Morâdâbâd Settlement Report, 14.
[263] Based on enquiries made at Mirzapur, and notes by the Deputy
Inspectors of Schools at Bareilly, Basti, Bijnor.
[264] Sir H. M. Elliot, Supplemental Glossary, s.v.
[265] Sherring, Hindu Tribes and Castes, I., 316.
[266] Atkinson, Himalayan Gazetteer, III., 279.
[267] Râja Lachhman Sinh, Bulandshahr Memo., 186.
[268] Prof. H. H. Wilson, Rig Veda, Intro., DLI.
[269] Hoey, Monograph on Trade and Manufactures, 68.
[270] Settlement Report, 79.
[271] Supplementary Glossary, s.v.
[272] Eastern India, II., 463.
[273] Elliot, Supplemental Glossary, s.v.
[274] Principally based on enquiries made at Mirzapur, and notes by
Munshi Chhuttan Lâl, Deputy Collector, Unâo, and Munshi Âtma Râm, Head
Master, High School, Mathura.
[275] Based chiefly on Notes by Mirza Ihfân Ali Beg, Deputy Collector,
in charge of the tribe, and a report (date and author not given)
entitled “Etymology (sic) of the Barwârs of Gonda and the Sanaurhiyas
of Nâgpur.”
[276] Faizâbâd Settlement Report, 280, sq.
[277] Oldham, Memo., I., 61, sq.
[278] Settlement Report, 30.
[279] Based on enquiries made at Mirzapur, and a note by M. Karam
Ahmad, Deputy Collector, Jhânsi.
[280] On this idea of hell see Bhuiyâr, 16.
[281] Based on enquiries at Mirzapur and a note by the Deputy Inspector
of Schools, Bijnor.
[282] Sirsa Settlement Report, 123.
[283] Selections from the Records of Government, North-Western
Provinces, I., 386; North Indian Notes and Queries, I., 66.
[284] North Indian Notes and Queries, I., 51.
[285] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, I., 78.
[286] Report, Inspector General of Police, N.-W. P., 1868, p. 13.
[287] Mullaly, Notes on Criminal Tribes, 10.
[288] Balfour, Journal Asiatic Society, Bengal, Vol. XIII.
[289] From a note by Pandit Râm Bakhsh Chaube of Gorakhpur.
[290] Tribes and Castes, I., 86.
[291] Panjâb Census Report, 196.
[292] Based on notes by M. Gopâl Prasâd, Naib Tahsildar, Phaphund,
Etâwah District, and the Deputy Inspector of Schools, Farrukhâbâd.
[293] Memoirs, Anthropological Society of London, III., 122, sqq.
[294] Origin of Civilization, 126; Westermarck, History of Human
Marriage, 72, sqq.
[295] Oldham, Memo, 61, sq.
[296] Settlement Report, 30.
[297] Settlement Report, 4.
[298] Buchanan, Eastern India, II., 463.
[299] Supplementary Glossary, s.v.
[300] Maclagan, Punjab Census Report, 110.
[301] Settlement Report, 179, sqq.
[302] Census Report, 1865, I., Appendix 19; Râja Lachhman Singh, Memo.,
158.
[303] Settlement Report, 305.
[304] Chiefly based on enquiries at Mirzapur and short notes from
Munshi Bhagwati Dayâl Sinh, Tahsîldâr, Chhibramau, Farrukhâbâd, and
Bâbu Chhote Lâl, Archæological Survey, Lucknow.
[305] Eastern India, II., 248.
[306] Based to a large extent on the account of the tribe in Benares by
Mr. R. Greeven, C. S., contributed to the second volume of North Indian
Notes and Queries, and subsequently reprinted under the title of
“Knights of the Broom,” and a note by Munshi Fasih-ud-din Ahmad, Deputy
Collector, Benares; enquiries at Mirzapur and notes by Bâbu Badrinâth,
Deputy Collector, Kheri; Munshi Bâsdeo Sahây, Head Master, Zila School,
Farrukhâbâd; Munshi Râdharaman, Deputy Collector, Jhânsi; Munshi Chhotê
Lâl, Archæological Survey, Lucknow; and the Deputy Inspectors of
Schools, Bareilly, Budâun, Pilibhît, Morâdâbâd.
[307] Rajendra Lâla Mitra, Memoirs, Anthropological Society of London,
III., 125.
[308] Blochmann, Ain-i-Akbari, I., 417.
[309] Ibid., I., 139.
[310] Institutes, X., 12–29–30.
[311] Risley, Tribes and Castes, I., 183.
[312] The Chandâla is probably the Kandaloi of Ptolemy whom Dr. J.
Wilson would identify with the Gonds or Gondhalis, still a wandering
tribe of Maharashtra. Indian Caste, I., 57; and see Muir, Ancient
Sanskrit Texts, I., 481.
[313] For some of these legends I am indebted to the 2nd Volume, Panjâb
Notes and Queries.
[314] Clouston, Popular Tales and Fictions, I., 72.
[315] Panjâb Ethnography, paragraph 598.
[316] The most complete and authoritative version of the Kursi of Lâl
Beg is that given by Mr. Greeven in “Knights of the Broom,” 41, sqq.
[317] Panjâb Notes and Queries, II., 1; Knights of the Broom, 50, sqq.
[318] Punjâb Census Report, 90.
[319] Balfour; Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, N. S. XIII.;
Gunthorpe, Notes on Criminal Tribes, 46, sqq.; Rowney, Wild Tribes, 21.
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