A voyage to Guinea, Brasil, and the West-Indies

The Navy Surgeon: Or, A Practical System of Surgery. Illustrated with Observations on such remarkable Cases as have occurred to the Author’s Practice in the Royal Navy. To which is added, A Treatise on the Venereal Disease, the Causes, Symptoms, and Method of Cure by Mercury: An Enquiry into the Origin of that Distemper; in which the Dispute between Dr. Dover, and Dr. Turner, concerning Crude Mercury, is fully consider’d; with Useful Remarks thereon. Also an Appendix, containing Physical Observations on the Heat, Moisture, and Density of the Air on the Coast of Guinea, the Colour of the Natives; the Sicknesses which they and the Europeans trading thither are subject to; with a Method of Cure. By John Atkins, Surgeon.

Printed for Ward and Chandler, at the Ship, between the Temple-Gates in Fleet-Street; and Sold at their Shop in SCARBOROUGH.

A
VOYAGE
TO
Guinea, Brasil, and the
West-Indies;

Describing the several Islands and Settlements, viz—Madeira, the Canaries, Cape de Verd, Sierraleon, Sesthos, Cape Apollonia, Cabo Corso, and others on the Guinea Coast; Barbadoes, Jamaica, &c. in the West-Indies.

The Colour, Diet, Languages, Habits, Manners, Customs, and Religions of the respective Natives, and Inhabitants.

With Remarks on the Gold, Ivory, and Slave-Trade; and on the Winds, Tides and Currents of the several Coasts.

Printed for Cæsar Ward and Richard Chandler, at the Ship, between the Temple-Gates in Fleet-Street; And Sold at their Shop in Scarborough. M.DCC.XXXV.

PREFACE

The Publishing of this Voyage, is from a Supposition that it contains something useful to those following in the same Track, and that it will be no unprofitable Amusement to others who do not. I shall therefore wave all Apology, and instead, proceed to a Reflection or two, on the Life and Element we occupy.

And first, The Man whose Means of Subsistence irreversibly depends on the Sea, is unhappy because he forsakes his proper Element, his Wife, Children, Country, and Friends, all that can be called pleasant[ii] (and of Necessity, not Choice) to tempt unknown Dangers, on that deceitful, trackless Path; Lee Shores, Tempests, Wants of some kind or other, bad Winds, or the rougher Passions of our selves, are continually molesting; and if common Danger under one adopted Parent (Neptune) does not always unite us, yet we are still cooped like Fowls, to the same Diet and Associates.

And to compleat our ill Luck, while we are thus contending with sinister Fate, the Rogues at home perhaps are stealing away the Hearts of our Mistresses and Wives. Are not these a hapless Race thus doomed!

A Sea-Life absolutely considered, had so much of Hardship and Danger, that in King John’s Time a national Synod ordained, no married Persons should go beyond Sea without publishing their mutual Consent; which, I apprehend, proceeded from this Foundation: That it should not be in the power of one to thrust himself on Difficulties and Hazard, that would make the other equally unhappy. The Saxons before, made a Law, that if a Merchant crossed the wide Sea three times, he should[iv] be honoured with the Title of Thane, (Rapin, p. 15.) and the Monarchs of the East shew their Approbation, by still leaving the rough Dominion of it to Christians. There are Circumstances notwithstanding, which may abate the Infelicity, and give real Pleasure: Such chiefly in the Navy, are a Defence of one’s Country, a Livelihood, being better manned and provided against Dangers than Trading Ships; Good-natur’d Officers, a mutual good Treatment, seeing the Wonders of the Deep, and at last, maimed or decrepid, a Retreat to Superannuation, or that noble Foundation of Greenwich-Hospital; to which of late Years must be added, the Satisfaction Officers receive from that generous Contribution for supporting their Widows, and consequently the Children they may leave behind them.

This charitable Project is governed by the following Articles, established by His present Majesty.

That Widows of Commission and Warrant Officers of the Royal Navy, shall be reputed proper Objects of the Charity, whose Annual Incomes arising from their Real and Personal Estates, or otherwise, do not amount to the following Sums, viz.

And that where any such Widow is possessed of, or interested in any Sum of Money, the Annual Income and Produce thereof, shall be computed and deemed, as annually yielding Three Pounds per Centum, and no more.

That to avoid Partiality and Favour in the Distribution of the Charity, Widows of Officers of the same Rank shall have an equal Allowance, the Proportion of which shall be fixed Annually by the Court of Assistants, according to their Discretion; and that in order thereunto, the said Court may distribute Annually such Part of the Monies, arising by the said Charity, among the Widows, as they think proper; and to lay out such other Part thereof in South-Sea Annuities, or other Government Securities, as to them shall seem meet,[vii] for raising a Capital Stock for the general Benefit of the Charity, where the Application is not particularly directed by the Donors.

That in the Distribution of Allowances to poor Widows, the same be proportionate to one another, with respect to the Sum each is to receive, according to the following Division, viz.

The Widow of a Captain or Commander shall receive a Sum One Third more than the Widow of a Lieutenant or Master.

The Widow of a Lieutenant or Master shall receive a Sum One Third more than the Widow of a Boatswain, Gunner, Carpenter, Purser, Surgeon, Second Master of a Yacht, or Master of a Naval Vessel Warranted by the Navy Board.

That Widows admitted to an Annual Allowance from the Charity, shall begin to enjoy it from the First Day of the Month following the Decease of their Husbands, provided they apply within Twelve Months for the same; otherwise, from the Time of their Application.

That if any Widow, admitted to the Charity, marries again, her Allowance from thenceforth shall cease.

That in order to prevent Abuses, no Widow shall be admitted to the Benefit of the Charity, who has not been married for the Space of Twelve Months to the Officer by whose Right[ix] she claims the same, unless the said Officer was killed or drowned in the Sea Service. And if any Officer marries after the Age of Seventy Years, his Widow shall be deemed unqualified to receive the Charity.

That if the Widow of an Officer lives in the Neighbourhood of any of His Majesty’s Dock-Yards, the Commissioner of the Navy residing there, and some of the Principal Officers of the Yard, or the said Officers of the Yard, where there is no Commissioner, shall inform themselves thoroughly of the Circumstances of the Deceased; and being satisfied that the Widow comes within the Rules of the Charity, shall sign and give her the following Certificate gratis, viz.

These are to certify the Court of[x] Assistants for managing the Charity for Relief of Poor Widows of Commission and Warrant Officers of the Royal Navy, That A. B. died on the _________ and has left the Bearer C. B. a Widow; and according to the best Information we can get from others, and do really believe ourselves, is not possessed of a clear annual Income to the Value of ___________ and therefore she appears to us to be entituled to the Benefit of the said Charity under their Direction.

Besides which, the Widow is to make Affidavit, that her Annual Income is not better than is expressed in the said Certificate, and that she was legally married (naming the Time when, and the Place where) to the Officer, in whose Right she claims the Benefit of the Charity.

That if the Widow resides in any other Part of his Majesty’s Dominions, a Certificate of the like Nature is to be signed by the Minister of the Parish, a Justice of the Peace, and two or more Officers of the Navy, who are best acquainted with her Circumstances; and she is to make such Affidavit as is before mentioned.

That all Widows applying for the Benefit of the Charity, are to make Affidavit, that they are unmarried.

That Widows admitted to the Charity shall once in every Year, at the Time that shall be appointed,[xii] bring to the Court of Assistants their Affidavits, containing a particular State of their Circumstances, and that they continue unmarried.

That Widows of Masters and Surgeons are to apply to the Navy Office, and receive from thence a Certificate of the Quality of their Husbands in the Navy, which shall be given them Gratis, before they apply to the Court of Assistants, to be admitted to the Charity.

That no Officer or Servant employed in the Business or Service of this Charity, shall receive any Salary, Reward, or other Gratuity, for his Pains or Service in the Affairs of the said Charity, but that[xiii] the whole Business thereof shall be transacted Gratis.

The Mediterranean, from the Climate, Fertility, and Beauty of the Countries bordering on it, claims the Preference, I think, of all Seas; and recompenses more largely the Fatigues of a Voyage. What is peculiar, and makes them more than others pleasant, is, First, the Temperature of their Air, neither too hot nor cold, but a pleasant Mediocrity, that is, Spring or Summer all the Year. Secondly, Being of a moderate Compass: A Man by a little conversing with Maps, fixes an Idea of his Distances, his Stages from Place to Place, and may measure them over in his Head with the same Facility he would a Journey from London to York. Thirdly, Thus acquainted with the daily Progress,[xiv] our Approaches please in a Proportion to the Danger and Wants we go from, and the Remedy and Port we go to. Leghorn, Genoa, Naples, &c. have their different Beauties. Fourthly, The confining Lands on the European and African Side being mountainous, and the Sea interspersed with Islands, gives these Priorities to main Oceans, viz. that you cannot be long out of sight of some Land or other, and those flowing with Milk and Honey, no ordinary Comfort, excepting when they are Lee Shores. Secondly, If the Hills be to Windward, they take off the Force of strong Winds, and make a smooth Sea. And thirdly, The same Hills to Leeward, do by their Height give a Check to Storms; the Air stagnating by their Interposition, I have observed frequently in shore, to become a gentle Gale.

Lastly, The greatest Pleasure of those Seas, is visiting Towns and Countrys that have been worthy History; the most famous do somewhere or other border there, and have given birth to the greatest Men and greatest Actions. Greece, that was the Mother of Arts and Sciences, the Oracle of the World, that brought forth a Homer, Socrates, Alexander, &c. and was one of the four great Empires, stands to those Seas (though changed now to European Turky, by a Progress as wonderful) so does Italy, the Seat of the last universal Empire. That Rome, which subjected almost all the Kings and Kingdoms of the known World, gave Britain Laws, and left every where eternal Monuments of their Power and Magnificence: Here lived Virgil, Horace, Cæsar——Hither some say St. Paul made his Voyage, having coasted along Crete, and suffered Shipwreck at Malta,[xvi] Islands famous here, the one being the Birth-place of Jupiter, the other for a renowned Order of Knights, the professed Defenders of Christianity against the Turk.

Volcanos, Catacombs, Triumphal Arches, and Pillars, Baths, Aqueducts, and Amphitheatres, are peculiar Curiosities of Italy. There is scarcely a Spot in that delicious Country, but is recorded for some remarkable Occurrence; is memorable for High-ways, Grottos, Lakes, Statues, Monuments, some Victory gained, or Battle lost, the Birth or Death of Cæsar or his Friends. On the African Side, stands or did stand, Carthage, Troy, Tyre, Nice, Ephesus, Antioch, Smyrna; and on that shore was once Christianity firmly planted (no less than 300 Bishops being expelled thence;) but alas how all things change! neither Greatness nor Virtue can exempt from[xvii] Mortality: Towns, Countries, and Religions, have their Periods.

They have a determined Time to flourish, decay, and die in. Corn grows where Troy stood: Carthage is blotted out. Greece and her Republicks (Athens, Sparta, Corinth,) with other fam’d Asian and African Cities the Turkish Monarchy has overturned. Their Magnificence, Wealth, Learning, and Worship, is changed into Poverty and Ignorance; and Rome, the Mother of all, overrun with Superstition. Who, on the one hand, but feels an inexpressible Pleasure in treading over that Ground, he supposes such Men inhabited,[xviii] whose Learning and Virtues have been the Emulation of all succeeding Ages? And who again but must mourn such a melancholly Transposition of the Scene, and spend a few funeral Reflections over such extraordinary Exequiæ: Perhaps the Revolution of as many Ages, as has sunk their Glory, may raise it again, or carry it to the Negroes and Hottentots, and the present Possessors be debased.

The next pleasant Sailing to the Mediterranean, is that part of the Atlantick, Southern, Pacifick, South, or Indian Seas, that are within the Limits of a Trade-Wind; because such Winds are next to invariable, of such moderate Strength as not to raise heavy Seas, or strain a Ship; no Storms at Distance from Land; and equal Days and Nights.

The Atlantick, and Southern Ocean, without the Limits of this Trade-Wind, that is, from 30 to[xix] 60°° of Latitude, are far the worst for Navigation; wide, rough, and boisterous Seas, more subject to Clouds, Storm, and Tempest, variable Weather; long, dark, cold Nights, and less delightful Countries and Climates out of Europe.

Lastly, Beyond 60 Degrees of Latitude we have little Commerce, and the Seas less frequented; the Countries growing more and more inhospitable, as Latitude and Cold increases towards the Pole; however, Men who have used Greenland, tell me, those inclement Skies contain no other Vapors, than Mist, Sleet, and Snow; the Sea less ruffled with Winds, which blow for the most part Northerly, towards the Sun, i. e. towards a more rarified Air, seen in those Drifts of Ice from thence, that are found far to the Southward, both on the European and American side. Another Advantage to cheer the Winter’s Melancholy[xx] of Northern Regions, is the Moon’s shining a Length proportioned to the Absence of the Sun; so that where he is entirely lost, she[2] never sets, but with reflected and resplendent Light on Ice and Snow, keeps up their Consolation.

In all Seas are met numerous Incidents and Appearances, worthy our Reflection. I have therefore gone on to Observations more instructive and amusing. If the Solutions are not every where Standard, they may strike out Hints to better Capacities; among those, I can perceive two more liable to Objection.

First, The Pythagorean Soliloquy I set out with (p. 18.) which may[xxi] be deemed too foreign for the Subject: To which I answer——A Voyage to Sea is a Type of that dark and unknown one we are to make in Death: Wherefore it is not unnatural with a Departure from the Land’s End of England, shooting into an Abyss of Waters, to consider a little on that Life, which lost is a Departure from the World’s End, and to launch into a greater Abyss, Eternity;—The Principle, in what is material of us, I think, highly consonant to Reason, and continues still the Doctrine of the Eastern Sages.

Diversæ autem corpora formæ non sunt nisi diversæ modificationes ejusdem materiæ, &c.

E. G. Vapors condensed to Rain, we see descend on Earth; and both enter and pass into the Seeds and[xxii] Forms of all Plants. From them, either taken alone, or amassed in animal Food, is what constitutes and repairs by a daily Eating, our own Bodies; which if there be any Trust to Sense or Reason, moulds, decays, and turns again to Dust and Air, in order for Regeneration.

What only can destroy this Philosophy (as I observe at that place) and maintain a Resurrection of the same Body, is Revelation, and the Immortality of the Soul; for Sameness, or Identity then, will not consist in the same individual Particles being united, that makes our Bodies here, (which we are sure are continually fluctuating, and changing while we live;) but on that Consciousness which the immaterial Part will give, though joined to Matter, taken from the Top of Olympus.

Secondly, The Denial of Canibals against the Authority of grave Authors,[xxiii] has proceeded from a Persuasion, that the Charge carries the highest Reproach on Humanity, and the Creator of it. My Aim, therefore, was to shew in the best manner I could, that the Accusation every where has probably proceeded from Fear in some, to magnify the Miracle of escaping an inhospitable and strange Country, and from Design in others, to justify Dispossession, and arm Colonies with Union and Courage against the supposed Enemies of Mankind. Conquest and Cruelty, by that means go on with pleasure on the People’s side, who are persuaded they are only subduing of brutish Nature, and exchanging, for their mutual Good, Spiritual for Temporal Inheritances. By particular and private Men, this may have been fixed on a People, to allay some base or villainous Actions of their own, that could not any other way be excused, or bear the Light:[xxiv] And for this, I appeal to the discerning part of our Traders, acquainted with Guinea, whether they do not think the Reports of Cape St. Mary’s Inhabitants, Cape Mont, Montzerado, Drewin, and Callabar, down-right Falsities, and impolitick ones; for the multiplying of Places, like Plots, in a great measure destroys the Use of them.

At the Caribbees again, it is full as preposterous; for on small Islands, had their Women bred like Rabbits, they must have been desolated Ages before the Europeans Arrival; unless we can suppose human Flesh was eat only on their Feast-Days; or that they just commenced Monsters upon our Discovery.——La Hontan, or some other French Translation I have read, talking of Canibals bordering on Canada, flies into a strange Gallicism, and makes them commend the Flesh of a Frenchman[xxv] (sad Partiality) in Eating, as of finer Taste than that of an Englishman.

These, with Europeans neglecting to charge the East-Indians thus, who have more Power than simple Americans or Negroes to resent the Indignity and Reproach, makes me disbelieve the whole of what I have hitherto heard; and that the true Anthropophagi are only the diverse Insects infesting us in diverse Countries; the Pediculose Kind do not live in hot Climates; instead thereof, they are assaulted with a ravenous Fly called Muskito; Legions that live wild in the Woods, and seize with every Opportunity, human Flesh, like Lions.

As there is a strict Regard to Truth observed throughout the whole, it is apprehended the following Sheets will be not only amusing, but useful.

We took in eight Months Provisions each, at Portsmouth; Stores, Careening-Geer, and Necessaries requisite to continue us a double Voyage down the Coast of Guinea, for meeting, if possible, with the Pyrates; who did then very much infest those Parts, and destroy our Trade and Factories. Accordingly the Company’s Governors for Gambia and other Places, embark’d under our Convoy, and were to have what Support we could give them, in restoring the Credit of the Royal African Company; which begun now to take new life under the Influence of the Duke of Chandois.

It is a Pleasure we have beyond the Merchant-Service in sailing, that we are forbid[2] Commerce. When Men of War have no other Lading than Provisions and Necessaries, the Duty of Sailors is eased, and their Conveniencies better; whereas Cargoes, besides dishonouring the Commission, and unfitting the King’s Ships for Action, stifle and sicken a Ship’s Company in warm Climates, impose hard Services, and spoil the Trade of the Merchant they are designed to encourage, and expect a Gratuity from; because Labour and Freight free, they can afford to undersel.

In the Evening from six to nine, we saw those Appearances in the Sky called Capræ saltantes, by the Sailors Morrice-Dancers; they are Streams of Light that suddenly shoot into one another, and disappear for a Minute or two; yet shifting their Stations within the Quarter, in so quick and surprizing a manner as might easily deceive superstitious Times into a belief of Armies in the Air; these, the Scintillæ volantes, and such like nitrous Exhalations, having given rise, it’s probable, to all those Prodigies the Air has heretofore in impious Times abounded with.

The Western Extremity of England that we are now passing by, has been supposed, from the equal Depth of Water found there, from Doors, Windows, and Roots of Trees, formerly (it’s said) hooked up by Fishermen, to have been in Ages past continuous with the rocky little Islands of Scilly, by a Land called Lioness. When I consider the Changes Earthquakes and Inundations have made, and continue[19] insensibly to make on all the different Coasts of the Earth, losing in some places, and gaining in others; and what new Islands have now and then been thrust up on the surface of the Waters by Streams and Currents, subterranean Winds and Fires; the thing does not appear to me altogether conjectural: the Rocks seem now with terrible accent to lament the reparation. Who knows but we likewise are severing eternally from our Friends! it is a Voyage we shall at some time or other make; and those solitary Rocks that bound the last sight to our Homes and Countries, naturally bring to my mind some Reflections on the subject.

Whether when we have shut up this Life we shall remain resolved into our Elements; revive again in some Plant or Animal; or thirdly, be reinstated Soul and Body into Glory, is an Enquiry worthy our utmost Concern and Diligence; as it will sweeten the imbittered Potions of Life, make us patient under Afflictions, and even easy on this treacherous Element the Sea; whom none ought to trust; but they who have a Faith in Providence.

Immortality has been the Ambition of the greatest and wisest Men that have lived, and indeed who would not in the satiety of worldly Objects seek out and desire such a prerogative to his Soul? The Philosophers, rather than lose so comfortable a prospect, have[20] placed it in an Existence that can never concern our Happiness or Misery as Men: The Princes of them having made it to subsist in the universal Soul of the World; from whence, say they, are struck out Scintillations to every thing that has Life; and in Death, what was Elementary, returned to its proper station, and what was Divine in us, to what is Divine in the Universe: a Metempsychosis or Transmigration continuing the World on in the order we see it.

When I ponder on the natural Cause of our Being ... On the Necessity of that Cause to produce us, and what the material Agent is ... On our gradual Advances and Decay; both in respect to Body and Soul ... The Soul’s sympathizing with the disorders of the Body ... Our Sleeps and total Forgetfulness ... Our Susceptibility of Madness or Idiocy, and hebridous Productions, especially that of Man with Beast; I am tempted to think this the most plausible of all Philosophical Opinions, in relation to our future Existence, that we are not Creatures of that consequence we imagine; our Natures neither deserving, nor should they expect in reason any other Immortality than what other Creatures enjoy in their Seed and Transmigration. This Doctrine is what the Eastern Sages, reverenced for their Wisdom, do still propagate, and teach the Heterodox a Lesson of Humility, That Pride was not made for Man: but at the same time[21] it makes me superstitiously fear and abhor a Grave of Waters; which I fancy will subside us too far from the Sun, whose Power is the chief Principle to revive us again in some Plant or Animal on our native Element: which will be such perhaps as, in our Life-time, our Senses were familiar and delighted with; and for which, we had a sympathetical Affection and Tendency to. But then granting the Doctrine, I am considering what the Advantage of such a belief can be to us as Men? Why none. Our personal Identity must be destroyed in the first Transmigration, much more in an infinite Succession; and we (as we) can never after this Life be affected with either Pleasure or Pain. I am therefore on the whole fond of Revelation, and wish that to be Truth which ascribes such Power to Faith, That it can remove Mountains: and therefore, with its fruits concurring, may raise us into immortal Spirits, translate us to Bliss, even without passing through the horrors of Death.

That an Almighty Power can subsist us to Eternity, we are very sure; and that he will do it, I say let it be our Happiness, that we have the Promises of his Gospel; for here only can be a remedy to all worldly Cares; and wherever Death o’er takes us, whether this Voyage or next, so we be upon our Watch, it will transport us to a Port and Treasure fixed. It will free us from Rocks, Sands, and tempestuous[22] Seas, and anchor us in a Haven of Felicity.

The Gale with which we left England, carried us the length of Cape [3]Finisterre into serener Weather, and Sun-shine; but there we met with continued Westerly Winds (very unusual to the Coast of Portugal) which prolonged our Passage. A Day or two’s sail from Madeira, we fell in with Commodore Matthews, in the Lion, bound with a Squadron of four Sail to the East-Indies, on the like Service with ours to Africa, viz. the Suppression of Pyrates.

Abundance of Sea-weed floated about us at 40 Leagues distance, and continued a constant float till we reached the Island; an Argument that the bottom of the Sea, especially where the Depths are decreasing towards any Shore, have a Cloathing of Plants, which are probably the common Nutriment of large Fish. This our Divers in Pearl, and Coral-fishing, have confirmed to 8 or 10 Fathom water; and this, I think, the present Observation proves to be in greater Depths; 1st, Because the Unwieldiness of some, and the manner of being provided for Mastication in others, declares Ruminating, and not Prey, to be the way of Subsistence in many. 2dly, There is a greater Resort toward Shores, than[23] in the distant Ocean, and perhaps, like many little Fish in our own Channels, they may have their Seasons of Rotation, and their Grazing, the Cause of unrooting and throwing it up here. 3dly, Porpoises play about us daily in Shoals, the most familiar great Fish in the Atlantick, and at all Parts of it: They tumble most upon a rough Surface, and against the Wind. Sailors observing these Porpoises, say, they portend Storms. The Latins call them Porci marini, from some Resemblance to the Hog, in it’s Entrails and Bigness, (weighing several Hundred.) These Fish, as they are very numerous, never enticed to the Hook, wasting many of their hours in play, and gradually lessening from Shore, shew they know readily where to make their Meals at the bottom of the Sea, tho’ at other times they certainly prey on smaller and particular Species of Fish: These their Feasts, it’s like, and That their ordinary Diet.

MADEIRA.

This Island, at the first Discovery of it by the Portuguese, about the Year 1420, was over-run with Wood, whence it’s Name. Divided to the two Discoverers, they set the Woods on fire, which Travellers say[24] burnt seven Years; the Ashes giving a vast Fertility to their Sugar-Canes, at the first Planting; till a Worm getting into the Cane, spoiled the Increase, &c. so that it is now entirely planted with Vines brought originally from Candia, which yield the strongest Wines: That called Malmsey is a rich Cordial, the best made at the Jesuit’s Garden in Fonchial. Their Vintage is in September and October, and make about 25000 Pipes.

Others say, one Mecham an Englishman, in a Voyage to Spain was drove on this Island before the Discovery above: That his Crew sailed without him and his Mistress; whom he buried here, left an Inscription on her Tomb, and then in a Canoo of his own building sailed to Barbary; the King presenting him as a Prodigy to the King of Castile: From whole Account, the Spaniard soon after made conquest of the neighbouring Canary Islands. The Island is rocky Mountains, with an Intermixture of little fruitful Plains. The highest Parts, Goat-herds and Woods; the Middle, Kitchen-Gardens; and the Bottom, Vineyards. The Roads bad, which makes them bring their Wines to town in Hog-skins upon Asses; a brownish and a red sort, the latter called Vino tinto, being according to common report stained with Tint, tho’ they assure you it is the natural Grape. They are almost all limed, a Preservative against the excessive Heats of the[25] West-Indies, where they are for the most part transported by us, and where no other Wine keeps well.

Trade is carried on by Bartering, 40 or 50 per Cent. being allowed on an Invoice of Provisions, Cloaths, or Houshold-Goods; of the former sort, Bread, Beef, Pork, Pilchard, Herring, Cheese, Butter, Salt, and Oil, are first in demand. The next are dry Goods, Hats, Wigs, Shirts, Stockings, Kersys, Sagathys, Crapes, Says, Shalloons, and Broadcloths, particularly Black Suits, the usual wear of the Portuguese. The last and least in Expence are Escrutores, Chairs, Pewter, Post-Paper, Counting-books, &c. For these you have in Exchange their Wine at 30 Millrays a Pipe; the Malmsey, 60. each Millray in present Pay 6s. 8d. in Bills 6s. What other little Traffick I had, stands as per Margin.[4]

There is one Caution to be observed; That as there is not much dishonour in Trade to take advantage of a Chapman’s Weakness, it is prudent to see the Wines you have tasted shipped forthwith, or it is[26] odds but the Stranger finds them adulterated: So that altho’ they seem to allow a good Interest on your Goods; yet the Badness of your Wine, or (if good) broke at their Price, lessens the supposed Advantage. Some Goods at particular times, bear an extraordinary Price; not so much by a Call of the Island, as of Brasil, whither they are again exported.

Fonchial is the chief Town of the Island, the Residence of the Governour and Bishop: Is large and populous, has five or six Churches; three Nunneries, not so strict as at Lisbon, we conversing and trading for Toys with them every day; and as many Convents of Fathers. That of the Jesuits has at present in it only seventeen; a neat handsome Building and Chappel: this Order being in all Catholick Countries the most respected for their Learning and Riches. Wherever you find a College of them, you may be sure there is good Living. The other Inhabitants consist of a mixed Race; Portuguese, Blacks, and Molattoes, who are civil, courteous, and equally respected in Trade; the Portuguese no where abroad scrupling an Alliance with darker Colours.

They keep no regular Market, but the Country brings in according as they think will be the Demand at any time: Kid, Pork, and now and then a lean Heifer, Cabbages, Lemons, Oranges, Walnuts, Figs, Yams, Bananoes, &c. There is one Curiosity I found[27] in their Gardens called the everlasting Flower, never fading after gathered, or indiscernibly, in many Years; the Herb is like Sage growing, and the Flower like Camomil: I laid by several of them, and found at twelve Months end they were just of the same freshness as when gathered.

Fonchial Road is very open and unsafe against West and S. W. Winds; deep Water also, that there is no anchoring but at the West End, and that in 40 Fathom, a Mile or Mile and half off Shore: So that when a Swell from those Quarters gives notice of a Gale coming, all Ships in the Road slip their Cables and to Sea, returning at a more favourable season for their lading: Which likewise, by an extraordinary Surf on the Beach, becomes troublesome to ship off; commonly done by swimming the Pipes off to the Lanch, or lade on the Beach, and run her with many hands into the Sea. The like trouble Boats have in Watering (by a River at the W. End of the Town) and is most commodiously done before the Sea-breeze comes in.

The Loo makes a tolerable Harbour for small Vessels against Westerly Winds, that would be unsafe without. They make fast their Cable to a high Rock called the Loo, whereon is a Fort; but when the Winds veer, opening their Heads to the Sea, all[28] Hands go on Shore, and leave the Ship and Storm to contest it by themselves.

Their Lodgings on shore are as uneasy to Strangers, as the Road to Ships; being prodigiously pestered with Bugs and Fleas. Cotts upon the Floors, is the common way of laying.

Their Strength is in the Militia, computed at 18000 disciplin’d and loyal Fellows; They, the Azores, and Cape De Verd Islands soon returning to their Allegiance, after that Revolution in Portugal, 1640.

Before I leave Madeira, I must relate the surprizing Account just arrived here by several Masters of Vessels, Eye-witnesses of a new Island which sprung out of the Sea the 20th of November last, 17 Leagues S. E. from Terceira, one of the Western Islands.

The Master who took a Survey of it by order from the Governour of Terceira, lays it down, a League long, a Mile broad, a little above the surface of the Water, and smoking like a Volcano. After the Eruption, the Sea for several Leagues round was covered with Pumice-stone, and half-broiled Fish. I was curious to know what Symptoms (if any) had preceded this Prodigy at the other Islands; and learned that Pico, one of them, a noted Volcano, had ceased to burn for some time, and that they had felt a Shock or two of an Earthquake that had done considerable damage. Corvo, an Island in this[29] Neighbourhood ([5]Albert de Mandelzo tells us) started up also in such manner, June 16, 1628. And History relates the like in the Archipelago.

That new Islands should be formed in Rivers, as at the Conflux of the Save with the Danube, or Sands shifting in any Channels, may be from the Swiftness of the Streams, wasting some and raising others; but that this Effect should happen in deep Water, 50 or 60 Miles from Shore, is truly wonderful: The Phænomenon seems best resolved here, by subterranean Fires, which from a great Depth and Extent have their Vents at Volcanoes; and as the Consumption of their Materials is more, the nigher they are such Vents (observable in Italy, Iceland, &c.) so their Effects in the neighbourhood of Waters (when by any Accident the Mouth is stopp’d, and they meet) must be Concussions of the Earth, blowing the Mountains away in Cinders; and now and then in Ages, such a Wonder as a new Island, the same as we see (if we may compare great things with small) in several Chymical Preparations. This Island has settled, and probably by the Spunginess of its Materials, may sink in a few Years out of sight again. The ultimate End, is perhaps to strike Mankind with a Dread of Providence, and warn a sinful World against the Consequences of angry Omnipotence: Men[30] generally taking a deeper Impression from something new and wonderful in Nature, than in the Creation or Conservation of the World it self.

CANARIES.

From Madeira we sailed by the Canary Islands, belonging to the Spaniards, and taken by them in 1418.

Ferro, or Ferrara, for our Navigators taking their first Meridian from thence, there being none, or the least Variation; and for a Volcano that now and then breaks out upon it. One in November 1677, seen five Days; and in 1692 broke out again with Earthquakes, and seen six Weeks together: There is also, our Voyages say, a wonderful Tree on it, forty Foot high, that condenses the Clouds in such quantity, as to supply the want of Springs.

Grand Canary, the chief Residence for Governours and Consuls; and Teneriff, for its noted Pike, thought from the shewing it self singly, to be the highest Land in the World. It is a Pyramidal Heap of rough Rocks piled thus (it’s thought by Naturalists)[31] from some subterraneous Conflagration that burst out heretofore.

The Ancients called them Insulæ fortunatæ; it’s likely from the Interception they may have given to the Destruction of Coasters blown off, before the use of the Compass: Cape Non on the Continent being the utmost of their Navigation.

Cape de VERD Islands,

Denominated from the Cape, always green: They were anciently called Hesperides; the Diminutive of Spain, called heretofore Hesperia, propterea quod hæc regio, omnium extrema, sit a sit ad Occidentem; Hesperus, the Evening Star, by a Metaphor signifying the West.

They are inhabited by Portuguese, who welcome all sort of Ships (of good, or ill Design) bound to Guinea, India, Brasil, or the West-Indies; they frequently putting in here to furnish themselves with fresh Provisions, exchanged for Trifles; chiefly at St. Iägo (James) the principal, which has three or four Forts, and where resides the Governour. In several of these Islands there are natural Salt Ponds, kerning great quantities without trouble. The most noted by the[32] English is Maio, or the Isle of May, where many of our Ships lade in Summer; and was, with Tangier, and Bombay in India, Part of Q. Catherine’s Fortune to England. Another of them has a Volcano, and called Del Fuego.

The Land about the Cape appears the Height of that at Deal in Kent; woody, a white even Sand along Shore, and about 28 Fathom Water a League off. Just to the Northward are two or three great Rocks, called by our Sailors Shitten Islands, being white all over with the Dung of Sea-fowls. At the same distance Southward of the Cape, is an Island called Goree, about a League from the Main, has a French Factory with two Forts, commanding all the Trade about the River Senega, from other Nations.

While our Ships lay too here, we had good Fishing with our Lines; took Breams (or Porga’s) Skip-jacks, Groupes, a Rock-fish (thick, short, and of a deep yellow on the Belly, Gills, and Mouth) and the Jew-Fish; which has a double Mouth, the uppermost not to swallow Food, but full of Air-pipes, and finned like a Cod, all well tasted: and having washed them down with a Bowl, our Friends and we parted, the Weymouth steering in for Gambia River with the Governour Colonel Witney, and the Merchants; We for Sierraleon, anchoring there the Beginning of April, 1721.

The Winds from Madeira to Sierraleon at first blew fresh at S. and S. W. and as we came farther to the Southward, they wheel’d gradually on the Western Side of the Circle, quite round to the N. so as in the Latitude of 21 to have it N. E. a true Trade, seven, eight, or nine knots Day and Night; but whether it were the Badness of our half-minute Glasses, the tendency of the Sea with the Wind, or any Current, I cannot tell; but we always found our selves considerably further to the Southward, by Observation every day, than the Distance by the Log would give.

In this Passage, we took up a few Turtle with our Boat. As they sleep and bask upon the Surface, we steal upon them without noise, and throw them in upon their Backs. We saw also abundance of flying Fish, and their continual Enemies, the Albicore and Dolphin; the latter we strike now and then with a Fizgig, or Harping-iron. It is a glorious-colour’d, strait Fish, four or five Foot long, forked Tail, perpendicular to the Horizon: plays familiarly about Ships; is of dry Taste, but makes good Broth. They are seldom seen out of the Latitudes of a Trade-wind; and the flying Fish never: These are the bigness of small Herrings; their Wings about two thirds its length; come narrow from the Body, and end broad; they fly by the help of them a Furlong at a time when[34] pursued, turning in their Flight, sometimes dip in the Sea, and so up again, the Wind making them, by this Expedient, fleeter.

AFRICA in general.

As there is nothing more surprizing and delightful in Voyages or Travels, than beholding the different Habits, Customs, Dieting, and Religion of the different Natives; so there is none I believe, wherein that Difference can be found, so much as here. A Colour, Language and Manners, as wide from ours, as we may imagine we should find in the planetary Subjects above, could we get there.

But before I proceed on any Observations of my own, it may be proper from others, to convey some Idea of Guinea in general; so much as carries Probability, either from the Dead or Living.

Africa, one of the four Quarters of the World, next in bigness to Europe, by the Ancients had several Names; Olympia, Ammonis Ortygia; but the most noted, Apher, from a Nephew, it’s said, of Abraham’s. It extends from about 36 N. to as many Degrees of Southern Latitude; and excepting Egypt, Barbary, Morocco, and in this last[35] Age the Coast of Guinea, is a Country as little known as any Part of the Globe. Marmol says, the Arabians in the 400 of the Hegyra, passed into Afric and divided it. This is certain, that it has many fine large Rivers, some of them navigable for Ships. Along the Banks of these Rivers, the Inhabitants abound with Millet, Rice, Pulse or, Indian-Corn. The further we depart from Morocco on this West Side, or Egypt on the East, there is always found less Industry and more Ignorance: For Governments, tho’ never so tyrannical, are better than none, extending some Improvement to Humanity.

The Niger, which is one of the largest Rivers in Africa, is said to have the same Property of overflowing every Year, like Nile, remunerating to the inland parts a vast Fertility and Increase; and this very probably, because it has been traced some hundred Leagues, and by the Course, descends from the Ethiopian Mountains, the common Fountain of both.

The Senega and Gambia, Branches of this great River, disgorge here at the windward Part of Guinea; they are large Rivers, driving considerable Trade: To the former of these, the King of Morocco extended his Dominions, about 1526, by the Conquest of the Kingdom of Tombuto, which still continues tributary, and whence that King raises considerable Negro Armies, his chief[36] Strength. A College of the Sect of Haly, is founded in Melli, a Kingdom upon this River. They have many Crocodiles or Alligators, Sea-Horses, and Shirks in them. Senega affords great quantity of Gum; and at Gambia begin our Factories for Slaves, Teeth, and Gold, on which this general Remark, That the Slaves there, faring softer from a better Soil, are not so hardy as those lower down. The Teeth are as large, and in as much plenty, as at any one Part of the whole Coast; those taken out of the Sea-Horse are small, not weighing above 5 or 6 Pounds, but more solid than the Elephant’s. And lastly, their Gold is current in what the Traders call Bars, little twisted Lengths, or in Rings of 4, 5, 6, 7, or 8s. Value.

All the great Rivers flow and ebb regularly, being governed by the Moon, as the Tides on our own Coasts; but the Sandiness of the Soil, and Nearness of the Sun, makes the Country between, so extreamly dry, that they have great scarcity of Water for an hundred Miles an end sometimes; and this Drought is what brings the Beasts of all sorts in Droves to the Banks, for satisfying Thirst, (Tygers, Panthers, Leopards, Antelopes, Elephants, Apes; Ostriches, &c.) From which Accident, say they, might probably have happened the many Hebridous Productions that have made this Country the Proverb of all Ages; it[37] continually producing something new or monstrous.

Their chief Diet is Indian Corn, Rice, Palm-nuts, Bananas, Yamms, Pine-apples, and now and then a little Fish, or a Fowl; all which thro’ Ignorance, and want of Necessaries, are very slovenly cooked by them.

Africa is almost a Triangle in shape; the Kingdoms on the North are Mahometans; and in the trading Towns of Barbary, and Turky, there is a little Mixture of Jews. On the Eastern Line next Persia, are said to be some of the Sect of Gaurs, followers of Zoroastes, a very learned Persian Philosopher, that appeared, according to Dr. Prideaux, about 2300 Years ago: He instituted Fire-worship, and established it by a superiour Cunning, through most parts of Persia and India, where there are still some left, poor and despised, (called Persees) since the seventh Century, when the Mahometans over-run that Country, and almost extinguished them. In Æthiopia, (Prester John’s Country) Writers say, are a sort of Christians, still acknowledging the Patriarch of Alexandria; meerly nominal I believe, for the Greeks themselves, much nigher his Pastorship, have since their Conquest by the Turks, in a manner lost their Christianity; Poverty and Ignorance, the Consequence of Captivity having obliterated the outward Pomp, which, next to Power, is the main Pillar in all Religions.[38] Inland, and to the Southern Extremity, they are Pagans. And on this Western Line (the Negroes) all trust to the Gregory or Fetish; which in the bulk of it means no more than what we in Europe call Charms, which in many respects carries strong Superstition, that is, a vain Religion in it; only their consecrated Materials having more Reverence from their Ignorance and Fear, work more stupendous Effects; or are imagined to do so, which is the same thing. So much may serve for a general Idea of Africa, since several of the Articles will, in the progress of the Voyage, be occasionally expatiated on.

SIERRALEON.

By Guinea here, I mean all Negro-land, from about the River Senega Northward, to within a few Degrees of Cape Bon Esperance; because Ships bound to any part of this Extent, are said to be bound to Guinea; and because the People, without these Lines, alter to a dark Colour seen in the Moors at this, and the Hottentots at the other Extremity. The Name (Gordon says) imports hot and dry, and its Gold gives Name to our Coin.

The black Colour, and woolly Tegument of these Guineans; is what first obtrudes it self on our Observation, and distinguishes them from the rest of Mankind, who no where else, in the warmest Latitudes, are seen thus totally changed; nor removing, will they ever alter, without mixing in Generation. I have taken notice in my Navy-Surgeon, how difficultly the Colour is accounted for; and tho’ it be a little Heterodox, I am persuaded the black and white Race have, ab origine, sprung from different-coloured first Parents.

When we parted with the Weymouth off Cape de Verd, we steered S. S. W. to avoid the Shoals of Grandee, and in hawling in for the Land again, waited till we came into the Latitude of Sierraleon, some others laying on the N. Side that River. The Soundings in with the Cape are gradual, from 60 Fathoms about 12 Leagues off, to 13; when we get in sight of Cape Sierraleon, known by a single Tree much larger than the rest, and high land on the back of it. We run up on the Starboard side of the River, anchoring in the third Bay from the Cape; where is very commodious watering and wooding; and regular Tides, as in any part of the Channel of England.

Remark 1. The Trade for our African Company here, is carried on from Bense or Brent Island, about 5 Leagues distance from our Anchorage, by Factors, of whom Mr.[40] Plunket is chief. The private Traders are about 30 in number, settled on the Starboard side of the River: loose privateering Blades, that if they cannot trade fairly with the Natives, will rob; but then don’t do it so much in pursuance of that trading Advice, (Amass Riches, my Son,) as to put themselves in a Capacity of living well, and treating their Friends, being always well pleased if they can keep their Stock at Par, and with their Profits purchase from time to time, Strong-beer, Wine, Cyder, and such Necessaries, of Bristol Ships, that more frequently than others put in there; of these, John Leadstine, commonly called old Cracker, is reckoned the most thriving.

They all keep Gromettas (Negro Servants) which they hire from Sherbro River, at two Accys or Bars a Month. The Women keep House, and are obedient to any Prostitutions their Masters command. The Men-servants work in the Boats and Periagoes, which go a trading in turns with Coral, Brass, Pewter Pans, Pots, Arms, English Spirits, &c. and bring back from the Rio Nunes, Slaves, and Teeth; and from Sherbro, Camwood for Dyers; a Sloop or two is the most that is loaded from the latter Place in a Year, and that with difficulty; being obliged to go far up the River, narrow and beset with Mangroves, which makes it sickly.

The Ivory here is of the Elephant or Sea-Horse, great and small; the former, sold at about 40 Accys per Quintal in Exchange; the other at half Price.

The Slaves when brought here, have Chains put on, three or four linked together, under the Care of their Gromettas, till Opportunity of Sale; and then go at about 15 Pounds a good Slave, allowing the Buyer 40 or 50 per Ct. Advance on his Goods.

As these Slaves are placed under Lodges near the Owner’s House, for Air, Cleanliness, and Customers better viewing them, I had every day the Curiosity of observing their Behaviour, which with most of them was very dejected. Once, on looking over some of old Cracker’s Slaves, I could not help taking notice of one Fellow among the rest, of a tall, strong Make, and bold, stern aspect. As he imagined we were viewing them with a design to buy, he seemed to disdain his Fellow-Slaves for their Readiness to be examined, and as it were scorned looking at us, refusing to rise or stretch out his Limbs, as the Master commanded; which got him an unmerciful Whipping from Cracker’s own Hand, with a cutting Manatea Strap, and had certainly killed him but for the loss he himself must sustain by it; all which the Negro bore with Magnanimity, shrinking very little, and shedding a Tear or two, which he endeavoured to hide[42] as tho’ ashamed of. All the Company grew curious at his Courage, and wanted to know of Cracker, how he came by him; who told us, that this same Fellow, called Captain Tomba, was a Leader of some Country Villages that opposed them, and their Trade, at the River Nunes; killing our Friends there, and firing their Cottages. The Sufferers this way, by the Help of my Men, (says Cracker) surprized, and bound him in the Night, about a Month ago, he having killed two in his Defence, before they could secure him, and from thence he was brought hither, and made my Property.

Remark 2. Sierraleon River is very broad here, but in ten or twelve Miles rowing upwards, narrow to half the Breadth of the Thames at London, spread on both sides thick with Mangroves; Trees, or slender woody Shrubs, that spring from the low, watry Banks of Rivers, in warm Climates. From the Branches, the Sap descends again and takes a second Root, and so on, a third, fourth, &c. that the Ground is all covered; very difficult, if not impossible for Men to penetrate: This makes them fit Haunts for the Manatea and Crocodile (Sea-Cow and Alligator) which, with the Shirks, very much infest the River. A Story or two of these Creatures, may not be unacceptable.

The Manatea is about eleven or twelve Foot long, and in girt half as much; Teeth[43] only in the back part of her Mouth, which are like the Ox’s, as is also her Muzzle and Head; with this difference, that her Eyes are small in proportion, and Ears you can scarce thrust a Bodkin in; close to her Ears almost, are two broad Finns, sixteen or eighteen Inches long, that feel at the Extremities as tho’ jointed; a broad Tail, Cuticle granulated, and of a colour and touch like Velvet: the true Skin an Inch thick, used by the West-Indians in Thongs for punishing their Slaves; weigh to five or fix hundred Weight; of a firm Flesh, that cuts fat, lean, and white like Veal: Boiled, stewed, or roasted (for I have eaten it all ways) it has no fishy Taste, but is as acceptable a Treat as Venison to Cockneighs.

The Negroes way of taking them, is in a Canoo, which they paddle towards the Manatea with as little noise as possible, (she being extreamly quick of hearing:) when near enough, a Man placed ready in the Boat’s Head, strikes in his Harpoon with a long Pole into her, and lets go. She makes towards the Mangroves immediately, and the Water being shallow, they now and then get sight of the Pole, and so follow, renewing the Strokes till they kill, or weary her, and then drag her ashore.

The Alligator answers in all respects, and doubtless is the Egyptian Crocodile; shaped not unlike the Lizard, but of two[44] hundred Weight perhaps, covered with hard Scales that are impenetrable to Shot, unless very near; long Jaws set with sharp Teeth, two very large, and two small: Finns like Hands: A Tail thick and continuous; will live a long time out of the Water, being sold frequently alive in the West-Indies. They are not shy, but rather bold, and tho’ easily waked, will not make off presently, our Boats falling down with the Stream within a few yards of them, before they stir; laying basking to the Sun, in little muddy Nooks they form in their egress from the Mangroves. When they float upon the Water, they lie very still and like a Log of Timber, till the little Fry underneath come unwarily sporting about them and tempt their greedy Stomachs; they diving very quick upon their Prey.

One of these set upon a Man of Captain Masterton’s, a Sloop that put in here from Sherbro. The Sailor, to avoid walking round a Bay, and being mellow with drinking, would needs cut his way short by wading over a weedy part of it up to his Breast, where the Alligator seized him; and the Fellow having full Courage, ran his Arm down his Throat: Notwithstanding which, the Crocodile loosed, and renewed the Battle two or three times, till a Canoo that saw the Distress, paddled to his Relief, but he was torn unmercifully in his Buttocks, Arms, Shoulders,[45] Thighs, and Sides; and had not the Creature been young, must certainly have been killed. The Man recovered of his Wounds.

Shirks very much infest the Mouth of this River; the most bold and ravenous of the watry Tribe: He never forsakes your Hook, till he is taken, and slights the Proverb,

We have catched three in less than half an hour, each 8 or 10 Foot long, the Livers of them making above ten Gallons of Oil. They have four or five Rows of short, sharp Teeth, one within another, and the Sides of them indented like Saws. Their Swallows 14 and 16 Inches over. In the Maws, we found Beef Bones, and what other Trash had been thrown over-board in the Day; for they are like the Parson’s Barn; they turn on their backs to take in their Prey. Our Seamen dressed and eat the Flesh, tho’ very strong; the fault of all carnivorous Animals.

These Shirks have generally two, three, or more pretty-coloured little Fish, the bigness of Herrings attending them, called Pilots: They go in and out at his Maw, or fasten on his Back, in familiar manner: They are supposed like the Jackall to the[46] Lion, to be instrumental in procuring him Prey, and warning him of Danger in Shoals, for which he receives Food, and Protection from the Shirk.

I shall give an Instance or two within my own knowledge, to shew the Boldness and Rapacity of this Fish.

The Weymouth’s Barge rowing up Gambia River, a Shirk made to them, and notwithstanding the noise of so many Oars, seized one of them in his Mouth, and snapped it in two.

At Whydah, a very dangerous Coast to land at, having two Bars before it, and great Seas; a Canoo was going on shore from a Merchant-Ship with some Goods, and in attempting to land, overset: A Shirk nigh hand, seized upon one of the Men in the Water, and by the Swell of the Sea, they were both cast on shore; notwithstanding which, the Shirk never quitted his hold, but with the next Ascend of the Sea, carried him clear off.

In short, their Voracity refuses nothing; Canvas, Ropeyarns, Bones, Blanketing, &c. I have seen them frequently seize a Corpse, as soon as it was committed to the Sea; tearing and devouring that, and the Hammock that shrouded it, without suffering it once to sink, tho’ a great Weight of Ballast in it.

There are in the Bays of this River, variety of good Fish, that supplies the Scarcity[47] of Flesh; Turtle, Mullet, Skate, [6]Ten-pounders, [7]Old-wives, [8]Cavalloes, [9]Barricudoes, [10]Sucking-Fish, Oysters, [11]Cat-Fish, Bream, and Numb-Fish; the most of which we catch’d in great numbers with our Searn; two or three Hours in a Morning supplying a Belly-full to the whole Ship’s Company.

The Oysters and Numb-Fish have something peculiar; the former growing, or rather sticking in great Bunches of twenty or thirty, upon the Rocks and Mangroves, to which they seemingly grow, very small and ill-tasted.

The latter, which is the Torpedo of the Ancients, is flat as a Skate, so very cold as to numb the Hands or Arms of those who touch him, but goes off again in few Hours; and with a Stick you may toss him about a Day together without any other Harm than losing your time.

Remark 3. The Country about Sierraleon is so thick spread with Wood, that you cannot penetrate a Pole’s length from the Water-side, unless between the Town, and Fountain whence they fetch their Water, without a great deal of difficulty. They have Paths however through these Woods, to their [12]Lollas, and [13]Lugars, which tho’ but a mile or two from the Town, are frequently the Walks of wild Beasts; their Excrement I have found up and down in walking here, white and mixed with Ossicles.

The Shores hereabouts, like those of Sweden, are rocky, and without any Cover of Earth almost; yet produce large Trees, the Roots spreading on the Surface: The chief of these are the Palm, the Coco, and the Cotton-Tree, described p. 198, in the first Volume of the History of the Pyrates.

Other Vegetables for Food are Rice, Yams, [14]Plantanes, [15]Pine-Apples, [16]Limes, Oranges,[49] [17]Papais, Palm-nuts, wild Roots, and Berries.

This is their common Sustenance; the Gift of Providence, without their Care; they might abound, but prefer Ease and Indolence, he being greatest among them, who can afford to eat [18]Rice all the Year round. Kid and Fowl, they have a few, and were all the domestick Animals I saw.

The Men are well-limbed, clean Fellows; flattish-nosed, and many with Exomphalos’s; the Effect of bad Midwifry, or straining in their Infancy to walk; for they are never taught, but creep upon a Matt on all Fours, till they have Strength to erect themselves;[50] and notwithstanding this, are seldom distorted. These do not circumcise, but the Slaves brought from the Northward are frequently so; perhaps from bordering on Morocco.

The Women are not nigh so well shaped as the Men: Childing, and their Breasts always pendulous, stretches them to so unseemly a Length and Bigness, that some, like the Ægyptians, I believe, could suckle over their Shoulders. Their being imployed in all Labour, makes them robust; for such as are not Gromettas, work hard in Tillage, make Palm-Oil, or spin Cotton; and when they are free from such work, the idle Husbands put them upon breading and fetishing out their Wool, they being prodigious proud and curious in this sort of Ornament; and keep them every day, for many hours together, at it.

Their Houses are low, little Hutts, not quite so bad as many in Yorkshire, built with wooden Stockades set in the ground, in a round or square form, thatched with Straw; they are swept clean every day; and for Furniture, have a Matt or two to lie down upon; two or three earthen or wooden Dishes, and Stools, with a Spoon, all of their own making. They are idle, principally from want of Arts and domestick Employments: for as I observed, they are so cautious of planting too much, and wasting their Labour, that they are really improvident; smoaking[51] all day in long Reed-Pipes together; unplagued with To-morrow, or the Politicks of Europe.

Whole Towns shift their Habitations, either when they do not like their Neighbours, or have more Conveniency somewhere else; soon clearing Ground enough for what Building and Culture they purpose. Seignior Joseph, a Christian Negro of this Place, has lately with his People left a clean, well-built Town, and removed further up the River. Their Huts are mostly orbicular, forming a spacious square Area in the middle, and in this, the doors paved with Cockle-Shells; two or three Crosses erected, and round about, Lime-trees, Papais, Plantanes, Pine-apples, and a few Bee-hives; the latter made out of pieces of old Trees, three foot long, hollowed and raised on two Poles.

In the middle of the Area was a great Curiosity, a large Tree with 500 hanging Nests at least upon it; this is a small familiar Bird, that builds thus about their Towns, upon the extreme slenderest Twigs, hanging like Fruit, and declares the Wisdom of Instinct, since it’s designed a Security for their Young, against Monkeys, Parrots, Squirrels, &c. Creatures of Prey, whose Weight cannot there be supported.

Anointing their Body and Limbs with Palm-Oil, is a daily Practice with both Sexes;[52] some use [19]Civet, but all cast a strong, disagreeable Smell; this mending it much like as melted Tallow is by a Perfumer’s Shop.

Palaavers are their Courts of Judicature, where the principal or elderly Men amongst them meet in a Ring or under a Lodge, to settle the Differences that arise amongst themselves, or with the Factories; the frequentest are in relation to Trade. Each salutes the other at meeting, by a Bend of the Elbow, and raising his Hand to his Face. When they have heard what each Party has to say, they determine by Vote, who has the Reason of the thing on their side, and so punish, or acquit. For Fornication, the Party (whether Man or Woman) is sold for a Slave. If a white Man lies with another’s Slave, he is bound to redeem her at a current Price. On a Charge of Murder, Adultery, or if there can be any other more heinous Crime among them, the suspected Person must drink of a red Water his Judges prepare; which is called, purging the Criminal: that is, if the suspected be of ill Life, or had Envy to the deceased, so that the Surmizes against him are strong, though they want positive Evidence; they will give him[53] so much of that Liquor as shall kill him; but if inclined to spare him, they politickly give less, or make it weaker, whereby his Innocence appears the better to the Friends and Relations of the deceased.

Panyarring, is a Term for Man-stealing along the whole Coast: Here it’s used also, for stealing any thing else; and by Custom (their Law) every Man has a right to seize of another at any Conveniency, so much as he can prove afterwards, at the Palaaver-Court, to have been defrauded of, by any body in the same place he was cheated.

Dancing is the Diversion of their Evenings: Men and Women make a Ring in an open part of the Town, and one at a time shews his Skill in antick Motions and Gesticulations, yet with a great deal of Agility, the Company making the Musick by clapping their hands together during the time, helped by the louder noise of two or three Drums made of a hollowed piece of Tree, and covered with Kid-Skin. Sometimes they are all round in a Circle laughing, and with uncouth Notes, blame or praise somebody in the Company.

During our stay at this Port, we paid a Visit to Seignior Joseph, about nine miles up the River. The Reason of his leaving the other Town, he told me was, the frequent Palaavers he was engaged in, on account of Differences between his People and[54] the Grimattoes, and the great Expence he was at, in so near a Neighbourhood with the English. He has been in England and Portugal; at the last place he was baptized, and took in that christian Erudition that he endeavours to propagate. He has built a little Oratory for his People’s Devotions; erected a Cross; taught several of his Kindred Letters, dispersing among them little Romish Prayer-Books, and many of them are known by Christian Names. Those of the Country not yet initiated, never have but one. Mousi, or Moses; Yarrat, and Cambar, are very common Names to the Men; Baulee, and Kibullee, to the Women. Others take the Cognomen from their Disposition; Lion, Lamb, Bear, Hog, &c. like our Danish Ancestors. Seignior Joseph, who is very communicative, tells me, to the extent of his knowledge, the People are cleanly, of good Temper, and docible; all wishing some Missionaries would think their Conversion and Wants worth regarding: But the Poverty of their Country will probably keep them a long time from that Benefit. There is no Invitation in a barren Soil, scarce of Provisions and Necessaries, Danger of wild Beasts a mile from Home (especially Wolves;) and about their Houses, Rats, Snakes, Toads, Musquitoes, Centipes, Scorpions, Lizards, and innumerable Swarms of Ants, a white, black, and red sort, that build to 8 or 9 Foot[55] high, dig up the Foundation of their Houses in two or three Years, or turn a Chest of Cloaths to Dust (if not watched) in as many Weeks. This Christian Negro, by the Advantage of Trade, has in some measure removed the Wants of his own Family (his Towns;) they are tolerably stocked with Guinea Hens, Fish, and Venison; while the Country fifty miles off, he says, have little to feed on but Honey, and Manyoco Root. He received us in a Europæan Dress (Gown, Slippers, Cap, &c.) and sent his Canoos out to shew us the Diversion of chasing the Manatea; they brought one ashore in two hours time, and we had stewed, roast, and boiled, with a clean Table-cloth, Knives and Forks, and Variety of Wines and strong Beer, for our Entertainment. The Flesh of this Creature was white, and not fishy; but very tough, and seasoned high (as are all their Dishes) with Ochre, Malaguetta, and Bell-pepper.

His Kinswomen came into the Room after we had dined, and to them other Neighbours, saluting those of their own Colour, one by one, by making a Bend of their right Elbow, so that the Hand comes nigh the Mouth; the other to whom she addresses, is in the same Posture, and mixing their Thumbs and middle Fingers, they snap them gently off, and retreat with a small Quaker-like Obeysance, decently and without Hurry or Laugh. They shewed likewise much good-nature towards[56] one another, in dividing two or three Biskets, and half a Pint of Citron Water (we brought) into twenty Parts, rather than any one should miss a Taste. In conclusion, Seignior Joseph saw us to the Boat, and took leave with the same Complaisance he had treated us.

The Religion here, if it may be called such, is their Veneration to Gregries: Every one keeps in his House, in his Canoo, or about his Person, something that he highly reverences, and that he imagines can, and does defend him from Miscarriage, in the nature our Country-Folks do Charms, but with more Fear: And these things are very various; either a cleaved piece of Wood, a Bundle of peculiar little Sticks or Bones, a Monkey’s Skull, or the like. To these, every Family has now and then a Feast, inviting one another; but of this more, under the Word Fetish.

The GRAIN and MALAGUETTA Coasts.

We left Sierraleon and were joined by our Consort the Weymouth, May 1, from Gambia; we found upon Conference, that both Ships had like to have ended their[57] Voyage at these first Ports: She had run on a Sand in that River, wringing three Days and Nights in a Tide’s way, with great difficulty getting off: We, at Sierraleon letting in Water to the Ship one Evening, had forgot the Plug, till we had 5 or 6 Foot Water in the Hold.

The Company’s Presents, we understood by them, were received well there by the King of Barra, and he has given the Factors leave to build a Fortification at Gilliflee, a Town commanded by a Woman, about 15 Miles up the River; made a Duchess by Captain Passenger, from whence the Custom I believe has been taken up, of distinguishing the most deserving Fellows at trading Towns by the Titles of Knights, Colonels, and Captains, which they are very proud of. This Duchess of Gilliflee has become very much the Factory’s Friend there, and gives all possible Assistance in their Settlement.

Cape St. Mary’s, or the Starboard Entrance of that River, they found no Cannibals, as commonly reported among Sailors; but a civilized People, with whom they wooded their Ship.

On the 4th we were off Cape Monte, and next day Montzerado, both high Lands; the former appearing in a double, the latter with a single Hommock; the Country trenching from them, low and woody; about 35 Fathom Water 3 Leagues from Shore. From[58] the latter, came off a Canoo with the Cabiceer, Captain John Hee, distinguished by an old Hat, and Sailor’s Jackett with a greater number of thick brass Rings on his Fingers and Toes, than his Attendants. He seemed shy of entering the Ship, apprehending a Panyarring; his Town’s People having often suffered by the Treachery of Ships, and they as often returned it, sometimes with Cruelty, which has given rise to the Report of their being Savages and Cannibals at several places; very unlikely any where, because they could not part with their Slaves, which are but few, if they had this Custom, nor could they have any Trade or Neighbours: Their Fears would make them shun their Enemies (the rest of Mankind) and all Correspondence totally cease.

The Fetish they brought off, on this dangerous Voyage, was a Bundle of small, black Sticks, like a hundred of Sparrowgrass put into a Bag, knit of Silk-grass, and hanging over one of their Shoulders, seeming to place a Security and Confidence in it; for I would have handled and tasted it, but found it put them in a Fright, saying, to deter me, You didee, you kicatavoo, (i. e.) if you eat, you die presently.

The mutual Distrust between us, made their present Business only begging old Breeches, Shirts, Rags, Biskett, and whatever else they saw, parting in some hurry,[59] and calling to one another for that end, in a Note like what Butchers use in driving Cattle. They have plenty of Milhio, Rice, Yamms, and Salt hereabouts.

We found in our coasting by Bashau, and other trading Towns, the same Fears subsisting, coming off every day in their Canoos, and then at a stand whether they should enter: The boldest would sometimes come on board, bringing Rice, Malaguetta, and Teeth, but staying under Fear and Suspicion. Here we may take these Observations.

1. Canoos are what are used through the whole Coast for transporting Men and Goods. Each is made of a single Cotton-tree, chizelled and hollowed into the shape of a Boat; some of them 8 or 10 Foot broad, carrying twenty Rowers. The Negroes do not row one way and look another, but all forward, and standing at their Paddles, they dash together with dexterity, and if they carry a Cabiceer, always sing; a Mark of Respect.

2. Cabiceers are the principal of the trading Men at all Towns; their Experience, or Courage having given them that Superiority: All Acts of Government in their several Districts, are by their Votes.

They came off to us with some English Title and Certificate; the Favour of former Traders to them, for their Honesty and good Service; and were they done with Caution, might be of use to Ships as they succeed in[60] the Trade: Whereas now they contain little Truth, being done out of Humour, and learn them only to beg or steal with more Impudence.

3. The Negrish Language alters a little in sailing, but as they are Strangers to Arts, &c. restrained to a few Words, expressive of their Necessities: This I think, because in their Meetings they are not talkative; In their Trading the same Sound comes up often; and their Songs, a Repetition of six Words a hundred times.

Lastly, the Dress common to both Sexes every where, is the Tomy, or Arse-clout, and the pleating or breading of their Wooll. The Arse-clout the Women tie about their[61] Hips, and falls half way down their Thigh all round; but the Men bring it under their Twist, and fasten just upon the girdling part behind. Both take great delight in twisting the Wool of their Heads into Ringlets, with Gold or Stones, and bestow a great deal of Time and Genius in it.

The Women are fondest of what they call Fetishing, setting themselves out to attract the good Graces of the Men. They carry a Streak round their Foreheads, of white, red, or yellow Wash, which being thin, falls in lines before it dries. Others make Circles with it, round the Arms and Bodies, and in this frightful Figure, please. The Men, on the other side, have their Ornaments consist in Bracelets; or Manilla’s, about their Wrists and Ancles, of Brass, Copper, Pewter, or Ivory; the same again on their Fingers and Toes: a Necklace of Monkey’s Teeth, Ivory Sticks in their Ears, with a broad head. Most of them have one, two, or more of these Ornaments, and have an Emulation in the number and use of them.

When the Nakedness, Poverty and Ignorance of these Species of Men are considered; it would incline one to think it a bettering their Condition, to transport them to the worst of Christian Slavery; but as we find them little mended in those respects at the West-Indies, their Patrons respecting them only as Beasts of Burthen; there is rather[62] Inhumanity in removing them from their Countries and Families; here they get Ease with their spare Diet; the Woods, the Fruits, the Rivers, and Forests, with what they produce, is equally the property of all. By Transfretation they get the brown Bread, without the Gospel: together, as Mr. Baxter observed, they might be good Fare, but hard Work and Stripes without it, must be allowed an unpleasant Change. They are fed, it’s true, but with the same Diet and Design we do Horses; and what is an aggravating Circumstance, they have a Property in nothing, not even in their Wives and Children. No wonder then, Men under this View, or worse Apprehensions, should be prompted with Opportunity frequently to sacrifice the Instruments of it.

SESTHOS.

We anchored before Sesthos, or Sesthio, May 10th, a Place where most of our windward Slave-ships stop to buy Rice, exchanged at about 2s. per Quintal. The River is about half the breadth of the Thames; a narrow Entrance only for Boats on the starboard Side, between two Rocks, which, on great Swells and Winds, make the shooting[63] of it dangerous; the rest of the breadth being choaked with Sands.

The Town is large, and built after a different Model from those we have left; they run them up (square or round) four Foot from the Earth; at that height, is the first and chief Room, to sit, talk, or sleep in, lined with matted Rinds of Trees, supported with Stockades, and in the middle of it, a Fire-place for Charcoal, that serves a double Purpose; driving off Insects and Vermine, and drying their Rice and Indian Corn. Of the upper Loft they make a Store-house, that runs up pyramidal 30 foot; making the Town at distance, appear like a number of Spires, each standing singly.

This, and every Town hereabouts, had a Palaaver-Room, a publick Place of meeting for the People to council, and transact the Business of the Society: They are large, and built something like our Lodges for Carts, open, 4 foot from the Ground; then a Stage to sit, rafted and well covered against Rain and Sun-shine. Here they meet without distinction; King and Subject, smoaking from Morning to Night. At this Place, it is common to bring your Traffick; brass Pans, pewter Basins, Powder, Shot, old Chests, &c. and exchange for Rice, Goats and Fowls. Two or three Pipes, a Charge of Powder, or such a Trifle, buys a Fowl. A 2 pound Basin buys a Goat; and I purchased two for an old[64] Chest, with a Lock to it. Such a piece of Mechanism I found a Rarity, and brought all the Country down to admire. A Watch still encreased their Wonder; and making Paper speak (as they call it) is a Miracle.

They bring their written Certificates hinted above, and when you tell them the Contents, or they are made Messengers of Notes between English Ships, they express the utmost Surprize at such sort of Knowledge and Intercourse; it infinitely exceeds their Understanding, and impresses a superior and advantageous Idea of the Europeans.

The King who commands here has the Name of Pedro; he lives about five Miles up the River, a Sample of Negro Majesty.

As there is a Dashee expected before Ships can wood and water here; it was thought expedient to send the Royal Perquisite up by Embassy (a Lieutenant and Purser) who being in all respects equal to the Trust, were dismissed with proper Instructions, and being arrived at the King’s Town, they were ushered or thrust in by some of the Courtiers into the common Palaaver-Room (to wait the King’s dressing, and coming from his Palace) his publick Audience being ever in the Presence of the People. After waiting an hour, King Pedro came attended by a hundred naked Nobles, all smoaking, and a Horn blowing before them. The King’s Dress was very antick: He had a dirty, red Bays[65] Gown on, chequer’d with patch-work of other Colours, like a Jack pudding, and a Fellow to bear the Train, which was a narrow Slip of Culgee tacked to the bottom of the Gown. He had an old black full-bottom’d Wig, uncombed; an old Hat not half big enough, and so set considerably behind the Fore-top, that made his meagre Face like a Scare-crow; coarse Shoes and Stockings, unbuckled and unty’d, and a brass Chain of 20lib. at least about his Neck.

To this Figure of a Man, our modern Embassadors in their Holiday Suits, fell on their Knees, and might have continued there till this time, for what Pedro cared: He was something surprized indeed, but took it for the Fashion of their Country, and so kept making instant Motions for the Dashee. This brought them from their Knees, as the proper Attitude for presenting it; consisting in a trading Gun, two pieces of salt Ship-beef, a Cheese, a Bottle of Brandy, a Dozen of Pipes, and two Dozen of Congees. But Pedro, who understood the Present better than the Bows, did not seem pleased when he saw it; not for any defect in the Magnificence, but they were such things as he had not present Occasion for; asking some of their Clothes and to take those back again, particularly their Breeches, sullied a little with kneeling in the Spittle: But on a Palaaver with his Ministers,[66] the Present was accepted, and the Officers dismissed back with a Glass of Palm-Wine and Attee, ho, (the common way of Salutation with Thumbs and Fingers mixed, and snapping off.)

To smooth the King into a good Opinion of our Generosity, we made it up to his Son, Tom Freeman; who, to shew his good-nature, came on board uninvited, bringing his Flagelet, and obliging us with some wild Notes. Him we dress’d with an edg’d Hat, a Wig, and a Sword, and gave a Patent upon a large Sheet of Parchment, creating him Duke of Sesthos, affixing all our Hands, and the Impress of a Butter mark on Putty.

This was taken so kindly by the Father, that he sent us a couple of Goats in return, and his younger Son Josee for further Marks of our Favour; whom we dignified also, on a small Consideration, with the Title of Prince of Baxos. Several indeed had been titled, but none so eminently, as by Patent, before; which procured us the entire good-will of the King; suffering us at any time to hawl our Searn in the River, where we catched good store of Mullets, Soles, Bump noses, and Rock-fish; and to go up to their Villages unmolested.

In one of these Towns, some others of us paid a Visit to his Majesty, whom we found at a Palace built as humble as a Hog-sty; the entrance was narrow like a Port-hole,[67] leading into what we may call his Court-Yard, a slovenly little Spot, and two or three Hutts in it, which I found to be the Apartment of his Women. From this we popped through another short Portico, and discovered him on the left hand, upon a place without his House, raised like a Taylor’s Shop-board, and smoaking with two or three old Women, (the favourite Diversion of both Sexes.) His Dress and Figure, with the novelty of ours, created mutual Smiles which held a few Minutes, and then we took leave with the Attee, ho.

From his Town we went to two others still farther up the River; at one of them was a bright yellow-colour’d Man, and being curious to know his Original, were informed (if we interpret their Signs and Language right) that he came from a good distance in the Country, where were more. Captain Bullfinch Lamb, and others, have since told me, they had seen several; Mr. Thompson, that he saw one at Angola, and another at Madagascar; a great Rarity, and as perplexing to account for, as the black Colour.

Exomphalos’s are very common among the Negroes here. I saw also one squint-ey’d; another without a Nose; and another with a Hair Lip; Blemishes rare among them. Circumcision is used pretty much; not as a[68] religious Symbol, but at the Humour of the Parent, who had found a Conveniency in it.

The Diet is Rice, Potatoes, Yacoes or Indian Corn, Parsly, and other Vegetables; the Cultivation of which, and their domestick Affairs, are all imposed on the Women.

In general may be observed, they are exceeding cowardly, like other Countries undisciplined; a whole Town running away from a Boat with white Men. Thievish on their own Dunghills; none of them seeming to have any Notion of it as a Crime, and quarrel only about a Share of what is stole. So lazy, that Scores of them will attend our Searn for a Bisket, or the Distribution of such small Fish as are thrown by; for tho’ their Waters afford great Plenty, they want the Means or Inclination to catch them; chusing rather to loiter and jump about the Sands, or play at round Holes, than endeavour to get Food for themselves.

Cape APOLLONIA.

From Sesthos, we reached in two or three Days Cape Palma; weighed Anchor from Jaque a Jaques, the 28th; from Bassau, the 30th; Assmee, the 31st; and anchored here the 6th of June. In this part of our Sailing may be observed,

1. That the Land from Sierraleon, excepting two or three Capes, and that about Drewin, appears low, and the first Land you see (as the Irishman says) is Trees; runs very streight without Bays or Inlets, which makes it difficult to distinguish, and impossible for us to land safely at; the Surff breaking all along to a great height, by means of a continued Swell from a vast Southern Ocean; a Sea which the Natives only understand, and can push their Canoos through. This seems a natural Prohibition to Strangers, and whence it follows in respect to Trade, that Ships are obliged to send their Boats with Goods near Shore, where the Natives meet them, and barter for Slaves, Gold, and Ivory; for at many places a Grandee Shippee (as they call it) affrights them, and they will venture then, as I imagine they can swim.

2. The Ground is very tough, our Consort and we losing three Anchors in heaving a Purchase; we stopping at Nights for fear of over-shooting Places of Trade.

3. We find pretty equal Soundings, about 14 Fathom Water, a League from Shore, unless at one noted place, a Lusus Naturæ, called the bottomless Pit, 7 Leagues below Jaque a Jaques, where the Depth is all at once unfathomable, and about three Miles over.

The great Sir Is. Newton, in his calculating the Force of Gravity, says, Bodies decrease in their Weight, and Force of their[70] Fall, in the Proportion of the Squares of Distance from the Center; so that a Tun at the Surface of the Earth would weigh but ¼ of a Tun, removed one Semi-Diameter of the Earth higher; and at three Semi-Diameters, but the ¹/₁₆ of a Tun. In like manner their Velocities of Descent decrease: A Body at the Surface which would fall 16 foot in a Second, at 12000 Miles high, or three Semi-Diameters, would fall only ¹/₁₆, or one Foot in a Second; but at all given Distances, something, &c.

Now, according to this Rule, heaving a Lead in great depths of Water, the Velocity should increase with the descent or sinking of it; since in the Progress of Gravity, the falling Body in every space of Time receives a new Impulse, and continually acting, the same Gravity super-adds a new Velocity; so that at the end of two Seconds, to be double what it was at the end of the first, and so on, which here the Weight of the super-incumbent Medium should still more accelerate. Yet a Lead-line is drawn out perceptibly slower at the second, than the first hundred Fathoms: But perhaps this proceeds from the increasing quantity of Line to be drawn with it, not so equally apt to demerge, and a Nisus in all Bodies of Water, from below upwards, contrary to Gravity.

4. The Winds were more Southerly than above, checking the Land-Breeze, which[71] obtaining brings strong unwholesome Smells from the Mangroves.

5. Their Diet being very slovenly, and much of a piece in this Track, I shall here entertain you with two or three of their Dishes.

Slabbersauce is made of Rice and Fish, a Fowl, a Kid, or Elephant’s Flesh, the better for being on the stink. They boil this with a good quantity of Ochre and Palm-Oil, and is accounted a royal Feast.

A Dog is a Rarity with some: Our Master had a little Boy-Slave of eight years of Age, in exchange for one. At other Places, Monkeys are a very common Diet.

Bomini is Fish dried in the Sun without Salt; stinking, they put it in a Frying-pan with Palm-Oil, then mixed with boiled Rice, snatch it up greedily with their Fingers.

Black Soupee is a favourite Dish, as well at our Factories, as among the Negroes; we make it of Flesh or Fowl, stew’d sweet, with some uncommon tasted Herbs; but the ascendant Taste is Pepper, Ochre, and Palm-Oil. At first I thought it disagreeable, but Custom reconciled it as the best in the Country: Men’s way of Diet being certainly a principal Reason why in all places some of Land and Sea-animals are approved or rejected; liked in one Country, and detested in another.

To return to Jaque a Jaques; we met there the Robert of Bristol, Captain Harding,[72] who sailed from Sierraleon before us, having purchased thirty Slaves, whereof Captain Tomba mentioned there was one; he gave us the following melancholly Story. That this Tomba, about a Week before, had combined with three or four of the stoutest of his Country-men to kill the Ship’s Company, and attempt their Escapes, while they had a Shore to fly to, and had near effected it by means of a Woman-Slave, who being more at large, was to watch the proper Opportunity. She brought him word one night that there were no more than five white Men upon the Deck, and they asleep, bringing him a Hammer at the same time (all the Weapons that she could find) to execute the Treachery. He encouraged the Accomplices what he could, with the Prospect of Liberty, but could now at the Push, engage only one more and the Woman to follow him upon Deck. He found three Sailors sleeping on the Fore-castle, two of which he presently dispatched, with single Strokes upon the Temples; the other rouzing with the Noise, his Companions seized; Tomba coming soon to their Assistance, and murdering him in the same manner. Going aft to finish the work, they found very luckily for the rest of the Company, that these other two of the Watch were with the Confusion already made awake, and upon their Guard, and their Defence soon awaked the Master underneath them, who running[73] up and finding his Men contending for their Lives, took a Hand-spike, the first thing he met with in the Surprize, and redoubling his Strokes home upon Tomba, laid him at length flat upon the Deck, securing them all in Irons.

The Reader may be curious to know their Punishment: Why, Captain Harding weighing the Stoutness and Worth of the two Slaves, did, as in other Countries they do by Rogues of Dignity, whip and scarify them only; while three others, Abettors, but not Actors, nor of Strength for it, he sentenced to cruel Deaths; making them first eat the Heart and Liver of one of them killed. The Woman he hoisted up by the Thumbs, whipp’d, and slashed her with Knives, before the other Slaves till she died.

From this Ship we learned also, that the inland Country who had suffered by the Panyarrs of the Cobelohou and Drewin People, have lately been down, and destroyed the Towns, and the Trade is now at a stand; and perhaps the Consciousness of this Guilt increases their Fears of us. The Ceremony of contracting Friendship and Trade, is dropping a little salt-water into the Eye, or taking it into their Mouth, and spurting out again; which must be answer’d, or no Trade will follow.

At Cape Apollonia, the Natives are of a jet black, very lively and bold, accustomed to Trade, and better fetished than their Neighbours;[74] have cleaner and larger Tomys, wear Amber Beads, Copper Rings, Cowrys, and their Wooll twisted in numberless little Rings and Tufts, with bits of Shell, Straw, or Gold twisted in them. They have all a Dagger † cut in their Cheek, and often in other Parts of their Body: A Custom preserved among a few, down to the Gold Coast. The Romans and Goths, when possessed of Barbary, exempted the Christians from Tribute; and to know them, engraved a + upon their Cheeks; but this seems too distant for any Analogy with theirs. All we learn is, its being a very ancient Custom, and distinguishes them from the Country, who they Panyarr and sell for Slaves, naked at 4 oz. per Head; allowing 100 per Cent. on Goods, they cost at a medium 8l. Sterling. The Cabiceers, out of this, demand a due of 20s. and the Palaaver-Man 10s. whence I conjecture they are more regularly trained to Panyarring or thieving, than the Towns we have past.

There is a great deal of Ground cleared about this Cape, and sown with Indian Corn; first brought among the Negroes, it’s said, by the Portuguese.

Cabo TRES PUNTAS.

We stopped a few Hours at Axim in our Passage from Apollonia, and anchored here June 7, most Ships doing it for the Conveniency of watering, more difficultly supplied at any parts above. It is called Three Points, from that number of Headlands that jutt one without the other; within the innermost is a commodious Bay, nigh the watering-place. John Conny, who is the principal Cabiceer, exacts a Duty from all Ships, of an Ounce of Gold, for this Privilege; and sends off a Servant with his Commission, a large Gold-headed Cane, engraved John Conny, to demand it. Our Neglect herein, with some opprobrious Treatment of the Agent, occasioned John Conny next day to come down with a Posse and seize our Water casks ashore, carrying away ten or a dozen of our Men Prisoners to his Town. The Officer among them endeavouring to distinguish to John the Difference of a King’s Ship from others, got his Head broke: John (who understood English enough to swear) saying, by G—— me King here, and will be paid not only for my Water, but the Trouble has been given me in collecting it. Drink on, says he to the[76] Sailors, (knocking out the Head of a Half-Anchor of Brandy,) and eat what my House affords; I know your part is to follow Orders. John, after some trouble in negotiating, accepted in recompence, six Ounces of Gold, and an Anchor of Brandy.

His Town stands about three Miles Westward of the watering-place; large, and as neatly raftered and built, as most of our North or West small Country Villages. Every Man his Coco-trees round the House, and in the Streets (such as they are) sit People to sell the Nuts, Limes, Soap, Indian Corn, and what is a great part of their Food, Canky, the Work of the Women. It is made of Indian Corn, after this manner; they pound it in a Mortar for some time, then malaxing it with Water and Palm-Wine, they grind it still finer with a Mull upon a great Stone, which every House almost has at the Door for that purpose; baked or boiled in Cakes, it makes a hearty and well-tasted Bread.

The Danish (or, as they say, the Brandenburghers) Fort was on an adjacent Hill, of four or five Bastions, and could mount fifty Guns. The Garison, when in being, probably taught the Natives the way of marketing, observed only where the Factories are; but being some few years since relinquished by them, it’s now in John Conny’s possession, and has raised up some Contests and Palaavers with the Dutch: for they pretending[77] a Title of Purchase, sent a Bomb-Vessel and two or three Frigates last Year, to demand a Surrendry; but John being a bold and subtle Fellow, weighing their Strength, answer’d, that he expected some Instrument should be shewed him to confirm the Brandenburghers Sale; and even with that (says he) I can see no Pretence but to the Guns, the Brick, and Stone of the Building, for the Ground was not theirs to dispose of. They have paid me Rent for it, (continues he) and since they have thought fit to remove, I do not design to tenant it out to any other white Men while I live. This sort of Palaaver nettled the Dutch; they threw in some Bombs and Shot; and heating more with Rage and Brandy, very rashly landed forty of their Men under the Command of a Lieutenant to attack the Town: They fired once without any Damage, and then John at the Head of his Men, rushing from under the Cover of the Houses, outnumbred and cut them in pieces; paving the entrance of his Palace soon after, with their Skulls.

This Advantage made him very rusty, upon what he called his Dues from every body, tho’ just in Trade; and when we had returned to a good Understanding, my self, with some other of our Officers paid him a Visit: Our landing was dangerous, the Southerly Winds making so great a Surff, nor could we do it by our own Boats, but Canoos of his sending,[78] paying an Accy for the Service; they count the Seas, and know when to paddle safely on or off. John himself stood on the Shore to receive us, attended with a Guard of twenty or thirty Men under bright Arms, who conducted us to his House; a Building pretty large, and raised from the Materials of the Fort. It ascends with a double Stone Stair-case without, of twelve Steps; on that Floor are three good Rooms; one his Armory, another his Chamber, with a standing Bed in it, and the third for Entertainment of Guests, furnished with Tables, Chairs, &c. We came to it thro’ two Court yards; the outermost has Houses for Officers and Servants belonging to him, the inner (a spacious Square) has a Guard-Room and good Armory fronting the Entrance, with Piazzas to accommodate his Guard, and imitate in some measure the Grandeur he had observed in the Prussian Governours; John having been some Years a Servant with them, and thence had taken his Punctilio and Ceremony, and knew how to put on a significant Countenance. He is a strong-made Man, about fifty, of a sullen Look, and commands the Respect of being bare headed, from all the Negroes about him that are worth Caps. To us he shewed very great Civility; we had returned his Salute of six Guns with [20]an[79] equal Number, and made up the Breach of Watering, on his own terms; things that pleased him, and he gave us leave to fish in a River on the back of his Town; but returning with very little Success, which John could not foresee, we were disappointed of our Dinner, and had a hard Look into the Bargain, for he told us, this ill Luck was owing to our neglect of giving the Waters a Dashee, for it was a Grandee-man’s [21]Fetish, he said, and deserved more notice; however we got some Canky-Bread, salt Butter, Cheese, Palm-Wine, and Beer, served up with clean Plates, Knives, Napkins, &c. One of his Wives (for he seemed to have many) sat all the time he entertained us behind his Chair, big with Child, a clean Wrapper round her, and handsomly fetished; both together, I believe, had in Gold Chains[80] about their Necks, their Wrists, Ancles and Legs, with the Drops in their Hair, to 8 or 10lib. Troy-Weight.

Finding our Landlord cheerful and familiar, I ventured to ask him what was become of the Dutchmen’s Skulls that lately paved the entrance of his House. He told me very frankly, that about a Month before our Ship’s Arrival, he had put them all into a Chest with some Brandy, Pipes, and Tobacco, and buried them; for, says he, it is time that all Malice should depart, and the putting up a few Necessaries with the Corps, such as they loved, is our way of respecting the deceased. Among themselves, I learned it was customary with the Rich, to sacrifice a Slave or two also at their Funerals. The under Jawbones of these Dutchmen he shewed me strung, and hanging on a Tree in the Court-yard.

From this odd Ceremony in their Funerals, and what is above noted upon the Word Fetish, it looks as though there were some dark Notions of a future State among them, and an Expectance in it of Retribution.

It is impossible to expect in such a State of Nature as theirs, naked of Education and Science, that they should be able to form any refined Notions of a Deity; which, we experience among our selves, receives the Improvement with our growing Understanding, purely the Effect of Art and Study; the Philosopher[81] and Countryman being at as much distance in their Explanation of divine Points, as it is possible the Christian Sailor and the Negro can be. Let us imagine then, apart of our Species started up in the World, without knowing how or why, (the Negroes Case) and examine strictly in our own Thoughts, what religious Notions could be framed by them?

To me it appears, that their Appetites and Passions would have the first Regard; they are gnawing and troublesome, requiring immediate Care and Redress; and the Intervals from supplying them; it’s very natural to suppose, would some of them be employed in ruminating upon their own Beings, in what manner, and to what end they were placed here; and on all those other Beings that surround them; the Consequence of which must be, Amazement and Wonder: And as they experienced Pain and Sickness, some things would terrify, and some please, according as they were persuaded they promoted or averted such ill or Good. Now as the Understandings of Men, supposed as above, would be mean and low, not able to account for these Effects from their Causes, the natural Power and Tendency in this, to promote that: I say, not knowing this way of Induction, they will readily ascribe something supernatural to any Materials used about them; they may want the Word, but[82] the Meaning would be confirmed in the use of Fetish.

That this is not barely a Supposition, but an experienc’d Truth, is evident in the Condition, the Actions, and Manner of these poor People. They are set down as from the Clouds, without Guide, Letters, or any means of Cultivation to their better Part, but what immediately strike their Senses from beholding this Universe, and the Beings contained in it; their Deductions from whence, as to a Deity devoid of Matter, is next to impossible, therefore we say mean and pitiful. They can go no further without Learning, than concluding all things about them good or evil, to have a God or a Devil in it that immediately either benefits or hurts them; and thence their Worship.

That these People could arrive to better Knowledge by the use of proper Means and Instruction, there is no manner of doubt. They give proof enough that their natural Endowments are capable of following any Pattern; but as it is, their Actions demonstrate that the Soul wants a proper Nurture as well as the Body, and will hardly, without a Miracle, increase its Knowledge to any degree above what at present it appears; but when the Seeds and Principles are laid by letter’d Nations, it is not then nigh so difficult to improve. They want all, and their[83] Understanding therefore in spiritual Matters is poor and naked, like their Bodies, which if they cannot provide of Necessaries with the Materials about them; how insuperable is the other, where all is out of sight?

To come to the point, the Negroes have chose Woods, Lakes, Hills, or a part of these, a bundle of Chips, or Roots, a Stone, a piece of Metal, or the like, for their Fetishes. Now what is more likely, or indeed grateful, than assigning a supernatural Power, and of course reverential Respects, to those very things they are immediately conversant with, and experience their Effects? For the Hill, the Wood or the Lake may afford Sustenance from time to time; perhaps in Extremity, either may have contributed to their Preservation or Defence from wild Beasts; or Panyarring, a more dreadful Evil. And others of them (for there are a great Diversity) have as a Charm, cured a Sickness, been propitious in their Journeys by Land or Water, in their Hunting, Fishing, or other Exercises; that is, they have been safe, they have observed, and protected from Danger, Distress, or Hurt, while they bore such a Fetish about them, or in the House, or Boat, they lodged or travelled in; which are the Reasons, and all the Reason they can give for their Choice. And some have descended from Father to Son with great Reputation, two, three; or more Generations, until the[84] Proprietor could not observe any of the usual Effects, or was improsperous; and thus, whether he imputes it to the Age and Decay of the Fetish, I cannot tell; but he rejects it, and from some lucky Accident to him takes a newer, and consequently a better: Immemorial Custom giving strength to the Persuasion and the Practice.

Nor does this appear that unaccountable and ridiculous Folly some would have it. All material Beings are equally incomprehensible as to their Seed and real Essence; the Existence of a Straw as mysterious as the Existence of the Sun: Quodcunque vides, Deus est. No Man can comprehend how Matter came first into being, nor, which is nigher him, how the Atoms that compose a Stick, Stone, or Metal, are supported and hang together in that Bulk; or what diversifies them, that one should be fusible, another malleable, some both: I say, to consider these, and some other Attributes of Matter in the Essence, it will be impossible to explicate, without putting the Deity to it; and if infant Reason cannot reach above a material God, what I think would first and most naturally occur, would be the Objects about us, as they did us good or hurt, the Fetishes of the Negroes. The original Gods, obvious to the first and darker days of Reason, were in my opinion, Stocks and Stones, Serpents, Calves, Onions, Garlick, &c. Not that these things[85] appeared to them in the exalted Attributes of Spirit, Creator, Omniscience, &c. then inconceivable: No; they only could observe that all the parts of Nature were mysterious in their Essence and Operations, and therefore attracted their Esteem and Worship.

That the wiser Idolaters (as called) set up the Sun to worship, from the prodigious Advantages of Light and Life to the World, I take to be a Refinement on this ancienter Heathen Mythology; an improved Understanding that perceived the Heavenly Bodies, the Sun in particular, to be the Source of all Benefit and Fertility to the Earth. That this was so, I am more inclined to think, from the ignorant and contrary Conclusions still made by many People born in more enlighten’d Countries, concerning the Influence and general Benignity of them. It is hard to persuade some of such universal Good, when they are evidently, they think, Sufferers in the failure of their Crops, Plagues, and Famine. Too much Rain or Sun-shine must ever have disturb’d some body, and mixed Murmur with Devotion, removed only, as Knowledge increased:

Again, if we can think they have conceived any Notions of a future State, as is[86] not improbable; have a natural Affection or Respect; the Custom was on neither account; preposterous of John Conny, to bury Pipes, Tobacco, Brandy, or what else the deceased loved or wanted. It answers to the Pomp and Decency of our own Funerals, only more significant.

From the Negroes Religion, may be drawn these Observations. First, The Foundation of all Men’s Religions is taken from this visible Universe, as ancient as the Creation. The greater Lights that have from time to time appeared in the World, are only Refinements and Superstructures upon this Prop; first Milk, and then Meat.

2. The grossest Idolatries are not a proper Subject of Laughter: It is a case all Mankind seem bewilder’d in, some more grossly than others indeed, and bespeaks the Pity of greater Light and Knowledge.

3. The Negroes Ignorance of Good and Evil was equal, before their Acquaintance with us; and as they are acknowledged to advance with greater pace in the latter, discerned between the trading and the country People brought down for Slaves; the question might be ask’d, Whether ours or their own Religion contributes most to it?

4. The essential Point in all, is to mend Men’s Morals, to make them good and virtuous to their Neighbours, obedient to Superiours, and where it fails, the true Politician[87] will account it bad by whatever Name denominated. The Faiths that cannot produce good Works, are certainly faulty, and may be spiritualiz’d into Vapour and Shadow, as well as materializ’d into Dross and Chaff.

Lastly, The Fear of the Fetish keeps them from injuring one another a little, that is, one another in the same Combination; but has little or no Influence in respect to us; whom they rob, cheat, or murder, as best answers their Conveniencies. They are like the Articles of Pyrates, which keep up a sort of Honesty among themselves, tho’ they despoil every body else. John Conny is very upright and just himself in all Bargains; but then he does not want what the others are thieving; it is below his Game: rigorous also in exacting his Dues, or inflicting Punishments. There was a Murderer a few Weeks since, (we understood) whom John had condemned, altho’ there were some Circumstances of excuse, (a se defendendo, which John did not understand) and made the Criminal’s own Brother, one of his trustiest Servants to be the Executioner before his Face, by tying a vast great Stone like a Mill-Stone about his Neck and throwing him into the Sea from a Canoo.

He has engrossed by his Riches and Power, the Trade of the Place; and by that means has reduced the Traders Profits to 20 per Cent. a Disadvantage they themselves have contributed[88] to in some measure, by underselling one another. His People allow less, for in the little Traffick they had with us, they paid all in Crackra Gold, not a quarter the value it was taken at. They are all marked with a Cross in their Cheek, unless John Conny himself (who told me it was only Ornament) and none are circumcised.

The Women fetish with a coarse Paint of Earth on their Faces, Shoulders and Breasts, each the Colour they like best. In Marriage the Husbands spend four Ounces of Gold more or less, according to their Ability, on her Friends and Acquaintance; who by this are brought together as Witnesses, that he may have redress in case of Adultery; a Crime for which the Transgressor becomes the injured Person’s Slave. A Man likewise forfeits his Liberty for thievery among themselves; and Trade has so infected them with Covetousness and Fraud, that the Chiefs will put Snares both for the one and the other, driving at the Profit, and not the Punishment of a Crime.

Cabo CORSO.

At this Cape Corso on the Gold Coast, is the principal Fort and Factory of our English Company, to which their Ships constantly resort, and receive orders either by themselves, or with Supercargoes, where else to proceed.

The Company about this time of our Voyage had raised by Subscription 392400l. and in December 1722, made a Call of 5 per Cent. allowing the Proprietors, as had been accustomed, a Dividend of 3 per Cent. In December 1723, they exposed to Sale 200000l. Stock at 30 per Cent. which shewed their Affairs had an ill Aspect, notwithstanding their late Flourishes; confirmed next Winter, when they petitioned the Government (I find in a Pamphlet printed a few Years since) that they were undone, and the African Trade lost, unless they were impower’d to scheme it over again: The Projectors for the Company righteously proposed, that if the Legislature would give a Sanction, they would engage to raise the Stock-jobbing Humour, and raise a Million, whereof they would be liberal.

The Factory consists of Merchants, Factors, Writers, Miners, Artificers and Soldiers; and excepting the first Rank, who are the Council for managing Affairs, are all of them together a Company of white Negroes, who are entirely resigned to the Governour’s Commands, according to the strictest Rules of Discipline and Subjection; are punished (Garison fashion) on several Defaults, with Mulcts, Confinement, the Dungeon, Drubbing, or the Wooden Horse; and for enduring this, they have each of them a Salary sufficient to buy Canky, Palm-Oil, and a little Fish to keep them from starving: for tho’ the Salaries found tolerably in Leadenhall-Street (50 to 90l. per Ann. a Factor; 50 an Artificer) yet in the Country here, the General (for the Company’s good) pays them in Crackra, a false Money which is only current upon the spot, and disables them from taking any advantage of buying Necessaries from Ships coasting down. If the Subjects should have other, it’s against the Interest of the Company to suffer its being laid out any where from themselves, because their Stock would by that means lie dead. So that for the Support of Nature, or perhaps indulging youthful Follies, these thin Creatures are obliged to take up of the Company, and in effect by it sign over their Liberty; none being admitted to depart, ’till he has adjusted all Accounts. When the Man[91] is too sober to run in Debt, there are Arts of Mismanagement, or loss of Goods under his Care, to be charged or wanting. Thus they are all liable to be mulcted for Drunkenness, Swearing, Neglects, and lying out of the Castle, even for not going to Church, (such is their Piety:) and thus by various arbitrary Methods, their Service is secured durante bene placito.

The same Method he takes with the Town Negroes, who, inconsiderate Wretches, are continually scoring up for Goods or Drams, and thus become Pawns to the Company, i. e. liable to be sold when the General thinks fit.

The Director-General is Supreme, or first Person in the Factory, at 2000l. per Ann. Two other Merchants at 300l. and a Secretary at 200l. are what compose the Council for the Company’s Affairs; send Factors to their outer Forts, and Supercargoes on board Vessels to collect the Trade, who are to transmit and make up their Accounts here. The General supports a Table for them; a [22]Chaplain and Surgeon, who have orderly Meals, without any idle Bottles.

Tho’ the General has but one Vote in Business, yet it’s tacitly consented, from his better Allowance and Power as Governour,[92] that he shall lead the others, who sign only for their Salaries: He therefore disposes solely of Preferments to the Factors and Writers, who, as they please or displease, may be continued at, or removed to their advantage. For, as on Service from the Fort they are allowed a Commission in Trade, additional to their Pay; so, in some of the outer Forts (such as Accra, or in a Ship) they make considerable Increase; while at others again, Anamaboo, or Dixcove, they find a great deal of Trouble, wet Lodging, Scarcity of Provision, and no Profit; and as these last outnumber the good, I observed most of our Factors to have dwindled much from the genteel Air they brought; wear no Cane nor Snuff-box, idle in Men of Business, have lank Bodies, a pale Visage, their Pockets sown up, or of no use, and their Tongues tied. One Cause of their Slenderness indeed, is a Scarcity of Provision; little besides Plantain, small Fish, Indian Corn, and a great deal of Canky, to be bought at Market.[23] Poor T——d was a Youth well recommended, and lived as long as he could. I had once some Business in his Office, when a[93] Negro Woman came bawling about his Ears for a Plantain he had stole from her: He would feign have concealed the meaning of her Musick, but at length I understood it was the only Morsel he had eat for three days past; one night’s Debauch, and several Mulcts having run him out of Pocket. The next Occasion I had of enquiring after him, I heard, that being too narrowly watched in this illegal Traffick, he pined with a Vacuum of the Guts, and died; leaving this Advice to his Countrymen, rather to run a remote hazard of being hanged at home, than chuse a Transfretation hither.

Another Instance how well they live, was the Captain of their Soldiers, in my time stealing away from the Castle in the night, to make his Escape on board a Brigantine going off the Coast; but, unlucky Gentleman, was chased and brought back by the Weymouth next day: The General, by Canon Law, fined the Master of the Vessel, 70 Ounces for this Misdemeanor, besides corporal Punishment.

The General does not feel this Want, for altho’ here be a Scarcity of neat Cattle, Kid, or Fowl, (no body having any besides himself) he supplies this Want from other Parts, by their own trading Vessels, and Dashees from Masters of Ships, and neighbouring Nations; and for Vegetables, he has a large Garden without the Castle, first planted by Sir Dalby[94] Thomas, a former Governour, abounding not only with their’s, but Fruits of English Growth, and entirely for his own use. Of Taggys, a sweet Nut, they make Emulsions, and boil to a Custard.

Cromers grow in Pods like Peas, but larger, rounder, and full of little Seed; this, and Tantarraboys, a Fruit red and yellow, that grows wild, they put into their black Soupee, made here in the best and cleanest manner, washing the Palm-nuts with warm water, to bring away the Strings.

The General has taken a Consa, which by the Negroes is understood a temporary Wife, because she is not obliged to leave the Country, which is looked on as Slavery: She is a Mulatto Woman, begot by a Dutch Soldier at Des Minas, by whom he has four Children, of fair, flaxen Hair and Complexion. Her Negro Friends and Relations add Interest and Power to him, and he again can back their Injustice in the Pawns irregularly procured to the Garrison. He dotes on this Woman, whom he persuades now and then to our Chappel-Service, and she complies without Devotion, being a strict Adherer to the Negrish Customs. I attended the Illness of one of her Children; and afterwards on the General himself, who on both Occasions, I found, was so weak or so wise, as to give the preference of Fetishing to any Physical Directions of mine, wearing them on his[95] Wrists and Neck. He was a Gentleman of good Sense, yet could not help yielding to the silly Customs created by our Fears, and shews the Sway it bears in the Choice or Alteration of our Religion.

He cannot persuade this Woman to leave the Country, tho’ he has stole or forced her Consent for all the Children, in regard to their Education; she still conforming to the Dress of her Country, being always barefoot and fetished with Chains and Gobbets of Gold, at her Ancles, her Wrists, and her Hair; to alter which in England, she thinks would sit awkard, and together with her Ignorance how to comport her self with new and strange Conversation, would in all likelihood alienate her Husband’s Affections.

The General, besides being a kind Husband and Father, is a good Servant to the Company; assiduous and diligent, maintaining his Authority against the Dutch at Des Minas: Mr. Butler, the Dutch Director-General there, and he, having frequent Controversies and Demands upon one another; sometimes on account of pretended ill-usage to the Relations of his Consa, oftner upon Trade. Yet the Dignity he is to preserve in this petty Sovereignty, and the accustomed fawning Submission of the Negroes to it, has made his Carriage haughty towards all under him. He resides for ever within his Battlements; his Subjects and he resembling[96] the Giant and enchanted Castle. He is seen no oftner than is necessary; and when he vouchsafes an Invitation to his Table, you must keep a good Look-out, or lose your Dinner; he never descending so much from State as to ask after you, tho’ he knows there is no Victuals any where else. A Project indeed is lately set on foot, for the Company’s importing Irish Beef and Pork, to be issued at 19 and 12lib. an Accy, wished for by those who love their Meat without Sauce. I was six Weeks attending the Trials of the Pyrates at this Castle, and treated very civilly.

The Factory have every now and then a large Demand for Salt, made and brought hither from Accra. The Sale appears like a Fair in the Castle, and many of those Negroes whose Ivory or Gold would not purchase half a Bushel, I was told had travelled some hundred Miles; they chusing to go in Bodies when Seed-time is over, as a better Protection from wild Beasts, and their wilder Countrymen, who frequently make Incursions from several parts of the Coast, and sieze them for Slaves, when few and defenceless.

The Castle is a large Quadrangle, built by the Portuguese; for tho’ the French first discovered this Part, their Civil Wars hindred Settlements first made by them; who erected Forts, from whom the Dutch seized their’s, and we from them again. Vice-Admiral Holmes in 1664, after reducing New-York[97] and Long Island from the Dutch, coming here by order of the Duke of York, then Lord-Admiral, and dispossessing them of most Places; it certainly being as reasonable on our side as it was on their’s; or more, because they would have excluded all others from the Trade, making Prize of our Ships, and imprisoning the Men. Admiral Ruyter seized them from us again the next Year, without Declaration of War, which engaged us to a Reprizal on their Bourdeaux Fleet. These Transactions, and the pressing Instances of the Parliament, who voted, the King should be addressed to redress the Wrongs and Injuries of the Dutch on our Trade in Africa and India to a vast Value, occasioned a War, which concluded with our Right of Privilege.

The Height of the Walls is the Strength of this Fort; sufficient against any Negro Power, as they lately experienced in an Attack the Fantins made upon the Castle’s Dependants, who found their Security under the Walls; for here are some potent Neighbours, such as the Emperor of Fantin, the Kings of Santie, Akim, and Aquemboe, between whom and the Company’s Negroes, happen frequent Occasions of Quarrel, from unwarrantable Practices in Trade. The common way to evade the Stroke, or push it in the Company’s favour, is giving a Dashee of 5 or 600lib. in Goods to one of them,[98] to fall on the Adversary; a Trick used alternately by the Dutch, and us also, to counterplot one another’s Interests.

In the Area of this Quadrangle, are large Vaults, with an iron Grate at the Surface to let in Light and Air on those poor Wretches, the Slaves, who are chained and confined there till a Demand comes. They are all marked with a burning Iron upon the right Breast, D. Y. Duke of York.

Tanks (Reservatories of Water) are in the Castle, vaulted and terrassed, capable of holding 100 Tuns or more: The Pavement leans from all parts towards them, to drain off the Rain; Water being scarce in dry [24]Seasons, and great quantities wanted. There is only one, nasty, muddy Pond, of ill Taste, in the Neighbourhood, from whence Ships are supplied, swum off to the Boats with a great deal of trouble by the Negroes.

Within the Castle is a Smith’s Shop, a Cooperage, Store-houses, a Chappel, and Houses for the Officers and Servants. The General’s Lodging communicates with the Chappel, a capacious Hall, which serves to preach and dine in, pray or drink, serve God or debate on Trade; hence they can over-look what the Company’s Servants are[99] doing, and how comply with their respective Duties. A Bastion runs out from it that has a very pleasant Prospect to the Sea, discerning with a Glass the Ships coming down the Coast, and very distinctly all those in the Road at Des Minas.

Having done with the Factory and Castle at present, I come now to the Natives, who from a long Acquaintance with Europeans, are much the best Negroes of the whole Continent.

Their Houses are built of Mud, kept clean, many of them with Chairs or Stools, good Matts to lie down upon, earthen Pots and Pans, and several Changes of Tomees (Arse-Clouts.) They give Names to their Children, mostly by the days of the Week born on, Quashee, Yeday, Cuujo, that is, Sunday, Monday, Tuesday, &c. and at Manhood, change it to something expressive of their Disposition; Aquerro Occu, Yocatee, [25]Tittwee, like a Parrot, Lion, Wolf, &c.[100] The same they do by white Men, imposing a Name of their own chusing.

Their Town is a little without the Castle-Gate, where the Women keep a Market with their Canky, Papais, Soap and Fish, such as Cavalloes, Bream, Cat-fish, &c. all small, but in tolerable plenty; there being out in the Road fishing, from 40 and 50, to 100 Canoos, when fine Weather.

These Market-Women have Scales, and weigh every Toccu of Gold-dust. A dozen Sticks of Wax, a couple Pounds of Loaf-Sugar, or two or three pieces of salt Beef, will be worth an Accy; our Crown an Accy and a half.

Such as are imployed with the Smith, or the Cooper, make presently good Workmen, and the Negro Goldsmith, with very little Instruction, has arrived to a good Skill in making Spoons, Buckles, Buttons, heading Canes, or tipping the Deers Feet.

Captain Tom, an honest fellow among them (our Gold-taker) who, understanding a little English by being imployed in our Service, was a great Acquaintance of mine, and would, in the best manner he was able, always satisfy my Curiosity about the Fetish: He believes it able to protect from Dangers, or recover from Sickness; so that, in Travail, or any Ailment, they never are without the Fetish about them, whom they constantly Dashee for Health and Safety. Tom wore[101] his about the Leg, and at Sea, as constantly as he had a Dram, a Glass of Wine, or any Victuals, he dipped his Finger and gave the Fetish a Taste. It’s the general Belief that it both speaks and sees; wherefore on any Action that ought not to be done, the Fetish is hid within their Tomee, or wrapped in a Rag to prevent Tales. This Persuasion obtains by the Cunning of the Fetish-Man (or Priest) who is consulted with a Present always (a Bottle of Rum, a Goat, a Fowl, a Papa, according to the Importance of the Business, and Ability of the Person) on any Sickness, Business or Undertaking; and his Answers sway them to the Pursuance or Omission: If he says the thing shall succeed so and so, it commonly does, their natural Sagacity measuring out Consequences; and in Medicines or Charms, Experience pronounces tolerably on the Operation. The last Refuge of the Fetish-Man is, to charge the Person with some Crime that diverted the good Influence of the Fetish; and so fond are they of these Tutelar Deities, and credulous of the Intercourse between them and the Fetish-Man, that they are glad to accuse one another of Faults that made them unlucky; and if no Friend was Witness, do it themselves, to prevent the Displeasure might fall on them by any Contempt.

Every Man has two, three, or more Fetishes to his fancy; one worn about him, or in[102] his Canoo; the rest at home, bequeathing them, as they prove serviceable, from Father to Son. There is also at Cabo Corso, a publick Fetish, the Guardian of them all; and that is the Rock Tabra, a bluff peninsular Prominence that juts out from the Bottom of the Clift the Castle stands on, making a sort of Cover for Landing, but so unsafe, as frequently to expose the Boats and People to Danger, the Sea breaking over with great force. This was most remarkably felt by them about forty or fifty years ago, when all their Fishing Canoos, from some want of Devoir, were by a Southerly Wind split against Rock Tabra, and the Misfortune happening on a Tuesday, has ever since been set apart for Idleness, Dancing, and Diversion.

To this Rock, the Fetish-Man sacrifices annually a Goat and some Rum, eating and drinking a little himself, and throwing the rest into the Sea with odd Gestures and Invocations, he tells the Company, and they believe that he receives a verbal Answer from Tabra, what Seasons and Times will be propitious; and for this Knowledge every Fisherman finds it worth his while to Dashee him with some Acknowledgment.

They not only seem to think there is an Intelligence in those material Things that are of immediate Good or Hurt to them, but also the Fetish-Men to have Conversation, and by it to be acquainted with their[103] most private Affairs at any distance, which preserves Awe and Regard.

Peter Anchicove, another Gold-taker of Cape Corso, assured me that being once at Succonda, a Fetish-Man met him, and demanded three Accys, which was given immediately on threatning: (the Gift on ordinary Occasions is less; a piece of Perpet, a Cap, a Fowl, or from a Market-Woman a Loaf of Canky.) And then he bid Peter leave the Voyage he was upon, and return home, for his Wife had in this Absence kept a scandalous Correspondence with several Men. Accordingly when he came home, he found it as the Fetish-Man had said, and a Palaaver being called, Peter recovered two Ounces of Gold Damage (the Punishment of Adultery) against one of the Offenders; an Ounce and a half of it to himself, the other half Ounce to the Court. The Penalty goes no farther, if the Woman be Daughter to a Freeman; for if the Cuckold is not contented, the Father takes her home on the acknowledgment of a Goat, or the like small Present, because it is his Loss: But if a purchased Slave is false, she is sold. When Proof is wanting, but the Suspicion strong, he brings an edible Fetish, which if she refuse to eat, she is adjudged guilty, and the dread of its poisonous Quality, makes them often confess, to their Accusers Satisfaction; the certain Punishment[104] being preferable to the doubtful Lethality of the Fetish.

The Men likewise, in this or notorious Crimes, go thro’ such a Tryal, or compound rather by a Mulct, which better answers the Aim, and shews he is not stubborn and refractory[26].

At Accra they have Fetish-Women also, so by Descent, who pretend Divination, give Answers to all Questions, and, like our Fortune-tellers, are continually bubbling the weaker.

Fetishes are sold, from an experienced Goodness in them, from two Accys to two Bendees a-piece, or as they are warranted to protect from this or that sort of Evil, or better than another can do it. They use Circumcision, Prayers, and Washings, and[105] seem to have an obscure Notion of Futurity; for when I used to charge my acquaintance with any thing of Dishonesty, they would reply, That after Death the honest goodee Man go to Godee, livee very well, have a goodee Wife, goodee Victuals, &c. but if a Rogue and Cheatee, he must be tossed here and there, never still. To this agrees the vulgar Notion of some, returning after Death to their own Country.

At a Death, the Relations and Neighbours keep a noise and howling till the day of Interrment, always at their own Houses, where the Corpse being put in a Trunk, and carried a small Circuit on Men’s Heads, the Town’s-Folks attend with wild Noise and firing of Guns, till finding the Deceased does not wake, they drink and make merry, and bury with the Corpse a Portion of Liquor, Pipes, &c. This done, a little Victuals is supplied by the Relations every day to the Grave, for a considerable time.

The superiour Genius of these Gold-Coast Negroes, is owing much to the Settlement of European Factories among them: Their greater Honesty toward us, first from Forts that awe them; secondly, from their unwarrantable Practices with their Neighbours, who by Panyarrs and cheating for our good, are become perpetual Enemies, and fixed them by Interest and Necessity ours; where the greater part of them find they can live[106] better by Honesty than by being Thieves, they are under less Fear, and could not conceal any attempts of Fraud long. Honesty in all trading places is bottom’d upon this in the lower, and upon Interest in the higher Ranks of Men; if the former can provide themselves as well, or better, that is, with quieter Sleeps and less Anguish by being honest than Robbers; it is egregious Folly, abating the Crime, to forsake it: and when prosperous Events give Increase to Riches, it is Interest to allure others, a general Security lying in it. And they may, by the Influence of Example, and an open Behaviour, make particular Men so, that were not first in the Design. Few, I surmise, under the same Circumstances with the Wretches that at last go to the Gallows, but would have been there too, if Fortune had reversed their Scituation; those that can rob under no Necessity, we may be sure would.

Thirdly, altho’ Christianity is not concerned in the Question with these Negroes, I am apt to think, European Conversation has given them the Intimation of the Word Godee, (for so they express the tremendous Name) and another State, which, if beyond their Comprehension, and the Instruction hitherto had, may yet have advantaged the Reverence to Fetishes; which, if it answers in the cultivating Virtue, and mending their Morals, is no silly thing.

The Coast from Cabo CORSO to WHYDAH.

From Cabo Corso we made short Stops in our Passage, at Anamaboe, Montford, Barku, Shallo, Accra, R. Volta, the Papau Coast, and arrived at Whydah July 4; where we made a stay of three Weeks.

At Anamaboo our private Ships finish their Slaving, few or none being got downward, till you reach Whydah.

At Montford, Shallo, and thereabouts, they make up the Deficiency of Rice and Corn for the Voyage, the Country appearing fruitful, and with better Aspect than any of those we have passed to Windward, intermixed with Hills and Vales; at every League almost, a Town; many Corn-fields, Salt pans and other Marks of Industry, particularly about Accra, which shews they are extricated out of those Difficulties with their Neighbours behind them, that the manner of persuing the Slave-Trade exposes others too.

At Accra, we, the French, and Dutch, have each a Factory and Fort, and make there great quantities of Salt, supplied to Windward, and to the inland Provinces, where it is always a precious Commodity.

Before we reach hither, we pass by a considerable high Mount, which Anchecove says, he has seen smoke like a Volcano; from whence, and being the Haunt of rapacious wild Beasts, they have borrowed the Name, and call it Devils Hill; but the most danger to Travellers, is from a prodigious number of Apes (some 5 foot long) and Monkeys that inhabit it, who will attack single Passengers, and drive them for Refuge into the Water, of which these Creatures are very fearful. At some Places the Negroes have been suspected of Bestiality with them, and by the Boldness and Affection they are known under some Circumstances to express to our Females; the Ignorance and Stupidity on the other side, to guide or controul Lust; but more from the near resemblances are sometimes met to the Human Species, would tempt one to suspect the Fact: Altho’ by the way, this, like other Hebridous Productions, could never go no farther; and as such a monstrous Generation would be more casual and subject to Fatality, the Case must be uncommon and rare. Our Carpenter got one on board from these parts, as near the likeness of a Child, without being one, as perhaps was ever seen; a flat and smooth Visage, little Hair, no Tail, would taste nothing but Milk, or Gruel sweetned, and that with difficulty; moaning continually in a tone like an Infant; in[109] short, the Moans and Aspect were so shocking and melancholly, that after two or three Months keeping, it was stunn’d and thrown over-board.

The Ourang Outang, taken now and then at some parts of Guinea, and at the Island of Borneo in East India, has been thought a human Savage. Captain Flower brought home one from Angola, in 1733, disembowelled and preserved in Rum: It lived a few months with him, had a smooth Visage, little Hair, Genitals like the Human, with Testicles outside; would frequently walk on it’s hind Legs voluntarily; would sit down in a Chair to sip or drink, in the same manner they did; always slept sitting, with his Hands upon his Shoulders; not mischievous like others, and had his Hands, Feet, and Nails, more resembling ours.

The River Volta is remarkable for the Rapidity of its Stream, making a very great Sea upon the Bar, and carrying it self off for some way unmixed; at two Leagues, it’s only brackish. From hence begins the Papau Coast, low and woody.

The whole Track from Sierraleon, is without Gulphs or Bays, of near an equal depth of Water at the same distances; little Elevation, except at great Rivers where the Tides are regular, as with us at home; seldom without Breezes; when a Storm or Tornado happens, they are always off Shore.[110] No Dews perceptible on board Ships in the Nights, tho’ large at Shore, and a constant misty Horizon. Captain Dampier observes the same near Shores, on the Western side of America: It is always hazy, says he, nigh Land, to 20 degr. of Latitude.

WHYDAH.

This Country is governed by an absolute King, who lives in Negrish Majesty at a Town called Sabbee, six Miles from the Sea. His Palace is a dirty, large Bamboo Building, of a Mile or two round, wherein he keeps near a thousand Women, and divides his time in an indolent manner, between Eating and Lust; he is fatned to a monstrous Bulk; never has been out since he became King (nigh twelve years) which some say, is because a large Dole being due to the People on the Demise of one, and the Accession and first Appearance of another new Prince, his Covetousness keeps him within doors: Others, that there is a Sword wanted (the Emblem of his Power); which should, but is not yet delivered him, by some grand Fetish-Man beyond Jaqueen. If any Subjects want Audience, they ring a Bell to give notice; and if admitted, must[111] prostrate before him, as likewise to his grand Fetish-Man, or High-Priest, if present. The same Humility and Subjection is required of Inferiours to rich and powerful Men, without doors: They prostrate to as many as they meet of these in the Street, and stir not till a Sign is given to get up; so that the meanest may sometimes be two or three hours walking the length of the Town.

White People are seldom or never admitted to Presence, but at the times they pay their Customs; very considerable from Europeans, who drive here the greatest Slave-Trade of any on the whole Continent: Besides these Dues, the King augments his Revenue by a Duty on every thing bought or sold by his People. To his Women, he gives entirely the Privilege of making and selling a Beer brewed from Indian Corn, pretty much in use here, called Putto.

The King of Ardra is his potent and warlike Neighbour; a populous Country, full of large Crooms or Towns, and all of them obsequious Slaves, who dare not sell or buy any thing without Licence, and both ways he exacts a Custom. It is by means of this Country that so great a number of Slaves are brought down to Whydah and sold to the Europeans naked; the Arse-clouts they had, I fancy, having been the Plunder of the Populace: for altho’ they are kept strictly under, in respect to the Great-ones among[112] themselves, they have in recompence, a thievish, unlicensed Behaviour to others.

Both Sexes squat when they make water, and the Women may obtain a Palaaver and Fine against any Man, who at such time should indecently discover his Privities.

Travelling is in [27]Hammocks, called here Serpentines; they are with Curtains to draw round, against Heat or Flies, slung cross a Pole and bore up at each end by a Negro, two others attending in the Journey, to relieve alternately: The Heat makes it dangerous for Englishmen to travel without them, and they are hired at six Shillings a day.

Provisions are plentiful above any place on the whole Coast, but neither very cheap nor large. A Cow of 300lib. weight is reckoned a fine Beast, and will sell for two grand Quibesses; a Calf of 80lib. weight for one grand Quibess; a Sheep of 12lib. for eight Gallinas; Fowls, five for a Crown; a Dozen Wild-fowl, or a Hog, for the same Money: but it’s convenient on this Voyage always to provide Cowrys or Booges (little Indian Shells, called in England Blackamoors Teeth, bought at 1s. and sold here at 2s. 6d. per lib.) as the readiest for this sort of Traffick. Coin is the dearest way of buying, at distance from Europe.

The most curious of their Customs, and peculiar to this Part, is their Snake-Worship, which, according to my Intelligence, is as follows. This Snake, the Object of their Worship, is common in the Fields, and cherished as a familiar Domestick in their Houses, called Deyboys; they are yellow, and marbled here and there, have a narrow Swallow, but dilatable (as all of the Serpent Kind are) to the thickness of your Arm on feeding. It is the principal Deity or Fetish of the Country, and brought into more Regularity than others, by the superiour Cunning of their Fetishers, who have one presiding over them, called the grand Fetisher, or High-Priest, who is held in equal Reverence with the King himself; nay, sometimes more, through gross Superstition and Fear: for they believe an Intercourse with the Snake, to whom they have dedicated their Service, capacitates them to stop or promote the Plagues that infest them. He hath the craft by this[114] means, to humble the King himself on all occasions for their Service, and to drain both him and the People, in supplying their Wants. It is Death for a Native to kill one of these Snakes, and severe Punishments to Europeans. When Rains are wanted at Seed-time, or dry Weather in Harvest, the People do not stir out after it is night, for fear of the angry Snake, which, provoked with their Disobedience, they are taught, will certainly kill them at those times, if abroad, or render them Ideots.

They have Fetish-Women, or Priestesses, that live separated with a number of Virgins under their Care, devoted to the Snake’s Service: I have heard, the rich Cabiceers do often buy the Consent of these Women to debauch their Pupils; they pretend to the Girls, they have had some late Correspondence with the Snake, who intimates the agreeableness of her favouring such or such a Man’s Addresses; teach her to act Fits and Distortions at the sight of him, to enhance the Price, and that for this Compliance, she shall be amply rewarded in the Snakes Country, far pleasanter than this she breaths in, and he then more amiable, having here put on his worst Shape, that Obedience might have the more Merit. A Discovery in the Girl would be certain Death, and none would believe; or if they did, would dare[115] openly to assert such Murder against the Assertion of the Fetish-Men or Women.

It is probable that King Solomon’s Navy of Tharshish (1 Kings Ch. x.) did coast from Ezion Geber (the bottom of the red Sea) round Cape Bon Esperance [28]to Sofalu, by some thought Ophir; and if so, why not to the Gold-Coast? or that King Hiram’s Navy from Tyre, might on the North and Western side together have encompassed this Continent; tho’ afterwards, on the destruction of each State, the Navigation might be lost with the Trade. This is probable, I say, from the length of the Voyage (three years) no unreasonable time in the infancy of Sailing, Ignorance of the Compass, and dilatory Methods of Trading in Fleets, and in their Returns, Gold, Ivory, and Apes. The Peacocks mentioned in this Text, might possibly be the Crown-Birds; beautiful, of the same bigness, and a greater Rarity. One of them we had from Gambia (a Present to the Duke of Chandois) had a fine Tuft of stiff speckled Feathers on the Head; the Wings, red, yellow, white and black, with a black Down on the fore-part of it’s Head.

Granting this, whether or no it’s too foreign to imagine, some traditional Story might be derived from them concerning the[116] old Serpent, the Deceiver of Mankind? or that fiery one lifted up by Moses in the Wilderness? Gordon in his Geography, p. 327, says, the Mosaical Law was once introduced into some parts of Negro-land, strengthned by the Affinity of some Names and Customs they retain with the Jews, particularly Circumcision, practised at most, if not all parts of the Coast. Bosman on this, says even Girls have their Clitoris stripp’d. The Ægyptians (on this their own Continent,) were the first we read of that circumcised, from whom Abraham borrowed it, and the Patriarchs Posterity might as well have transmitted the use of it with their Trade, to this opposite side of Africa; the only Objections are, the easier Method of borrowing it from the Mallays, black Turks that inhabit about the middle of Africa, with whom they communicate by Trade; and because the Practice here, like as with the Mahometans, is not taken up of Precept, but Tradition. Be it how it will, they are found tenacious of their Customs and Opinions: A Woman, from whose greater Flexibility and Subjection as a Consa to any European, might be expected a Change, never relinquishing her Country-Gods, tho’ she had cohabited for years, as has been frequently tried at our Factories.

Others think this Snake-Worship might be taken up as of old the Ægyptians did[117] their Ox and Cow, their Crocodile and Cat, &c. They had some moral Reason, tho’ overwhelmed in Fable and ridiculous Superstition. The Ox and Cow were Emblems of Tillage, taught to them by Osiris and Isis, whom they feigned changed into those Creatures, and in that form worshipped them.

The Crocodile and Cat preyed upon those Reptiles that devoured the Fruits of their Husbandry, like as these very Snakes are said to kill the black and poisonous sort, and to destroy various Species of Vermin, injurious to their Fields and Grain.

We bear (far from Egypt) a Reverence to many Creatures, Beasts and Birds; eat some, and cherish others; I believe, often on no other Foundation than Heathen Fable. The Fetish is this Reverence improved, and if we laugh at [29]Sambo for inflicting Fine or Death on whoever hurts or kills the Snake, may not he in his turn, as justly laugh to hear that in some Countries it is Death to steal a Sheep, a Horse, &c. or Penalties to kill Pidgeons, Wild-fowl, &c. tho’ never so much in want of them: For it is all according to the Fashion of the Country, and doubtless proceeds from a profound Veneration to those Creatures.

Many and ridiculous are the Stories formed upon the Foundation of the Snake, over-acted to the Prejudice of Beliefs, which in unletter’d Countries should be short, and have the Design and Import of Laws; such Laws as in their nature are best fitted to awe or persuade Men into the Practice of what is good: but here they are multiplied with silly Circumstances, or stretch beyond Memory, and spoil their Use; for which reason, I am firmly of opinion the Snake-Worship will never endanger our Factories, or propagate far, it has made such Rogues of them.

Besides the Snake, they have two other principal Deities, and other small Fetishes. The former are their Groves, and the high Sea; addressing either upon the Peculiarity, I suppose, of their Affairs, or rather, these Groves are consecrated to the Snake, most of them having a square Tower built in a retired part of it, to which they carry Dashees, and Presents. There is one in this Neighbourhood pre-eminent to all in the Country, and to which the Prince and People annually make rich Offerings.

Their smaller Fetishes, like as at other parts, are numberless, and for smaller Concerns made of Stone, Bone, Wood, or Earth; but herein they differ from others, that this small Fetish is the first thing they see, after they are determined upon some[119] Affair or Business, and sometimes determines them to that Affair, whence it is taken up and invoked: If the Business ends luckily, it is lain by in honour to the chief Idol, and dasheed now and then; but if not, they throw it away.

I should have done now with Whydah, but the surprizing Revolution brought about here in 1727, by the victorious King of Dauhomay, turning things topsy turvy, and entirely destroying our Slave-Trade, deserves some Remarks.

This Prince was probably incited to the Conquest from the generous Motive of redeeming his own, and the neighbouring Country People from those cruel Wars, and Slavery that was continually imposed on them by these Snakes and the King of Ardra; each helped the other to propagate the Mischief far and wide, and differ’d between themselves, only in sharing the Booty. That this spurred on their Catastrophe, I think, First, Because it is agreeable to Capt. Snelgrave’s Character of that King, a Gentleman well acquainted with that part of Guinea, and who has given the latest Account of those People: He says in that Tract, he made a Journey in company with some of the English Factory to the Camp of the King of Dauhomay (40 or 50 miles up the Country,) and informs us, “that in the Conversation and Business he had to transact, he had experienced[120] him just and generous; in his Manners, nothing barbarous, but contrarily, the most extraordinary Man of his Colour.” The natural Consequence from such Qualities in a Prince, being, I think, to extend them towards all that are oppressed, and against those in particular, his Resentments were fired: First, on account of their publick Robberies, and Man-stealing, even to his Dominions; and Secondly, That Contempt the King of Whydah had expressed towards him, saying publickly, “that if the King of Dauhomay should invade him, he would not cut off his Head (the Custom of Conquerors) but keep him alive, to serve in the vilest Offices:” a Specimen both of his Vanity and Courage, which he had soon after Occasion to try; and then instead of the haughty Revenge he purposed, dastardly deserted his Kingdom, he and the Subjects of Ardra becoming in a few days miserable Fugitives.

2. The King of Dauhomay at this Interview with Captain Snelgrave, which was after the Conquest of Ardra and Whydah, agrees with him in the Character of these Enemies: “That they were Villains to both white and black People, and therefore had been punished by his hands;” a Text that ought to have been regarded more heedfully by the Factory than it was: For what were they Villains more than others of the Colour,[121] unless for this illegal and unjust Trade? And if he himself declared his Victories in punishment of their Crimes, what might not they expect in their turn, who differed only as the Pawnbroker and the Thief? Mr. Testesole, the Company’s Governour, we find when Opportunity presented, was seized by them, and cruelly sacrificed: “The Crime alledged being, that he had used the Dahomes on all Occasions in his power, very ill, on account of the bad Trade they had occasioned:” and afterwards they went on, surprized and plundered all the European Merchants at Jaqueen, finishing in that, the Destruction of the Slave-trade, the little remaining being now at Appah, a place beyond the bounds of his Conquest. Yet in all this, could we separate our Idea of the Sufferers, and the temporary Views of Traders; the King’s Actions carry great Reputation, for by the destruction of this Trade, he relinquished his own private Interests for the sake of publick Justice and Humanity.

Lastly, that this destruction of the Trade was designed in the King of Dauhomay’s Conquest, seems confirmed by Captain Bulfinch Lamb’s Proposal from him to our Court.

This Gentleman, on some Business of the Factory, was at Ardra when the Dahomes came down upon them, was made a Prisoner, detained near four years with the Emperor,[122] and came to England at last by his Permission or rather Direction, having given him 320 Ounces of Gold, and 80 Slaves to bear his Charges. In his Scheme of Trade, said to be proposed from that Emperor and laid before our Commissioners of Trade, some of the Articles run thus;——That the Natives would sell themselves to us, on condition of not being carried off.——That we might settle Plantations, &c. a Foundation quite foreign to the former Slave-trade, and carried no Temptation but the empty one of Instruction and Conversion, which he himself might have laid down there, and had given some room to expect, agreeably to the Judgment he made of the King’s Sentiments, and his own view of getting away; an additional Honour to the King in this way of thinking indeed; “but the Inconsistency made it unsuccessful,” and Captain Lamb, tho’ under a solemn Promise to return, never gave any Account of his Embassy to that Prince.

Captain Snelgrave’s Account leads me still a little farther, on his suggesting these conquering Dahomes to be Men-eaters; I beg an Animadversion or two on that Head.—Common Report has settled Cannibals at several parts of Africa. Dapper in the Geographical Atlas says, the Ausicans or Gales in Æthiopia, and many of the Natives of Quiloa, Melinda, and Mombaza, on the[123] East side of Africa are such, and that human Flesh is sold in the Shambles. Gordon, in his Geographical Grammar, conveys it modestly as a Report, that the Kingdom of Loango in South-Africa has many Cannibals, and that human Flesh in several places is sold publickly in the Shambles, as we do Beef and Mutton. That the Caffres, (tho’ abounding with Provisions) also are such, and will eat even nasty Hottentots their Neighbours; who tho’ accounted the most brutish People upon the Globe in their Manners and Feeding, are at the same time excused by all Travellers so inhuman a Custom. Bosman reports the same of Drewin. The Observation I shall make on these and the like Stories I have heard from other parts of the World, is their being reported of Countries remote from our Correspondence, abounding with Provisions, by Persons who never were in the Places they relate their Wonders; or where they have, their Testimony is on hear-say, or their Reasons inconclusive, and against later Experience. I am prejudiced indeed against the Opinion of Cannibals, and very much doubt whether there be any such Men on the face of the Earth, unless when provoked by Famine, as has unfortunately happened in Voyages: Or possibly with Savages, single Instances may have been, as their way to express an intense Malice against a particular[124] Enemy, and in terrorem; or to cement with a Bond of Secrecy some very wicked Societies of Men: but that there should be a common Practice of it, Nations of Men-eaters, to me looks at present impossible. Captain Snelgrave’s being the newest Account of this Affair, and on his own personal Knowledge, I shall amuse the Reader with a short Extract from him, and then my Objections.

“This Gentleman, by an Invitation from the King of Dahome or Dauhomay, went in company with some other of the Factory from Jaqueen, to pay him a Visit at his Camp, 40 miles inland; there he was an Eye-witness of their human Sacrifices, Captives from the Kingdoms of Ardra, Whydah, Tuffoe, and other Conquests: the King chose them out himself. The first Victim I saw, says he, was a well-looking Man, of 50 or 60, his Hands tied, he stood upright by a Stage five foot from the Ground. The Fetisher or Priest laying his Hand on the Head, said some Words of Consecration for about two Minutes; then giving the Sign, one behind with a broad Sword hit on the Nape of his Neck, and carried off the Head at one Blow, the Rabble giving a Shout. Others of these Captives he made his Servants, or sold for Slaves.——”

The Story thus far is not over-marvellous; whether the Sacrifices be considered as a Thanksgiving to their Fetish, or God (as an Acknowledgment, he was told) or an Honour to the Manes of his deceased Heroes, because such Practice is supported both by Scripture and History. The Captives in War under the Jewish Law, which fell to the Lord’s Share, were to be slain (Levit. xxvii. v. 28, 29.) and the Custom of many Pagan Countries has been, and still continues in many parts of the World to this day (if we may credit History or Travellers) to attend the Obsequies of their Princes and great Men with human Sacrifices, particularly at some other Parts of Guinea. The Emperor of Feton’s Funeral (Miscell. Curiosa, Vol. 3. p. 356.) was accompanied with a great number, and remarkably barbarous. Montezuma, (Antonio Solis says,) sacrificed 20000 Enemies a year. The present Dahomes follow it from political Principles, to awe the Conquered, and secure the Conquest; for the captive King was always one, and next him the Men of Experience and Influence, such as already had, or were most likely to disturb his future Peace; answering more justly than that Argument à posteriori, of the Bow-string or Halter, when Men rise for the Recovery of a lost Country, &c.

Contending Princes do to this day frequently sacrifice with less honourable Views, if we may credit Captain Gulliver, who says, one King has lost his Life, another the Crown, only in a Contest about the primitive way of breaking Eggs.

I say this is not so over-marvellous; but when we come to the Carcases of these Men, how the Dahomes had made a Festival of their Flesh in the night, it swells to Incredibility. “Captain Snelgrave was not an Eye-witness of this indeed; he says, the Bodies lay a little while on the ground to drain the Blood, and then were carried by Slaves to a place nigh the Camp, and laid in a Heap; he saw two of these Heaps over night, containing he judged about 400, who had been chose out by the King that Morning, for Sacrifice. On the next Morning they were gone, and asking the Linguist what had become of them, he answered, the Vulturs (ravenous Birds very plentiful in the Country) had eaten them. Not satisfied with this Answer, (seeing nothing remain but Blood) we asked for the Bones, and then he confessed, the Priest had divided the Carcases among the People in the night, who had boiled and feasted on them, as holy Food; the Head is for the King, (continues the Linguist) the Blood for the Fetish, and the Body for the common People.”

I make no doubt of the truth of this Relation, and yet think the Circumstances not conclusive enough, to charge the Dahomes as Anthropophagites.

1. Because the truth depends too much on the Linguist, (Butteno, a Negro of Mr. Lamb’s, brought up at the Factory) how well he knew to render the Language to our Ideas: and to his Veracity and his Courage. He might think with his Country-men that it was their best Excuse to the white People, for that cowardly and ignominious Flight of Thousands from 200 of the Dahomes at Sabbee (the Whydah’s head City) where, instead of eating them, they pretended a Fright of being eat, and with the King, took precipitately to their heels, deserting in a shameful manner their Country: and makes something like the Story of our Saracens Heads of old; when the English had been threshed heartily for their silly Croisade, they represented their Adversaries thus large, to insinuate none but Monsters or Devils could have done it. However the Linguist tells his Masters first, that the Vulturs had eaten those Bodies, but perceiving them diffident of this, and prone to another Persuasion (which, by the way, is some excuse for him) he tells them frankly, that the People had eaten them in the night, &c. The Bones, which were wanting, and that had drawn this Secret from him, are to me a Confirmation that they were buried.[128] Otherways, as these Cormorants could not chew or digest them, they should have been found strewed somewhere, as the Roads were in his Journey: The Fellow might also in his turn propose some advantage in this Belief; for Captain Snelgrave tells us, he met with great Impositions and Cheats at his return to Jaqueen, by the Lord there, and others in Trade, notwithstanding the kind Reception he had met with at Camp, and that King’s Charge to the contrary.

2. A Portuguese who resided there, that spoke their Language, and which is very remarkable, had married a woolly white Woman born of black Parents, who had never seen any other Colour: this Gentleman talked highly of the King’s Policy and Generosity, that his Sacrifices were a Proof of it; that he was just, strictly obeyed, and never eat any human Flesh. If so, according to my way of thinking, he would hinder so barbarous a Custom in others his Subjects; or it would be a Contradiction to his Character, a Sufferance being the same, as doing it himself.

3. If the Sacrifices were designed for eating, one would think they should have been all young People, not thrown in a Heap, which is an Objection to their spending well; and now and then I should have expected they would have been prompted by Novelty to have tasted a white Man: but it is the King’s Character of being far from barbarous,[129] and of delicate Wit and Policy: Lamb lived three years and a half with them, and never was eat.

4. If Men were thus eat, and liked by a Nation, there would be less occasion and Inclination to sell them us for Slaves; they at least must lose a Breakfast by it now and then; and it would fall heavier on such Captives they had made their Servants, (for some were made so at the same time the others were sacrificed) who I am in some doubt whether they would wait tamely for the turn of having their Throats cut. This Man-Eating therefore probably might be an Imposition on the Credulity of the Whites; as the Persuasion amongst some of them is, that they are bought by us to fat and eat: the Belief in my opinion is equally grounded. Theirs (if any) is better; for the next Cruelty to buying human Flesh, one would naturally think, should be to eat it; especially with Negroes, who cannot conceive how their Labour can be used, that want so little for their own support.

5. Some Places reported on the Coast to be Men-Eaters are by latest Accounts much doubted, if not contradicted. At Loango they are found with better Manners, and mixed with Portuguese. At Cape St. Mary’s, the Starboard Entrance of the River Gambia, generally said to be Men-Eaters, were found by our Boat’s Crew as civilized[130] as any People on the whole Coast, tho’ their Number exposed them an easy Prey. To this we may add, that all Negroland, by the Observations I could make, are very abstemious of Flesh in comparison of us; they have very few tame Creatures (Kid, Sheep, Kine, &c.) among them; their Country is mostly Woods cleared away a little at their Cooms, to sow as much Indian Corn and Rice as they imagine will serve them; which, with Banana’s, Plantanes, Palm-Nuts, Pine-Apples, and now and then a little stinking Fish, or a Fowl, is the chief of their Diet.

6. As Slave-Cargoes are a Compound of different Nations, it is more than probable they are mixed from these Men-eating Countries; and therefore on their rising and murdering a Ship’s Company, they would have shewn us e’er now a Precedent, especially those who believed we were to eat them.

7. Men in this horrid Practice would, with the distinguishing Characteristick of Reason about them, be more brutish than any part of the Creation; no Creatures of the greatest Ferocity preying upon their own Species.

8. If such Custom were taken up to intimidate their Neighbours, and facilitate Conquests, the Practice should be more publick; not in the Night, but Day, and openly: Custom in any People familiarizing all Barbarities, and more so, when an Interest is proposed.

Therfore, lastly, the strongest Proof produced for it is, that one Mr. More saw human Flesh sold at Dahome’s Market-place.

If the Person mentioned does not mean human Flesh alive, and in way of Trade, yet without a good interior Sight, he might mistake it for that of Monkeys, there being an awkard Resemblance to the Moorish Race, in the Hands and Phiz; and I have given one Example purposely, among many (at the beginning of this Chapter) to shew they are a common Diet at some places; our Sailors frequently eat them. What inclines me more to this Opinion is, First, the Force of Pre-possession and Fear, which many Readers may experience in their own Constitution. Second, That I never saw a Flesh-Market of any sort, tho’ I have been on shore at many places on the Coast of Guinea, not even among the English, the most carnivorous in the World; but when they do kill, lend it out. Thirdly, What is my greatest Objection, is, that the Captain should bring another to assert what he might have done himself, since he was at Dahome’s Camp, (the same place,) and more inquisitive and discerning; unless this Market was kept one Voyage, and not another.

I have bestowed these Objections, purely in respect to the King of Dahomay, whom, tho’ I never saw, nor expect to be advanced in his Court, I have a natural Propensity to[132] wish well, since he has redeemed his Country-Men from being sold as Slaves. I would feign, after such an Action, excuse them from being Men-eaters; a Charge full as bad for the People, a jumping out of the Frying-pan into the Fire. Their Guilt herein is less likely, because it happens that this conquered Country abounds more with Neat Cattle, than all other parts of the Coast.

Currents on the Coast of GUINEA.

The incomparable Sir Isaac Newton solves all the Phænomena of the Tides upon the sole Principle of Gravity. The Earth, Sun, Moon, and all the celestial Bodies, says he, have a Gravitation towards their Centers, in proportion to the quantitys of Matter in each of them. Our Earth being within the Activity of the Sun and Moon’s Attractions; the fluid part of this Globe, the Ocean, feels it, and necessarily swells: and this, by taking off or abating the force of Gravity, wherever the Moon is perpendicular in the Ecliptick; whereby the greater Pressure of Gravity without, carries the Water thitherward, &c. (See the Theory of the Tides, Philos. Transact.) Currents seem to be the same thing (at least on this Coast) and[133] on the same Principle I shall lay down the Facts, and then draw the Conclusions.

The Rivers of Gambia, Sierraleon, Gabon, the Straits and Channels of Benin, and thro’ the whole Coast, the flowings are regular on the Shores, with this difference, that in Rivers or Channels where two Shores contract the Waters into a narrow Compass, the Tides are strong and high, as well as regular; but on the dead Coast, slow and low, not to above two or three foot, increasing as you advance towards the Bay and Channels of Benin; and this is farther evident at Cape Corso, Succonda, Commenda, and other places: for wherever the Land rounds and cheques, the Flowings there will be a Foot or two more than on an evener Coast, tho’ next adjoining.

The Currents here set sometimes two knots an hour along Shore, sometimes with, sometimes against the Wind; tho’ generally to Leeward; sometimes off, sometimes on, ripling like a Tide, at other times a smooth unmoved Surface for days together, and never felt, or imperceptible at 8 or 10 Leagues Offing.

The Currents set in on both Shores, to the Bay of Benin; from the Southward, about and beyond Cape Lopez; and from the Westward along the Papau Coast, that is, to Leeward; for the Winds are as commonly deflected along Shore, as the Currents. This all Ships experience in their Passage to Angola, if they[134] hold the Land on board, or if they endeavour getting Westward on the Papau or Gold Coast.

The reason of this Diversity, I imagine, proceeds from the Formation of the Land, together with the Weather, and the Winds.

The Land being on a strait Line, without Gulphs or Bays, unless that remarkably large one of Benin and Callabar, the Flux of the Sea, when it comes to be bounded by the Shores, have a natural Tendency there, seen in growing stronger as they advance towards it on both sides; because such Gulphs, in a Contraction of the Waters, bear some Resemblance to Channels, which every where in proportion to their Breadth and Depth, and the Sea they stand open with, have more or less Current or Tide along their Shores inward; assisted partly by the Winds, which, as I have observed, are deflected, and tend also on both sides towards the Bay; and partly, by the Weather; clear and hot Sunshines drawing more Vapours from the Seas next Shores in all places, (and especially in Bays with Shoals) to be expended in Exhalations, Mists, Fogs, and Rains; the Rains again may, by being incessant for a Month or six Weeks, and in a Rotation upon different parts of the Coast, contribute to some little diversity of Strength.

Another reason of Currents tending mostly to Leeward here, is the Flood being propagated[135] from a vast Southern Ocean, takes it’s Course along Shore; but the Ebbs revert easily and equally from all parts to the Ocean, and therefore make so little an Alteration of the Stream, as is seldom and scarcely felt at a very little distance from it. The most that we found was open with this Bite of Benin. We left Whydah the latter end of July, where tho’ the Currents in the Road were very strong to Leeward, and the Winds altogether S. W. yet we found we could with ease have weathered any of the Islands; which would have been impossible, had the same Current in the Road extended across the whole Bay; nay, our getting so far to the Southward (i. e. Windward) will be very difficult to account for, unless the Waters received into this Bay by those Currents are allowed to reverberate in the middle Space, tho’ insensibly, towards the main Ocean.

From these light Observations, I think it may be concluded, First, that in all Places, Currents and Tides have a very great affinity. That it is principally the Formation of the Lands drives them into the one or the other; if contracted between two Shores so as to form a Channel, the diurnal Elevation of the Ocean, by the Attraction of the Moon, will make there a Tide, rapid in proportion to it’s Breadth, Depth, and Sea it is open to: And if an open Coast, as Guinea, those Tides become Currents. This agrees with the Voyages[136] I have met to those Parts, and particularly the sixth general one set forth by the India Company of that Channel, made by the Eastern side of the Continent, and the Island of Madagascar; for being too deep and broad for the Direction of a Tide, there are Northern and Southern Currents, as the elevated Sea rowls round the North or South end of the Island: and which is still more agreeable, they are strongest where the Channel is narrowest, and less, and vary on different Points of the Compass, as the Sea spreads more in the Passage cross the Line.

2. That all Currents and Tides are found only on Shores, and indiscernible at 10 Leagues distance from a Coast, or the Mouth of any Channel; are also variable from the same Influence of the Moon, and Change of Weather.

RAINS.

There is a Return of Vernal and Autumnal Rains through the whole Coast. The former, whether on this or the other side the Equator, are longer and more incessant. They begin on this side at Sierraleon, in May; at the Gold Coast and Whydah, in April, preceded by S. and S. E. Winds. On[137] the other side the Line again, the Vernal Rains fall at Cape Lopez, in October; at Angola in November, &c. And as these Seasons are attended with the Interposition of Clouds thro’ both, the Air is cooler, and therefore by the stewed Inhabitants denominated Winter.

What conduces to such annual and regular Returns, is perhaps inscrutable: It is only a general Observation, that the Sun, on or nigh the Æquinox, inclines to rain every where. Dr. Clayton says, (Philos. Trans.) that there are frequent and great Rains at Virginia in April and September, and other Countries observe the same. The ultimate end is to embrue the Land with Fertility, where the Inhabitants have Sense and Willingness to co-operate with Providence.

At Cape Corso this year, they ceased the end of May; they had fell, we understood, for six Weeks before, almost without intermission, only some hours they were heavier, and chiefly in the Nights, with continued Thunder, Lightning, and Calms. Whenever they felt a Breeze, it was Southerly, (directly upon the Land) the Clouds that contained the Rains succeeding one another from the Ocean, as it were orderly. If the Horizon brightened as it does by Spirts at these Seasons, the Sun is felt with redoubled Heat and Fervour.

[30]The Mist and Haziness of the Horizon (always on the Coast) and those great Dews which out of the rainy Seasons fall every night on the Shore, and rarely or never two Miles from it where the Ships anchor, are corroborating Proofs of what is just before hinted under the Article of Currents, that the Vapours supplying these, or Rains, are extracted from Coasts and Shallows more abundantly than from the main Ocean; which would otherways be seen and felt, and in greater measure at Sea, from so large a Body of Waters surrounding; but is so far from happening, that Exhalations of all sorts diminish, as is the Distance from Land.

Again, the Winds from Sea, which are the Winds that usher in these Rains, are known to spring up but a few Leagues from Shore; (the Trade obtaining in all these Latitudes:) and tho’ I say, any regular Periods of it under this Vicinity of the Sun all the year may be inscrutable, yet when they do come, they visibly bring on the Land-Clouds loaded with aqueous Vapors; a more rarified Air there naturally attracting them, and helping their fall.

Both Ships came to Isle Del Principe the end of July, 1721, where we felt dreadful Effects from the excessive Heats and Irregularity[139] of the Seamen, during our Careening; for although we arrived very healthy, the Island furnishing Palm-Wines and the means of debauching at easy Rates, and our Tents giving opportunity; they soon run into Excess, which brought on an epidemical malignant Fever, that reduced us in a short Stay of two Months, to some Deliberations whether we could proceed to Sea safely without a return of Men from England; the Weymouth not being able to purchase her Anchors, and we in the Swallow with difficulty. My Judgment, as Surgeon, was by all means to go, tho’ in the most sickly Condition, because thus removed from the chief Causes of our Misfortune (Calms, excessive Heats, and a disorderly Living) whoever were visited with the Distemper, would by that method find a Crisis in Recovery or Death, and stop the infection: We therefore, with the Assistance of some Men from a Dutch East-India Ship that happened to put in, got under Sail and left the Island; the effect I have related elsewhere more at large, and shall only observe here, that our Fevers for want of Necessaries turned in many to Fluxes, and pursued us, tho’ with less Cruelty. The Weymouth, who brought out of England a Compliment of 240 Men, having at the end of the Voyage 280 dead upon her Books.

Princes was the Birth-place of Africanus and Moulee, of whom they give this tragical[140] Relation; That she becoming a Favourite of her Patron, was forced from Africanus, and having a Child whose Complexion betray’d the true Father, Africanus murdered both, and afterwards himself, to avoid Punishment.

We touched at [31]St. Thome, the chief of these Portuguese Islands for fresh Provisions, purchased cheap; the Profit of half a dozen Hogs fed two or three Months, and sold at the Gold Coast, will maintain the best Mess in a Ship a whole year.

It was lucky for Mr. Rowry, Master of a Bristol Vessel, that the Man of War came in; his Men had made him Prisoner, and were disposing of the Slaves at a very easy Rate with the Governor, who rejects no Schemes of Profit. Rowry, who had been discountenanced by him upon his Men’s Complaints, was now heard indeed; but not knowing rightly the Method of getting Men to bring away his Brigantine in our Company, he was obliged to take what Price the Governor would set on her and her Cargo, and took Passage with us for Cape Corso; where, upon Demand, he accompanied his Leave with a handsome Acknowledgment for his Diet, and went home with the Account.

We regained the Gold Coast in fifteen days[141] from this Island, having met in the Passage some Sprinklings that we understood had been heavy showers on Shore.

WINDS.

The Winds, different from our Quarter of the World, in these Voyages are either peculiar to warm Latitudes; such are Trade-Winds, Land and Sea Breezes; or to the Coast, Tornadoes, and Air-Mattans.

Trade-Winds are easterly, blow fresh night and day, all the Year, and every where round the Globe; that Part of it I mean that we are upon, the Ocean, whether Atlantick, Indian, or American: for the Soil and Position of Lands, though the same Cause of them subsists more powerfully, gives uncertain and various Deflections. They will extend to 30°° of N. Latitude, when the Sun is on this side the Equator, and as far S. when on the other; deflecting where he is farthest off (here to the N. E. there to the S. E.) and always nearest to the E. Point on the Equinoctial, or where he is vertical.

The general Causes assigned by the Ingenious for these Phænomena, and with the greatest Probability of Truth, are;

First, the daily Rotation of the Earth Eastward upon its Axis, whereby the Air or Wind (the enforced Stream of it) by this means goes Westward in respect of the Superficies; and this is farther countenanced in that these Winds are found only in the largest Circles, where the diurnal Motion is swiftest; and also because they blow as strong in the Night as Day; home, on the Coast of Brasil, as near Guinea.

The second permanent Cause of this Effect, the ingenious Dr. Halley ascribes to the Action of the Sun-beams upon the Air and Water every day, considered together with the Nature of the Soil, and Situation of the adjoining Continents.

The Sun heats and rarefies the Air exceedingly, in all Latitudes within the Zodiack, (evident from the anhelous Condition it subjects most Animals to in Calms) and therefore the Air from Latitudes more without his Influence (as more ponderous) presses in, to restore the Equilibrium: and to follow the Sun, must come from the Eastward. The westerly Winds that restore this Balance, from Latitudes beyond the Tropicks, would, I fancy, be as constant, and keep a Circulation, were the whole a Globe of Waters: As it is, they are from 30 to 60°°, abundantly the most predominant, with a Deviation to N. or S. on various Accidents: blow with more force, because, among other Reasons,[143] the Equilibrium is restored to a greater from a lesser Circle; and as it were to confirm this, are received into the Trade-wind, with a Deflection of N. E. or more northward at the Point of reception.

On the Coast of Guinea, North of the Equinoctial, the true Winds are westerly, keeping a Track with the Shore, where it trenches all eastward. From the River Gabon again, under the Line, the Land stretches to the Southward, and, exactly answerable thereto, the Winds wheel from S. E. to S. by E. to keep nigh a Parallel with it; in both, the Shore seems to deflect the true Trade, in the same manner Capes do Tides or Currents, and obliges it, like them, on that Point where they have the freest Passage. If at any particular Seasons (as in the Rains is remarked) the Winds become more southerly, and set full upon the Shore, they are weak; and as the Sun is at such time on this side the Equinoctial, it is probably to restore an Equilibrium to that Air at land, more rarefied from a stronger and more reflected Heat.

I shall give two or three other Remarks on Trade-winds, proper, tho’ made at other Periods of the Voyage.

1. You must be distant from the Influence of Land to Windward, before the Trade blows true and fresh, (from this Coast we may suppose twenty or thirty Leagues) and[144] then a Ship bound to America will make a constant and smooth Run of forty or fifty Leagues every twenty-four Hours. And as there are no Storms, vast numbers of flying Fish sporting near the Ship, (found every where within the Verge of these Winds, and no where else that ever I saw,) Bonetoes pursuing them; with Birds of various sorts, Garnets, Boobys, Tropick-Birds, and Sheerwaters, it makes a very delightful sailing.

2. Although the N. E. and S. E. Trade-Winds on this and that side the Line, do not blow adverse, yet by approaching to it, are in my Thoughts, the Occasion of becalming the Latitudes between 4 and 12° N, the Point of Contest; as we found, and will be hereafter remarked in our Passage from Brasil to the West-Indies, in July and August: and this I think, First, because the East southerly Trade is known ordinarily to extend E. S. E. to 4° of Northern Latitude: and consequently, as the East northerly is bounded a little nearer or further from the Equinoctial, as is the Station of the Sun; Calms and small Breezes, the Attendant of them, may vary a little, yet they will always happen about these Latitudes, and near the windward Shores be attended with Thunder, Lightning, and perpetual Rains. Secondly, all Ships actually find this in their Passage from Guinea to the West-Indies in[145] any Month, or from England thither; the true Trade decreasing as they approach those Latitudes, and up between Cape Verd and the Islands, those Calms by all our Navigators are said to be as constantly attended with Rains and Thunder.

Thirdly, Because the same thing happens at the Commencement of the Trade, from the variable Winds in 27 or 28°° of Northern Latitude, sooner or later as I observed is the Station of the Sun: From all which I would infer, that from Guinea these calm Latitudes are easier passed, not nigh, but within 100 Leagues of the Continent of Africa, and at America not to get into them till a Ship has nigh run her Distance; for the Land, I think, either to Windward or Leeward does give a better Advantage to the Breezes, than nearer or more remote: Ships from England do not want this Caution so much, because the N. E. Trade does not fail till a little beyond the Parallel of Barbadoes, the Southermost of our Islands.

Land and Sea-Breezes are Gales of no great Extent, the former much fainter and inconstant will blow off an Island to a Roadsted, be on which side of it you will, but whether at the same time or no, or now here, now there, I am not experienced enough to say, tho’ their Weakness and Inconstancy makes either way defensible.—They are found at all shores within or near the Tropicks,[146] the Sea-breeze coming in about ten in the morning, fresh and sweet, enlivening every thing. The Land-breeze when it does succeed, is at the same distance from Sun-set or later, small, sultry, and stinking, especially when from Rivers whose Banks are pestered with rotten Mangroves, stagnating Waters, &c.

They seem to arise entirely from the Heat of the Sun-beams: That the Air is more rarified by their Reflections on the solid Body of the Earth than on a fluid, is certain; therefore till their rarified Air, made so by three or four hours Sun, is brought to an Equilibrium, the Breezes must be from the Sea at all parts of the Coast, because at all parts, the same Cause is operating. And if this Rarefaction is limited by a determined heighth of the Atmosphere, the Sea-breezes that are to fill up the Vacuities will last a determined time only; two, three, or more hours: this is fact, but whether properly solved, must be submitted. Of affinity with this are the frequent Breezes we find with meridian Suns at shores, even to the Latitude of England, tho’ very still before and after. Again, the Land-breezes which succeed at night when the Sun has lost it’s Power, seem by their Weakness to be the return of Air heaped up by the preceding day’s Heat, like other Fluids when higher or fuller from any Cause (in one part than another)[147] of course has it’s reflux to make an even Surface.

Tornadoes, by the Spaniard called Travadoes, are in no part of the World so frequent as at Guinea. They are fierce and violent Gusts of Wind that give warning for some hours by a gradual lowering and blackening of the Sky to Windward whence they come, accompanied with Darkness, terrible Shocks of Thunder and Lightning, and end in Rains and Calm. They are always off shore, between the N. and N. E. here, and more Easterly at the Bites of Benin, Calabar, and Cape Lopez; but although they are attended with this favourable Property of blowing from the shore, and last only three or four hours, yet Ships immediately at the appearance of them furl all their Sails and drive before the Wind.

We have sometimes met with these Tornadoes two in a day, often one; and to shew within what a narrow Compass their effects are, Ships have felt one, when others at ten Leagues distance have known nothing: Nay, at Anamaboo (3 or 4 Leagues off) they have had serene Weather while we have suffered under a Tornado in Cape Corso Road. And vice versa. A Proof of what Naturalists conjecture, that no Thunder is heard above 30 Miles; in these Storms it seems to be very near, one we felt the Afternoon of taking Roberts the Pyrate, that seemed like the ratling of[148] 10000 small Arms within three yards of our Heads; it split our Maintop-Mast, and ended as usual in excessive Showers, and then calm; the nearness is judged by the Sound instantly following the Flash. Lightning is common here at other times, especially with the shutting in of Evening, and flashes perpendicularly as well as horizontally.

Both arise from a plenty of nitrous and sulphurous Exhalations that make a Compound like Gun-powder, set on fire in the Air; and if the Clouds that retain them be compact, and their heterogeneous Contents strong, various, and unequal, then like a Cannon in proportion to these, the disjection is with more or less Violence, producing Thunder, which as with a [32]Shot has frequently split the Masts of Ships; and strengthens the above Observation of their being discharged near hand; because if at any considerable distance, they would spread in the Explosion, and lose their Force. It furnishes also another, viz. That neither Thunder nor Lightning can be felt or heard far from shores; Winds may impel such Exhalations something, but at a hundred Leagues from any Land[149] the Appearance must be rare and uncommon, because the matter of their Compound cannot be collected there.

Air-mattans, or Harmatans, are impetuous Gales of Wind from the Eastern Quarter about Midsummer and Christmas; they are attended with Fogs, last three or four hours, (seldom with Thunder or Lightning, as the Tornados) and cease with the Rain; are very dry, shriveling up Paper, Parchment, or Pannels of Escruitores like a Fire. They reach sometimes this Gold Coast, but are frequentest and in a manner peculiar to the Bite of Benin, named so some think from Aer Montain, respecting whence they come; or by others Mattan, the Negrish Word for a pair of Bellows, which they having seen, compare this Wind to.

The GUINEA Trade.

An extensive Trade, in a moral Sense, is an extensive Evil, obvious to those who can see how Fraud, Thieving, and Executions have kept pace with it. The great Excess in Branches feeding Pride and Luxury, are an Oppression on the Publick; and the Peculiarity of it in this, and the Settlement[150] of Colonies are Infringements on the Peace and Happiness of Mankind.

By discoursing on this particular Branch, I do not pretend to a Sufficiency of giving full Directions; the Natives Alteration and Diversity of Taste are Obstacles with the most experienced: It’s only within my Design to give a general Insight to such as are Strangers, and a Rule to improve upon by such as are not.

We may for this end divide Guinea into a windward Coast, the Gold Coast, and the Bay, a Tract of 6 or 700 Leagues from the River Gambia, in 13°° N. to Angola, about 9 or 10°° S. The Portuguese were the first Europeans that settled and built Forts here, tho’ now the least concerned, paying their Tribute to the Dutch for Leave: What remains of theirs is to the Southward on the River Congo at Loango de St. Paul, and the Islands, where they keep Priests to teach their Language to the Natives, and baptize without making Christians.

1. In the windward Coast, Gambia, Sierraleon, and Sherbro Rivers may be reckoned chief; the African Company having Factors and Settlements there. Less noted, but more frequented by private Ships in this part of Guinea, are Cape Mont, and Montzerado, Sesthos River, Capes Palmas, Apollonia, and Tres Puntas. A number of others intervene, of more or less Trade; which it is their[151] Custom to signify at the sight of any Ship by a Smoke, and is always looked on as an Invitation to Trade; but as each is alterable among them from the Chance of War, the Omission shews they decline it, or are out of Stock.

This Change of Circumstance found on different Voyages, proceeds from weak and bad Governments among themselves, every Town having their own Cabiceers or ruling Men, (or it may be three or four in Confederacy) all so jealous of the others Panyarring, that they never care to walk even a mile or two from home without Fire-Arms; each knows it is their Villanies and Robberies upon one another that enables them to carry on a Slave-trade with Europeans; and as Strength fluctuates, it is not unfrequent for him who sells you Slaves to-day, to be a few days hence sold himself at some neighbouring Town; this I have known.

The same way of reasoning answers for the Panyarrs and Murders so frequently between them and us, and never that I heard with the French or Portuguese. For if any of our Ships from Bristol or Liverpool play tricks, and under pretence of Traffick seize and carry away such of them as come on board, and trust themselves on that Confidence, the Friends and Relations never fail with the first Opportunity to revenge it; they never consider the Innocence of who comes next,[152] but as Relations in Colour, Panyarr the Boat’s Crews who trust themselves foolishly on shore, and now and then by dissembling a Friendship, have come on board, surprized and murdered a whole Ship’s Company. Captain Piercy’s Lieutenant was killed on shore on some such Pretence, or because he had a good Suit of Cloaths, or both. Captain Canning of the Dove Brigantine 1732, was cut off by the Natives of Grand Bassau from an Inadvertency; first, of tempting the Negroes with the sight of a fine Cargo, and then by trusting the Mate Mr. Tho. Coote on shore; the one prompted them to rob, and the other was an Hostage for their Security, they ventured off in their Canoos and murdered all the Company under the Conduct of a Fellow they called Thomas Grey, who run the Vessel in shore; the Mate remained with them unhurt, about sixteen days, and was then redeemed by Captain Wheeler for 17 Pounds worth of Goods, which as an Encouragement to the Service, he was suffered to repay at London. His Food during the stay, was Indian Corn, Rice, Snails and Monkeys; the last they shoot as often as they want, in the Woods, and after the Guts are taken out, singe the Hair off, and then boil it in the Skin. He saw no other Flesh in this part of the Country, excepting a few Fowls, tho’ he was up it above twelve miles.

2. The Gold Coast is the middle and smallest part of the Division, stretching from Axiem a Dutch Settlement, to near the River Volta, an extent of 70 or 80 Leagues, but of more consequence than the others, in respect to our’s and the Dutch Company’s Forts, who together command the greatest part of it. There is one Danish Fort at Accra indeed, (the Leewardmost of our Settlements) but in a decaying State, and will probably (as that of the Brandenburghers at Cape Tres Puntas) be relinquished in a little time.

Our Company’s principal Fort is at Cape Corso. That of the Dutch, two or three Leagues above, called Des Minas or St. George de Elmina; each has other little ones up and down this Coast, to gather in the Trade that centers for the respective Companies, at one or other of the aforesaid larger Forts.

The African Company was erected under the Duke of York in K. Charles II’s Time, and therefore Royal; the Epithet being still retained, tho’ that Prince’s Superstition, and Thirst after Power, have long since justly banish’d him the Realm.

In it’s first flourishing Condition, it was allowed by authentick Accounts to have gained annually to England 900,000l. whereof in Teeth, Camwood, Wax and Gold, was only 100,000l. and the rest in Slaves; which in the Infancy of their Trade were in very great demand over all the American Plantations to supply their own wants, and carry on a clandestine[154] Commerce with the Spanish West-Indies. On Computation, Barbadoes wanted annually 4000 Negroes, Jamaica 10000, Leeward Islands 6000; and because the Company (’twas complained by such as wished them ill Success) could not supply this Number, having only imported 46396 Slaves between the years 1680 and 1688; Interlopers crept in, and contended for a Share; which the Company represented as contrary to the Privileges of their Patent, and withal, that the Accusation was groundless and unjust, because they did supply enough for demand, and maintained Forts and Garisons at a great Charge, for awing and subjecting the Natives to trade, and maintaining an Industry equal to the Dutch, without which it was plain to all impartial Considerers, it would be but very difficultly carried on. However, their Adversaries, after some years of grumbling, obtained an Act of Parliament 1697, whereby private Traders for making good this deficiency of Slaves, should have Liberty of Trade, allowing the Company 10 per Cent. towards defraying their extraordinary Expence.

From this time the Company more visibly decayed, insomuch that in eight following years they only imported to the West-Indies 17760 Slaves; and the separate Traders in that time 71268.

Their 10 per Cent. in the first ten years amounted to 87465l. and therefore finding their Trade under great disadvantages with[155] these new Inmates, they resolved to make the best shares they could in this Money, by lessening their Expence about the Forts. They accordingly withdrew all Supplies from their Garisons, leaving them to subsist by their own Management or starve. Gambia Fort having only twelve men, was taken by a Privateer of eight Guns in 1709, Sierraleon thirteen men, Sherbro four, and these not of any Charge to the Company, but were possessed by such, who having a long time resided in their Service, by help of those Fortifications were capable to do something for themselves, and so the private Traders by degrees got entirely quit of their Impost; the reason in a manner ceasing, for which it was at first allowed.

About 1719, their Affairs seemed to revive again, under the Auspices of the Duke of Chandois, who became a very considerable Proprietor in their Stock, and promised from his Figure and Interest a Renewal of those Privileges that had depressed them; their Objections ceasing, (the number demanded being now very short of what it was formerly.) More Ships were imployed than for many years past, but whether it were their too large Expence, or Corruption of their chief Officers, who too often in Companys think they are sent abroad purely for their own Service, or both; they soon felt that without a separate Act they were uncapable of contending with private Traders, and every year[156] more and more explaining their Inability, they applied to Parliament, and now support their Forts by an annual Allowance from the Government, of 10000l.

Those who are the Favourers of Companies suggest, that if the Trade must be allowed, and the Christian Scheme of enlarging the Flock cannot well be carried on without it, that then it seems necessary and better for the Publick that some rich and powerful Set of Men should have such exclusive Powers to encourage and enable the subsisting of Forts and Garisons, to awe the Natives and preserve the Trade from being engrossed by our dangerous Rivals here, the Dutch; which, as we relinquish, falls an acquisition to them, and renders all precarious; they could also bring (as an exclusive Company) foreign Markets to their own Price.

The Company’s Trade wanting that Encouragement, every year grows worse; buying dearer than in times past on the Coast, and selling cheaper in the West-Indies; the reason at Guinea, is a greater Scarcity of Slaves, and an improved Knowledge in the trading Negroes who dispose of them; and at the West-Indies it is the Demand failing, more disadvantageously still for them, because separate Traders are not under the delays they are subject to: They take the whole Coast in their way, while the other is consigned to the Governour, and can afford to undersel[157] their Goods (necessary Requisites for Dispatch and Success) because they stand exempt from all Coast-Charges. On the other side, our Colonies are now pretty well glutted with Slaves, and their Call consequently not nigh so large: 2000 in a year perhaps furnishes all our Plantations, and tho’ more are imported, it is in order to transport them again to the Spanish West-Indies, where tho’ the Assiento Ships are of late years only indulged by Treaty, all others being liable to Confiscation, and the People to Slavery if taken by the Spanish Guard le Costa; yet the Prospect of Gain inciting, they still find means to continue on, and maintain a forcible Traffick for them, under the Protection of their Guns. This clandestine Method, by the way, hurts the South-Sea Company, beating down the Price of their Slaves, who cannot so well afford it, because bought, and brought there at a greater Charge.

The third part of our Division is the Bay of Guinea, which takes in Whydah, Benin, Callabar, &c. to Congo and Angola in 8°° S. In this Extent Whydah is principal, there being more Slaves exported from that place before the late Conquest of it by the King of Dauhomay, than from all the rest of the Coast together, the Europeans being said in some years to have carried off 20000; but more of this by and by. I shall only observe, that as this part abounds more with Slaves, the other[158] does with Gold, and the windward Coast with Ivory.

I now proceed to our Method of Trade, and shall sum the Rules of it up, under the head of Interlopers. Private trading Ships bring two or three Boats with them upon this Coast for Dispatch, and while the Mates go away in them with a proper Parcel of Goods, and Instructions into the Rivers and By-places, the Ship is making good her Trade at others near hand.

The Success of a Voyage depends first, on the well sorting, and on the well timing of a Cargo. Secondly, in a Knowledge of the places of Trade, what, and how much may be expected every where. Thirdly, in dramming well with English Spirits, and conforming to the Humours of the Negroes. Fourthly, in timely furnishing proper Food for the Slaves. Fifthly, in Dispatch; and Lastly, the good Order and Management of Slaves when on board; of each, a Word or two.

First, on the Timing of a Cargo: This depends at several places much on Chance, from the fanciful and various Humours of the Negroes, who make great demands one Voyage for a Commodity, that perhaps they reject next, and is in part to be remedied either by making the things they itch after, to pass off those they have not so much mind to, or by such a continual Traffick and Correspondence[159] on the Coast, as may furnish the Owner from time to time with quick Intelligence, to be done only by great Merchants, who can keep imployed a number of Ships, that like a Thread unites them in a Knowledge of their Demands, and a readier Supply for them, as well as dispatch for their Master’s Interest, by putting the Purchases of two or three Ships into one. The late Mr. Humphry Morrice was the greatest private Trader this way, and unless Providence had fixed a Curse upon it, he must have gained exceedingly.

Secondly, Of the Sorting, this may be observed in general; That the Windward and Leeward Parts of the Coast are as opposite in their Demands, as is their distance. Iron Bars, which are not asked for to Leeward, are a substantial Part of Windward Cargoes. Crystals, Orangos, Corals, and Brass-mounted Cutlasses are almost peculiar to the Windward Coast;—as are brass Pans from Rio Sesthos to Apollonia.—Cowreys (or Bouges) at Whydah.—Copper and Iron Bars at Callabar;—but Arms, Gun-powder, Tallow, old Sheets, Cottons of all the various Denominations, and English Spirits are every where called for. Sealing-wax, and Pipes, are necessary in small Quantities, they serve for Dashees (Presents) and a ready Purchase for Fish, a Goat, Kid, or a Fowl.

To be more particular, here follows an Invoyce bought at London about the year 1721.

I was but a young Trader, and could not find out till I came upon the Coast, that this Cargo was ill sorted. At the first place we touched (Sierraleon) where commonly may be got twenty or thirty as good Slaves as any upon the Coast, I found I had neither Cutlasses, iron Bars, a better sort of Fire-Arms, Malt, and other strong Liquors, the delight of those Traders. At none of the others, quite down to the Gold Coast, were many considerable Articles of my Invoyce ever asked for; so that I was forced to make friends with the Factorys, and exchange at such a loss, that had it not been for the small Wages our Ship was at, and some lucky hits, the Owners[163] must have suffered much; but to give an Insight.

As I propos’d only a general View of the Trade, I have pointed out here the best I could, what Goods are asked for, the Price, and at some places, the Proportion; the Slaves selling at a Medium of 15l. a Man, and 12l. a Woman; a Gun and Barrel of Powder being always parts of the Truck (at Cabenda) for a Slave. They have Canoos there, will carry 200 Men; matted Sails to them, and Cordage twisted from a wild Vine that grows in plenty about the Country; with these they pass frequently from Congo to Loango. A Slave-Ship in the former River would intercept much of the Trade to Cabenda and Angola: The Duties are easy with the King of Soni, and the Harmony they live in with a few defenceless Portuguese Missionaries, shews they are a peaceable People.

A Second Requisite for Success in this Trade, is an acquaintance with the Places, what may be expected at them, either as to the Manner of Trading, bold or fearful of one another,[167] and the Number of Slaves they are able to bring.

Where the Company’s Factors are settled, as at Gambia, and along the greatest part of the Gold Coast, they influence the Trade something against private Ships; so also at Sierraleon some separate Traders live, who voyage it with Boats into the adjacent Rivers, and most of what a Ship can purchase, is thro’ their hands; but those from London seldom strike higher upon the Coast than Cape Mount, Montzerado, and Junk, falling from thence down to Leeward; many of the places in their Course being rendered dangerous, from the Tricks and Panyarrs the Traders have first practised upon the Negroes; a mutual Jealousy now keeping each side very watchful against Violence. We trade on board the Ship, often keeping our Sailors in close quarters abaft, because few: while the Slaves are viewing and contracting for at the fore part; at night also keeping a good Watch, some of these Negroes attempting now and then to steal with their Canoos athwart your Hawse, and cut the Cable. Captain Cummin at Whydah, they stranded 1734.

They again, are as often diffident of coming nigh us, and will play for hours together in their Canoos about the Ship, before they dare venture. In this windward part, I have before observed, they have a superstitious[168] Custom, of dropping with their Finger a drop of Sea-Water in their Eye, which they are pleased when answered in, and passes for an Engagement of Peace and Security; and yet after all this Ceremony, they will sometimes return to shore: If hardy enough to come on board, they appear all the time shy and frightned, and from the least appearance of a Panyarr, jump all over board. Downwards to Bassam, Assinee, Jaquelahou, Cape le Hou, Jaque a Jaques, Cape Apollonia, and Three Points, or where they have possibly gained a Knowledge of the English Factorys, there is a better Understanding and Security: These are places that sell off a number of Slaves, managed however wholly on board the Ships who anchor before the Town, hoist their Ensign, and fire a Gun: Or when the Natives seem timorous, do it by their Boats coasting along the Beach, and pay at some of them a small Duty to the chief Cabiceers.

Thirdly, To give dispatch, cajole the Traders with Dashees of Brandy, and tell them, you cannot possibly stay above a day or two, and that on their account. To a Country-Man, if he joins where there is prospect of Goodee Trade, you are to form some Story that may carry him farther to Leeward if possible, (two or three Leagues will hinder his doing you any Damage for that Voyage.) The Lye did me most Service, and for which[169] I had the Merchant’s Dispensation, was informing my good Friend that at Cobelahou they had taken a great number of Captives, and that Captain —— had got his Freight there in ten days: this I did with an air of Diffidence, to make the greater Impression, and at the same time dashee’d his Negro Friends to go on board and back it. If on better Intelligence such like Story should not take, and he resolves to stay and share, your Reputation is secured by the diffidence of your Report, and you must resolve with him now upon a Price in your Slaves, not to outbid one another; but at the same time make as strong a Resolution not to observe it. And here the Master has room to display his talent, the frequency of the Trick having made all very cautious and diffident.

When a Ship has gathered up all this Trade, she makes up the deficiency of her Freight at Anamaboo, three Leagues below Cape Corso, where they constantly stop, and are sometimes two or three Months in finishing. It is a place of very considerable Trade in itself; and besides, the Company have a House and Factor, keeping always a number of Slaves against those demands of the Interlopers, who, they are sensible, want dispatch, and therefore make them pay a higher Price for it than any where on the whole Coast; selling at six Ounces and a half a Slave (in[170] exchange for Goods) tho’ the poor Creatures look as meagre and thin as their Writers.

If the Company should want rather to buy than sell, as is sometimes the case, and fits both; then such a difference is paid by the General, as shall make it worth the Ship’s time to go to Windward again.

Hence I make this deduction, that if the Adventurers Stock be small, only sufficient to employ one Vessel, to have her a Sloop; because less hazard is run in lengthning out time, which subjects to Sickness and Mortality among the Slaves; saves the aggregate Charge of supporting them and a Ship’s Company, and likewise such a Vessel will have less remains of Cargo, after her Slaving is compleated; what is left, usually going off to the trading Cabiceers and Factories at a low Price, or what is worse, kept on board and spoiled.

Contrarily, great Traders who can imploy many Ships, obviate in a great measure such Inconveniencies: They put the Trade of two or three Ships into one at Anamaboo, (the largest and most chargeable) and with the conjunction of their remains, go to Windward, and begin anew.

Fourthly, giving way to the ridiculous Humours and Gestures of the trading Negroes, is no small artifice for Success. If you look strange and are niggardly of your Drams, you frighten him; Sambo is gone, he never[171] cares to treat with dry Lips, and as the Expence is in English Spirits of two Shillings a Gallon, brought partly for that purpose; the good Humour it brings them into, is found discounted in the Sale of Goods.

A fifth Article, is the wholesome Victualling, and Management of Slaves on board.

The common, cheapest, and most commodious Diet, is with Vegetables, Horse-Beans, Rice, Indian Corn, and Farine, the former, Ships bring with them out of England; Rice, they meet to Windward, about Sesthos; Indian Corn, at Momford, Anamaboo, &c. and further Supplies of them, or Farine, at the Islands of St. Thomas, and Prince’s; Masters governing themselves in purchasing, according to the Course they design to steer.

This Food is accounted more salutary to Slaves, and nearer to their accustomed way of Feeding than salt Flesh. One or other is boiled on board at constant times, twice a day, into a Dab-a-Dab[33] (sometimes with Meat in it) and have an Overseer with a Cat-of-nine-tails, to force it upon those that are sullen and refuse.

The further Management and Caution to be taken with Slaves on board, till their delivery in the West-Indies, I shall intermix[172] with what I know of the method of Trade at Whydah, and Angola, because Cautions where a Cargo is of one Language, is so much the more requisite.

Whydah is the greatest trading Place on the Coast of Guinea, selling off as many Slaves, I believe, as all the rest together; 40 or 50 Sail (French, English, Portuguese, and Dutch) freighting thence every year. The King is absolute as a Boar; making sometimes fair Agreements with his Country Neighbours, it being often the Interest of Traders to be honest (perhaps the only reason that makes them so) but if he cannot obtain a sufficient number of Slaves that way, he marches an Army, and depopulates. He, and the King of Ardra adjoining, commit great Depredations inland.

On the Ships he lays these Impositions, and to prove his Folly, does it mostly for the benefit of those that rule him; First, of having the Refusal of all Goods; Secondly, the Value of twenty Slaves from every Ship, small or great, as a Duty; and Thirdly, forces his own upon them at an advanced Price.

The French, Dutch, and English, have each a House, or mud Fort, about three Miles from the Sea, keeping Tents at the Beach for the convenient receiving and securing their Cargoes as it comes from the Ship, and transmitting the Returns; which, by a dangerous double Barr upon the Coast, is rendred[173] impassable sometimes (by the alteration of the Winds) for a fortnight together; the Negroes only know how to paddle thro’ it, and when they think it safe, a Signal is made to the Ships, from those Tents, by hoisting their Flags.

The chief of either Factory that gets first on board any Ship coming into the Road, has a right to serve her with Boats and Servants, and has a Due of seven Slaves for it.

The Commanders, with their Surgeons, (as skilled in the Choice of Slaves) attend the whole time on shore, where they purchase, in what they call a fair open Market.

The Mates reside on board, receiving from time to time their Master’s Directions as to the Goods wanted, and to prepare the Ship for the Reception and Security of the Slaves sent him; where this is a Rule always observed, to keep the Males apart from the Women and Children, to handcuff the former; Bristol Ships triple such as are sturdy, with Chains round their Necks; and to keep your own Men sober, and on a barricado’d Quarter-deck: tho’ the natural Cowardice of these Creatures, and no other Prospect upon rising, but falling into the hands of the same Rogues that sold them, very much lessens the Danger: Nevertheless, it is adviseable at all times, to have a diligent Watch on their Actions, yet (abating their Fetters) to treat them with all Gentleness and Civility.

At Angola, the first Man is the King, the second, Mabuca, third, Mafucar, fourth, Machangee, fifth, Captain More, and the sixth, Madam Barsse; Names expressive of some [34]Virtue; and where they chuse a white Man’s, (common at many parts of the Coast) it is from the Qualities they admire in such, and strive to imitate.

Here they force about twenty Servants, which the Ship is obliged to pay, after the rate of six Fathom of Guinea Cloth per month, and every Sunday Morning, two Knives to each of them.—Their Business is to attend every Morning, and carry up your Goods safe to the Factory, where others take the Charge, and are accountable for all Losses.

The Bum-boy again supervises the Slaves, to do justice between Buyer and Seller, and by the Custom or Law of the Country, the Ship is to stand charged with neither them or other Effects, till delivered into the Boat. However, considering what are their Courts of Justice, it will behove all Masters to have a diligent Inspection upon the Slaves themselves, and to keep good Locks and Bolts upon their Goods: for it is here, as at Whydah, the commonest People, who cannot arrive at, or forbid Trade, are all Thieves and[175] Beggars, the King and Courtiers chief, but openly more honest, because they get more by it.

Your Gold-takers are, Peter Griffin, (the King’s Brother-in-law) Thomas Boon, and John Brown. Sometimes Ships settle an Agency at Mumbalar, or other neighbouring Place, and get considerable Trade; I have known 70 Slaves purchased there in a Month, with the additional Duty of six Pieces, and giving to the Servants who fetched up the Goods, each a single Annabass, a bundle of Beads, three Knives, and a Dram: with all, let your Agreements be as positive as possible, for they are very difficultly kept to their Words.

When we are slaved and out at Sea, it is commonly imagined, the Negroes Ignorance of Navigation, will always be a Safeguard; yet, as many of them think themselves bought to eat, and more, that Death will send them into their own Country, there has not been wanting Examples of rising and killing a Ship’s Company, distant from Land, tho’ not so often as on the Coast; but once or twice is enough to shew, a Master’s Care and Diligence should never be over till the Delivery of them. Some Negroes know well enough, that the preserving one white Man may answer their Purpose in an Exchange; however, generally speaking, we allow greater Liberty in our Passage, as conducive[176] to their Health; we let them go at large on the Ship’s Deck, from Sun-rise to Sun-set, give such as like it, Pipes and Tobacco, and clean and air their Dormitories every day.

Having given my Sentiments of the way and method of Trade at different parts of the Guinea Coast, I have still some remaining Observations to make under the chief Articles of it, viz. Slaves, Ivory, and Gold.

SLAVES.

Slaves become so (we are told) in this Country, by War, by Mulcts on some particular Crimes, or Debts which they are unable to discharge; and they are bought by us (some say) not as Merchants, but Christians, to preserve them from Sacrifice and Cannibals, to convey them to a Land flowing with more Milk and Honey, to a better Living, better Manners, Virtue, and Religion; let us examine each of these Pretences.

First, the Negroes. By War for the most part is meant Robbery of inland, defenceless Creatures, who are hurried down to the Coast with the greater Cruelty, as it is from a contented, tho’ a very poor Life. Trade has improved the Robbers, but as all are not[177] alike expert, or alike Villains, it is alterable, ebbs and flows, and at some places we have never yet had any.

2. The Negroes become Slaves to one another, by Mulcts imposed on some sort of Crimes, or Debts contracted beyond their Ability to discharge. Few come to us this way; for tho’ much Artifice and Revenge might mix in their Palaavers (Justiciary Courts) yet their Jurisdiction extends not beyond their own Towns, when Self-preservation will teach them more regard to Justice for their own sakes, lest the Relations of those sentenced should revenge it, and also because the Barbarity would encrease an Enmity to the Rulers, the Punishment falling on Neighbours of the same Country, Complexion, Language, and Religion.

We who buy Slaves, say we confer a Good, removing them to a better state both of Temporals and Spirituals; the latter, few have the Hypocrisy (among us) to [35]own, and therefore I shall only touch on the former.

They live indeed, according to our European Phrase, very poor and mean, destitute almost of the common Necessaries of Life;[178] but never starve, that is peculiar to trading Republicks; then who is judge of their Wants, themselves, or we? Or what does Poorness mean? more than a sound, to signify we have that which another does not want. Do not many men in politer Nations, renounce the World for Cloisters and Desarts, and place a greater happiness in preserving their Innocence, than enjoying even the Necessaries of Life; nay, often ravished with the neglect of them. Wherever therefore Contentment can dwell, tho’ under the meanest Circumstances, it is a barbarous Corruption to stile such poor, for they have every thing they desire, or, which is much the same, are happily ignorant of any thing more desirable.

To remove Negroes then from their Homes and Friends, where they are at ease, to a strange Country, People, and Language, must be highly offending against the Laws of natural Justice and Humanity; and especially when this change is to hard Labour, corporal Punishment, and for Masters they wish at the D——l.

We are Accessaries by Trade, to all that Cruelty of their Countrymen, which has subjected them to the Condition of Slaves, little better in our Plantations, than that of Cattle; the Rigour of their usage having made some hundreds of them at Jamaica run away into barren Mountains, where they chuse to trust Providence with their[179] Subsistance, rather than their Fellow-Christians (now) in the Plantations.

Slaves differ in their Goodness; those from the Gold Coast are accounted best, being cleaned limbed, and more docible by our Settlements than others; but then they are, for that very reason, more prompt to Revenge, and murder the Instruments of their Slavery, and also apter in the means to compass it.

To Windward they approach in Goodness as is the distance from the Gold Coast; so, as at Gambia, or Sierraleon, to be much better, than at any of the interjacent places.

To Leeward from thence, they alter gradually for the worse; an Angolan Negro is a Proverb for worthlessness; and they mend (if we may call it so) in that way, till you come to the Hottentots, that is, to the Southermost Extremity of Africa.

I have observed how our Trading is managed for Slaves, when obliged to be carried on aboard the Ship.—Where there are Factories, (Gambia, Sierraleon, the Gold Coast, Whydah, Calabar, Cabenda, and Angola,) we are more at large; they are sold in open Market on shore, and examined by us in like manner, as our Brother Trade do Beasts in Smithfield; the Countenance, and Stature, a good Set of Teeth, Pliancy in their Limbs and Joints, and being free[180] of Venereal Taint, are the things inspected, and governs our choice in buying.

The bulk of them are country People, stupid as is their distance from the Converse of the Coast-Negroes, eat all day if Victuals is before them; or if not, let it alone without Complaint; part without Tears with their Wives, Children, and Country, and are more affected with Pain than Death: yet in this indocile State, the Women retain a Modesty, for tho’ stripped of that poor Clout which covers their Privities (as I know the Whydahs generally do) they will keep squatted all day long on board, to hide them.

Whydah Slaves are more subject to Small-Pox, and sore Eyes; other parts to a sleepy Distemper, and to Windward, Exomphalos’s. There are few Instances of Deformity any where; even their Nobles know nothing of chronical Distempers, nor their Ladies, of the Vapours. Their flattish Noses are owing to a continued grubbing in their Infancy against their Mother’s Backs, being tied within the Tomee, whether upon Travel or Business, for a year or two, the time of their sucking.

IVORY.

Ivory is a Commodity sold all the Coast over, but, like the Slaves, more in some parts than others, and supplied thence to all the Western World. It is in Teeth or Screvelios. The Teeth are the large, weighing from 30 to an hundred weight, are worth double the other at home; these selling for ten or twelve pounds, when those do not for above 5l. a hundred.

The Screvelios are small, from fifteen down to four Pounds weight; among these last are sold us to Windward, the Teeth of the Hippopotamus, or Sea-Horse, catched in the Rivers Nunes and Gambia, about 16 Inches long, a white Ivory, but so brittle as not to be easily worked.

The Rule upon the Coast is, that when four will weigh an hundred weight, they shall all be accounted Teeth, and paid for as such, tho’ one or two of them be never so small; for the more Teeth encrease in their weight, the better the Ivory, and makes amends for the smallness of the other.

At Gambia, the points of them are often found broken, from the Elephant’s grubbing against rocky Ground; at other times, you[182] see them flawed, or they are light in proportion to their bigness, Circumstances that abate their value.

I have been often ruminating, how the trading Negroes come by these Elephants Teeth, and find they exchange our European Commodities with the inland Natives for them; but whether they again shoot the Elephants, or find their Teeth in travelling through the Woods and Desarts, is uncertain. Their Rivers and Canoos indeed, help to extend their Knowledge a vast way through the Country, and there are some Accounts that tell us, the Negroes scituated upon these Rivers (like the Americans) make Excursion, or Voyages of a month or two, from their Habitations.

Mr. Plunket of Sierraleon, and others of above twenty years experience in those parts, have informed me, that Elephants move and change their Pasture in very large Herds; that they have seen Droves upon the Banks of the Gambia, of a thousand and fifteen hundred together; that they are bold, have a tough Case, forage less than Horses, and look out much better: from the Circumstance of number, and boldness of their March (said to be in a line) they seem secured from any attacks of the timorous Natives, who must come very near, or their Skin is impenetrable by Fire-arms. Besides, Ivory was the Trade of Guinea, before the[183] use of them, to which I may add, the weighty Teeth come to Sale in a less number than the Screvelios; altogether persuading me, they are not shot, but that the larger Size are Teeth of Elephants who have died naturally, and which being grown to their utmost Perfection and Solidity, withstand a very considerable Elapse of time, without decay or mouldering; and that the Screvelios are probably such as are shed when young, the like as we meet in the human Species, or as Bucks do their Horns, which the Natives by practice know where to look for.

GOLD.

The Gold of Guinea is mostly traded for at the Gold Coast (thence denominated) and is either in Fetish, in Lump, or in Dust.

The Fetish-Gold is that which the Negroes cast into various Shapes, and wear as Ornaments at their Ears, Arms, and Legs, but chiefly at their Head, entangled very dextrously in the Wool; it is so called, from some Superstition (we do not well understand) in the Form, or in their Application and Use, commonly mixed with some baser[184] Metal, to be judged of by the Touch-Stone, and skill of the Buyer you employ.

The Lump, or Rock Gold, is in pieces of different weights, pretended to be brought our of Mines. I saw one of these which Mr. Phips had at Cape Corso, weighing thirty Ounces, they are always suspected to be artificial, and by the cunning Fellows in Trade, cast so, to hide some baser mixture of Silver, Copper or Brass: wherefore it is not safe trusting to the antique, dirty look, but to cut or run it for satisfaction.

Dust Gold is the common Traffick, the best comes hither from the neighbouring inland Kingdoms of Dinkira, Akim, and Arcana, and is got (we are told) out of the River-Sands. Tagus in Portugal was once so famed;

The Natives dig Pits nigh the Water-falls of Mountains abounding with this Metal; the Ponderosity of their Particles sinking them there: and then with incredible Pains and Industry, they wash the Earth and Sand in Trays and Vessels till it all swims off, and they espy at bottom now and then two or three shining Grains of Gold that pays them (without great Fortune) only as Labourers.

This is the most probable Account, how they come by their Gold on this Coast: For if it were through Mines, and from Kingdoms so nearly bordering on our Factories as Arcana (whence the best and purest) it would long since, I imagine, have tempted us, or the Dutch to have dispossessed the Natives, and worked them solely to our own use.

Gold Dust is not gathered at any part of the same River, it’s said, but at convenient Spots nearest the Mountains; because when too distant from the Floods that wash through Mines, their Weight buries them too deep, or disperses their Particles too widely, to answer the Labour of Searching.

Masters of Ships customarily hire a Native, at so much per month, for this part of the Trade; he has a quicker sight at knowing, and by Practice, readier at separating the drossy and false Gold, with which the true has ever some Mixture, to impose on unskilful People. This impure Stuff is called Crackra, a Pin or brass Dust, current upon the Gold Coast among themselves, but is a gross Cheat in Traffick, some of it is very bad.

The way to separate, is by copper Blow-pans, shaped like Fire-Shovels; into this your Gold-taker throws three or four Ounces at a time, and by gently tossing, and blowing upon it, the lightest being the false, flies off: the larger Grains he discriminates by his sight,[186] and separates by his Fingers with a wonderful dexterity.

Their way of counting Gold at the Factories, is by Ounces, Bendees, and Marks, lesser are Dumbays, and Doccys, or Toccus; 12 of this, or 24 of that, make an Accy, (about 5s.)

All reserve it in Leather Pouches, and at London, the Gold-Smith runs it down in a [36]Crucible at two pence per Ounce; it’s kept dissolved for the Evaporation of Dross, (perhaps one Ounce in a hundred) and then cast into a solid Bar; a Chip from it he sends to the Assay-master in the Tower, who by his Office is Judge, and on a small Fee, signs back a Note of it’s Value, that is, how much above, or under Sterling; and so amounts to a Shilling or two over or under 4l. a Troy Ounce.

Our Return upon the Gold Coast.

At our coming hither in October 1721, we understood every where that the Pyrates under the Command of Roberts, had been plundering the Ships down the whole[187] Coast, but were then supposed gone off: the latest Account of any who had suffered, being in August last. We therefore, under no Apprehension of their Return, divided the Provisions had been sent hither from England to us, and leaving the Weymouth (the worst disabled Ship of the two) in Cape Corso Road, stretch’d away to Windward again, the Beginning of November, in order to mann, by the Purchase of Slaves, and impressing Sailors from the Merchant Vessels; the latter we had little Occasion of, their ill Treatment, and bad Diet (or a Pretence of it) making them all Volunteers that could be spared.

At Succonda we heel’d and scrubbed Ship, a Ledge of Rock shooting from the western Point nigh a League, making it a smoother Sea than any of the neighbouring Places; and this little Check given to the Water, we observed, made the Bay flow a foot or two higher than any part of the plain Coast.

At Dixcove, the Windermost of our Gold-Coast Factories, we heard by the Carlton, that the Soldiers who had come out under our Convoy for the African Company’s Service at Gambia, had unhappily mutiny’d with Captain Massey one of their Officers; disdaining the bad usage of the Merchants who had the Command and Victualling of them, they spiked up the Guns, and retir’d to the Ship which had brought them over,[188] (the Bumper) and there by a joint Consent of George Lowther the second Mate, and some of the Sailors, proceeded to Sea; the Effect of which, see in the History of the Pyrates.

At Apollonia we found all our old Acquaintance were gone: The Queen that had two or three Months ago sent off a Dashee of four Accys, was lately, with her People, forced to move to Assinee.

There are a numerous People called Santies, or Assanties, extending a long way on the back of them, who derive a considerable Trade to the Coast, particularly at Anamaboo. This Nation, provoked by the frequent Depredations and Panyarrs of the Apollonians, had lately been down and drove them from their Habitations; tho’ themselves, unwilling to own the Roguery, say it has proceeded from the Instigation of Jan Conny their Neighbour and Competitor. At Assinee therefore, we found them preparing to revenge this Injury, buying up all our trading Arms at a good Price, and giving a Fowl for every Flint we could spare, (there being no such thing in the Country.) They are as fearless as any of the Colour, both in Trade and War, and promise themselves an Amendment of their Fortune, which, by accounts since, I hear they have accomplished against Conny.

At Cape Three Points we found our Water-Pond almost dried up, tho’ the Wind at S. E. had lately brought on two or three heavy Showers of Rain, and they failing, constant thick Fogs in the day, and what is very unusual at the distance we anchor, Dews in the night on board: The Current to Westward. In this Bay, two or three Evenings running, we saw a monstrous Fish heavily moving about the Ship, divided into eight or ten different Parts, each as large as a Thornback, sinking immediately at the throwing over a Hook; the Sailors call it a Devil-Fish. Fire-Flies also, (common to warm Latitudes,) flew about in the night; an Insect that makes the like light in the Air, as Glow-Worms on the Ground.

What I shall farther observe from this Cruise or the Circuit we have made, I never yet met either of those useful Animals, a Dog or a Horse, among the Natives; the latter, Bosman (who writes of Guinea) says, are numerous in-land; and of the other, their Bark turns to a Howl in three or four Broods, their Ears and Colour inclining to a Fox. Those I have seen, and not hitherto mentioned, are, among Quadrupeds, the Cat, Hare, Rat, Lizzard, Boar, Porcupine, Civet-Cat, Camelion, and Petto or Sluggard, from the Slowness of his March; he will grow lean in the time he takes to ascend a Tree, and never comes down till he has devoured[190] all the Fruit. Birds, the Parrot, Paraquet, Pheasant, Partridge, Wild-Duck, Turtle-Dove, Snipe, Kite, and others. Fish, the Jack, Plaise, Sole, Bream, Thornback, Dab, Lobster, Crab, Shrimp, &c. Reptiles, the Toad, Scorpion, Centipes.

PYRATES.

As Roberts the Pyrate, by the bold Sweep made in August, had struck a Pannick into the Traders, we were several times in our late Cruise alarmed with Stories of their being again to Windward; which kept us Plying, till others contradicting such Report, and considered with the rashness of the Attempt, returned us to our Rendesvouz in Cape Corso Road, where we had scarce well arrived, before Mr. Phips received Intelligence by two or three Canoos dispatched to him, of Vessels chased and taken by them a few Leagues off, committing great Cruelties. They were well manned, we understood, having increased their number greatly by this double Expedition, and the Reputation of their Success; the Seamen every where entering, notwithstanding our neighbourhood, and where they refused, by report, ’twas oftner thro’ Fear, than any detestation of the Practice.

The Conclusion from our Advices, was to follow them to Whydah; for avoiding this Road, (which it might be imagined they would do, in respect to our being there) the next and chiefest Place for Booty was there. We missed them however by 24 hours, but[192] following quickly to Cape Lopez, luckily fixed the Limits of their Navigation; their Drunkenness, Inadvertency, and Disorder, making them fall an easy Prize to us.

Discipline is certainly an excellent Path to Victory; we see it through all Nations, who in some ages are warlike, in others effeminate. Courage, locutory or military, like a Trade, is gained by an Apprenticeship. The Coward to-day, may seven years hence become a brave Fellow, and metamorphosed again, perhaps by a bad Wife, or other adverse Fortune. What makes our Militia laughed at, even by Men draughted from them? only because they want that constant Discipline, the red Coat and martial Law, that makes the other terrible: Every Man in standing Troops, is in a School of Exercise, where, if not dull, he may acquire the Tread, the Talk, and Courage of a Hero.[37] Subordination is an Essential to it in this very Discipline; the Gentleman brought up ever so tamely, finding a Courage with his Commission, and for the most part, increasing as he becomes a Captain, a Colonel, or a General. The Pyrates, tho’ singly Fellows of Courage, yet wanting such a Tye of Order, some Director to unite that Force, were a contemptible Enemy, neither killed nor wounded us a man in taking them, and must[193] ever, in the same Circumstances, be the Fate of such Rabble.

We found in the three Ships about 200 Englishmen, 60 or 70 stout Negro Slaves, great plenty of trading Goods, and, what more attracted the Eye, a large quantity of Gold Dust, by computation, 8 or 10000l. the Searches made, and the Diligence of the Officers in those Searches, imagining themselves to have some share in the Heap, makes that Sum very probable; the Pyrates themselves giving out double: for all which, the Commander at home obtained the Privy-Seal.

The People, their Wives, and Widows, who thought themselves injured in this Seclusion, petitioned the Lords-Commissioners of the Admiralty, the Secretaries, and other Officers of State, for a Recall of this Grant; sine Auspiciis. The Officers joined also in a Petition for the E—— of B——y’s Interposition, to obtain for them the Division of any Sum they might prove, over and above what was suggested in obtaining the Privy-Seal;—and with the same Success.

To return from this Excursion; the number of our Prisoners gave a great deal of fatigue and uneasiness, during a six Weeks Passage, lest the danger of a Halter should prompt them to some desperate Attempt for their Liberty; but arriving safe at Cape Corso again, they were there brought to their Tryals,[194] hang’d, or acquitted; the Court allowing for the Office of Register,

The General of the Coast gave the Table, which made the whole Charge rest upon those two Articles, the cheapest since the Reformation.

St. George de ELMINA.

During our Stay in the Road, an Officer or two of us took an Interval to wait on Mr. Butler, the Director-General for the Dutch at St. George de Elmina, three Leagues to Windward; he received us so much the more kindly, that in eighteen years which he had resided on the Coast, he had seldom been visited by his Countrymen, and of late, not at all, which he imputed to the Misunderstandings that were frequently happening between him and his Neighbour, Mr. Phips, on account of Trade; they could not pay him this Compliment without offending the other. His Table had ten Dishes of[195] Victuals, an extraordinary Shew in a part of such Scarcity, with variety of Beer and Wine, and an attendance of six Negro Servants, each a gold Chain about his Neck, the largeness distinguishing Grandeur, as fine Cloth or Lace does a Livery.

After Dinner, Mr. Butler gave us four gold Rings a-piece, (the Make of the Country) a Trifle, he said, to remember him, and then shewed us their Apartments and Store-houses, large, and well stocked.

The Castle, taken from the Portuguese in 1638, is a Quadrangle, like that of Cape Corso, but has a double Ditch round, cut out of a Rock, which like Basins hold the Rain-water, and give additional Strength; a populous Negro Town at the foot of it, under their Protection.

From hence, we retired for the Afternoon to a Summer-house in his Garden, and in the Evening his Officers attended us to the Boat, where we were still followed with Marks of undeserved Respect, three or four Rooves of Brasil Sugar, (then a Commodity) and at putting off, a Salute of nine Guns. The worst part of our Fare came afterwards, when we could not commend this Hospitality and Generosity of Mr. Butler, without indirect Reflections upon our own Castle.

On the 1st of May 1722, we left Cape Corso, (for my own part, I hope till Doom’s-Day) and on the third, came down to Whydah.[196] Here we took a Sailor out of a Portuguese Ship, that had been a Confederate in seizing Captain Rowry’s Vessel, as mentioned before at St. Thomas’s; he, on the Reflection of his Crime, and a Fear of worse Evil, cut his Throat, and died. About this time I was appointed Purser to the Weymouth, (a Bursier, the Officer in Colleges, that takes care of their Accounts) every body being dead almost, that could do it: and with Reluctancy in me, because not skill’d in the Employ, and neither Cooper, Steward, or Necessaries on board; but the Indulgence I expected on these accounts from a worthy Commander, and some little Advantage in quitting the Surgeon’s Employ, were Persuasives.

From Whydah, both Men-of-War steered away for Cape Lopez, to wood and water, in order for the West-Indies.

Cape LOPEZ.

Cape Lopez makes a safe and pleasant Bay, our anchoring in 20 Fathom Water, the Cape N W B N, the Watering-place S B E, each a mile and half distance.

Coming in, we bring the Cape S. S. W. to avoid what most Charts lay down, the Shoal called Frenchman’s Bank, about a League and half N. N. E. from the Cape;[197] and some say there are other Shoals between that and the Main to the Northward.

The Cape is low and steep, yet looks bluff with Trees, has some Savannahs behind, the resort of Buffaloes; I have seen a dozen head at a time here, which, when you are minded to hunt or shoot, the Negroes are ready to assist. The Bay is well stored with Fish, and the Country affords Plantains, Goats, Fowls, and particularly grey Parrots, all cheap; but their principal trading Commodities are Wax in Cakes, and Honey, exchanged with us on easy terms, for Linnen, Calicos, Stuffs, Pewter Spoons, Knives, &c. and it is the Seal of all Bargains, to take hold of one another’s Hands and say, Palaaver suquebah.

Pou, or Wood, is after the rate of a Fathom, for an old Guinea Sheet; their Water free, and easy come at, but is a standing Pool, and not so well-tasted therefore as Springs.

The Natives are harmless and inoffensive, never sell one another. But when Ships come in, flock towards the Bay with Wax, Honey, a few Teeth, and little Gold; which last, I rather believe, is brought thither, because not one of them seemed to know the Value of it. They are timorous, and therefore have their Habitations at a distance from the Sea, few of them venturing on board a Ship; feared, I suppose, by the Tricks have formerly been put upon them by our Traders: so that we[198] barter altogether on shore, where they attend for that purpose.

Their familiar Salute at meeting, is by clapping their hands two or three times, to one another. To a Superior, (the Cabiceer, or the Aged) they bend the Knee, raising first their Hands to the out-parts of their Shoulders or Arms, then patting the other’s Hands gently three times, they cry Chamba at each time, and retreat with three times clapping their own hands:—to profess an extraordinary Friendship to you, they raise your Hand as high as they can reach.

Many of them have borrowed Names from the Europeans that put in here, and are pleased when you will adopt them to wear such a Cognizance of your Remembrance; they do not sollicit this Favour till after several views, that they see something to be admired, or that the Person asked, has a fancied Sympathy of Temper, or likeness with themselves.

As they come down to trade in Tribes, each has a Captain or Leader, who always craves or claims some Dashee, before you strike a Bargain with any of the other Negroes; a Bottle of Brandy, a Sabre, Knife, or any ordinary Apparel is acceptable; the Chief loves to distinguish himself by an Imitation of our Dress, and is often so preposterously set out with Hat, Wig, and Breeches, that he makes a fifty times more[199] ridiculous, and scaramouch Figure, than any of his naked Dependants.

Jacobus was one of these; he takes on him the Title of King, without knowing the meaning, and came on board to visit us in a very antick Figure; an old Sailor’s Wig turned upside down, half a pair of Breeches, Jacket, Hat, &c. yet this Man seemed to be reverenced much by the others, and in drinking, two of them always held up a Cloth before his Face, that he might not be seen; the Custom seems to have a State in it, and borrowed perhaps from some neighbouring Monarch: He of Monomotapa, it is said, never drinks, but the Court put up their Prayers with a loud Voice, which being heard by others, is transmitted over the whole Town.

As Jacobus and his Company grew drunk, (for they swallowed nothing but Bumpers of Brandy) I observed this Respect was laid aside; and what was a greater Misfortune, the Prince and his Retinue beheld with winking Eyes, all their Hovels on fire ashore: The Occasion this; we happening to have all our Colours flying, and some Guns let off in honour of the 28th of May, another Leader on shore misinterpreting it as a particular Respect to Jacobus, grew jealous, seized his House during the Revel, his Wives, and his Dashees, drank up all his Brandy, eat all his Victuals, cudgelled his People, and set both his Houses on fire.

Next Morning, on unravelling the Mystery, the Surprize was over, and all became good Friends again. They have very little Knowledge or Use of Fire-Arms, because no Trade scarce; their Weapons being Spears, Arrows, and Clubs, and it is a bloody Battle among them, when half a dozen of a side are knocked down.

A
VOYAGE
TO
Brasil, and the West-Indies.

From Cape Lopez (parting with the Coast) we came in sight of the Island Annabona, the Breezes small at South, and Calms alternatively; hereabout we cruised three or four days, for our Consort the Swallow, that some how or other was separated; and missing her, bore away for Brasil.

In the Passage it may be first observed, that when we had sailed ninety Leagues to the Westward, and got into 3°° S. the Winds that were at South veered, so as to become a true S E. Trade, that carried us four or five Knots.——And still as we advanced farther Westward, it blew fresher at E S E. 7, 8, and 9 Knots constantly, with neither Thunder[202] nor Lightning. Quære, whether this distance is not a proper Medium to allow for the Attraction of all Exhalations by the Land; at least that they considerably abate after that length from all Shores, allowing for Latitude, and as they are Montainous or Plain. We see within this Dimension, (plainly) that it takes off the Influence of the Sun, and varys the Trade Wind towards itself: Nor is it so astonishing, since Animals themselves obey; several sorts of Fish and Fowl have a periodical return to such and such places, and not so of those inhabiting the more stable Element of Land: Wherefore it is highly rational to think, that as the fluid Elements they live in yield to the attractive Power of the Earth and Planets, so also their Inhabitants have their Instinct more sensibly fated by them.

Secondly, in this Trade-Wind sailing, we are every day diverted with flying Fish, Bonetos, and Sea-Fowl; the Sails require little labour in trimming, the Ship goes steady, and the Bowl unslung; so that at leaving such a Country we might cheerfully sing,

One of these cheerful Evenings, eleven at night, the full Moon became totally eclipsed, a Darkness surprizing, as it was unexpected; when she had recovered her Light, we repeated our[203] Sacrifice in Bowls, and fell into Reflections and Admiration of that Power which supports the Regularity of the planetary Motions, and the Sublimity of that Art which can so exactly calculate them: They demonstrate the Sphericity of the Earth, because Countries, as they are farther East or West, observe them hours sooner or later, according to their Longitude, which could not be on a Plain, but visible to all at once.

This Longitude therefore in a general View, is the same thing as Time, the difference of it being the distance East and West of any two places, allowing 15 Degrees, or 300 Leagues to an Hour; the whole 24 being lost or gained in a Circum-navigation of the Globe, West or Eastward.

A natural, tho’ hitherto incorrect way of estimating the Parts of Longitude in those Runs, till Instruments and Rules are discovered, is, I think, First, to make exact Tables of the Sun’s Risings and Settings, at Places commonly departed from, and those we go to for every day in the year: and then, Secondly, to carry two proved Watches of equal Goodness, kept in equal Warmth, and freest from Motion and Weather, to measure the difference of time where you are, by the same edge of the Sun the Tables were made from; the Minutes sooner or later, according as you go East or West, is so many[204] Leagues of Longitude for that day. I would insinuate by this only my Opinion, that those literal Improvers of Time, the Watch Makers, bid as fair for the Discovery of Longitude as the Astronomer; for if Watches can be made not to err above two or three Minutes in the time a Ship is running 1000 Leagues, or if they do err more, a Rule could be found how much, (like as an Azimuth corrects the common Compass;) or if any Movement could be depended on only from Observation to Observation, then the Error would be no greater than what is met in different Quadrants, observing Latitude. As it is, it seems a proper Method to correct or assist the present Rules of calculating meridional Distance.

We made this Passage of 8 or 900 Leagues to Brasil in three Weeks; but having elsewhere given my Observations on the Country, I shall only take notice that the Trade blowing very fresh, and bringing in a great Swell, we hastened from the Coast to our intended Ports in the West-Indies.

In our Progress thither, a Remark or two: First, that in the Navigation from Brasil, we crossed the Æquinoctial, two or three Degrees W. of Cape Roque, keeping on with a pleasant S E. Trade that gradually lessened, and in 4°° North Latitude, left us in Calms, Rains, and uncertain Squalls, (varying round the Compass;) That this continued for several days, till we drew in or near the Parallel of[205] Barbados, and then we as gradually had obtained the Trade to Northward of the East, running 150 Leagues with it, that is, to Barbados.

Secondly, The reason of Calms, and Rains met in Latitudes between 4°° and 11°° N. (with a little Variation, as the Sun is of this or that side the Equinoctial) is probably from a Contest between the N E. and S E. Trade; but whether the passing them be more favourable far to the Eastward or Westward, I am uncertain.

BARBADOS.

Barbados was discovered by Sir William Carter, in King James I’s time, planted to little purpose until 1627; since which, the Crops have been so advantageous, as to have raised the Price of Ground thirty fold.

We anchored here in Carlisle-Bay the beginning of August, the resort of most Shipping who load at this Island. The Bay is made by Needham and Pelican Points; the Anchorage 20 Fathom, so clear Water that you may see to the bottom; but so foul and rocky, that the Cables are always buoy’d up with Cask. In the bottom of the Bay stands[206] Bridgetown, the principal of the Island, and is the Residence of the Governor, Factors, and Merchants, who transact their Business here and at their Plantations alternately. There is only one large Church, with an Organ, and about twenty Chappels at different parts of the Island, all Episcopal, there having been no Dissenters these many years. The People are for the most part polite and well-bred, promoting Trade by a magnificent way of living; the chief of them are Colonels, or Captains of Militia, and in the Assembly are divided into a Party-Interest, on the civil Affairs of the Island, their chief Distinction; murmuring, or elate, just as they are in or out of the Governor’s Favour, who can abate in the Customs, or imploy in the Application: (tho’ by the way the fewer Officers, and those Menials, the better advantage to him.)

The whole is a sweet Spot of Earth, not a Span hardly uncultivated with Sugar-Canes; all sides bend with an easy Declivity to the Sea, and is ever green: This delight to the Planter has its Inconveniencies, that there is no Recreation out of Business, but in Drinking or Gaming.

The Propriety was given by King James I. to the Earl of Carlisle; and Anno 1661, King Charles II. purchased it back of Lord Kinoul, that Earl’s Heir, allowing him 1000l. per Ann. Acknowledgment.

Anno 1663, an Act passed by the President (who acts as Governor in their absence) the Council and Assembly, for 4½ in Specie Duty of all Commodities, the Produce of the Island, which it’s computed will amount to 10000l. per Annum.—Madeira Wines imported, at 4l. 10s. per Pipe, raises 7000l. and this, with one Pound of Gunpowder per Tun on each Ship, is appropriated for Stores, and Repairs to Forts.

The Governor is appointed by the King, his Salary formerly used to arise at an uncertain Sum of 4 or 5000l. per Ann. from Presents and Perquisites, since fixed at 1200l., 2000l. and now is 6000l. And as the Council, a part of their Constitution, is in a manner of his own Nomination, being appointed by Letters of Mandamus, as they have Power to make Demands on ancient Perquisites, and sway in the Application of the publick Money; there are various ways of obliging, and his Party will always be uppermost in the Legislature, which consists of him, the Council of twelve, and an Assembly of twenty two, chose at the several Parishes by a Majority of Votes.

One Law is, That no Inhabitant shall be carried off the Island without Leave; whoever engages in the Project, is liable to the Debts; so that when a Family sees Ruin approaching, (a frequent Case of late years) their Remedy is stealing away in Boats to[208] some other Place of Subsistence; and if they cannot this way escape a hard Creditor, they comfort themselves in dying, that it may be their Lot next. Those who depart fairly, are obliged to give publick notice at the Secretary’s Office; and no body objecting in twenty one days, are at liberty.

Another Act in 1676, passed against the Industry of the Quakers, whose Conversion of the Negroes, it was pretended, hazarded the Safety of the Island. They are computed at 80 or 90000, and are countenanced in Polygamy; yet not dangerous, because no Mountains to fly to, Detections and Executions would soon follow their Rebellions. The English are reckoned 20000, the Women among them most Scotch and Irish, very homely, and great Swearers. The Men, contrarily, are very gay, clean, and handsome, from mean Originals, often succeeding with rich Widows; it being but Justice to link a fat Plantation to the truely nauseous Draught of Matrimony.

The way of feeding such a Multitude, and providing Necessaries in an Island yielding little besides Sugar, is principally by their Fisheries and Importations.

The Sea gives them great plenty of flying Fish, Dolphins, Barricuda and King Fish, particularly the first; they bait with their own Specie, which thrown about, the Fish fly in such numbers to the Boats, that they take[209] them up with Dip-nets, and sometimes the Dolphins with them; the Season goes off at the Autumnal Equinox. Their Importations by Ships from England, Ireland, New-England, Pensylvania, Carolina, or New-York, constantly supplying any Defect of Food or Necessaries, every Vessel bringing them something or other of this kind, which the Merchants keep in store and sell the Planters occasionally, who give their Sugars, Rum, and Molosses in return. The Price in what I was acquainted is, viz.

I have heard that the Custom-house Books had one year 35000 Hogsheads of Sugar entred, which at 10l. per Hogshead, amounts to[210] 350000l. Every Acre was supposed 10s. a year Profit to the national Stock of England, besides what the Planter got, and Mouths fed by it; but I must observe, the Crops of late years have very much failed, and put many of them under great Necessities. The Soil fertile in the Age past, seems now growing old, and past its teeming-time; they endeavour to mend this by a few Cattle kept for the sake of Manure; few, I say, because Land imploy’d this way, gives not ¹/₁₀ its Value. Wherefore when a thoughtless Man has joined to unlucky Events and Seasons an inadvertent way of living, he falls a Prey to the more astronomical Heads of Factors, who supply him with Food and Necessaries. The Hardships of many Planters at this time, through such Inclemencies, cannot be better laid open to the Reader, than in transcribing part of a Sermon, that I am informed was preached by Command of his Excellency the Governor, May 1734.

A Charity Sermon at Bridgetown,
for the two Parishes, St. Philip, and Christ-Church.

“Here I should have left off, but I am commanded by his Excellency the Governor, to exhort you to that Charity, the Necessity of which has been laid before ye.

“Remember therefore, that one of the ways observed of seeking God is, by obeying the Dictates of his Holy Spirit, that Humanity and Charity undepraved Nature feels towards all that are poor and distressed.

“What an excellent Grace of Christianity this is, St. Paul from the Spirit of God teacheth, (1 Cor. xiii.) saying, that when the Gift of Tongues, of Prophecies, of Miracles shall cease, a greater, even that of Charity, shall never cease in the Church militant, never in the Church triumphant; nor can there be any greater Inducements to provoke us to Charity, than first, it covers a Multitude of Sins, and next, bringeth God himself (as he is pleased to esteem it) in debt to us; for he who giveth to the Poor lendeth to the Lord, and look, what he layeth out shall be paid him again; paid in Blessings here, and hereafter eternal Life, if no mortal Sin continue in the Giver, to hinder these blessed Effects.—I need say no more to ye who read the Bible, how dear to God those Christians are, who according to their Ability are liberal to poor Persons and Families; so that what remains for me to say, is to expatiate a little upon the miserable State of the Poor of these two Parishes, and leave the whole to your pious Consideration.

“In one of these, St. Philip’s, mine Eyes beheld all the Signs of an approaching Famine;[212] the Face of the Earth appeared as it were a dry Crust, burnt up and gaping for its watry Nutriment; hardly any thing green appeared, and I am told, the Face of the Country is much the same in Christ-Church Parish. Now how miserable must it be with the single Poor, and with Families! I assure you, several are come into ours, and others are gone farther Leeward to seek for Work and Food. You who are tender Parents, consider how terrible it must be for Families with nothing in their House, nothing growing on their Land, not a grain of any thing to support themselves and dear helpless Children: No Money, and no Credit, no Relief from without, and no Bread, nor Water either, hardly within or without. I have heard of poor Men going about for Work, to sustain their own Bodies, forced to leave Wife and Children at home to starve; sure your Hearts must relent, and every one of you give according as you are able, with a free Mind, and willing Heart. But here some may object, Why should I give to those two Parishes, when our own Poor may be in as great Want? I answer, some may be so; but the Calamity (blessed be God) is not so general here; it is not so bad with us in that one necessary Article of Water. Thirst is terrible, let us then pity our poor Brethren,[213] their Wives and Children, who go so far for Water that they have not due time to get their Bread, were there Work for them to earn it by.

“I believe, you know we have here poor Families in great want, and I could wish our Vestry would meet, particularly to consider it; but in the mean time, let us not forget the poorer People of these two Parishes, as now perishing for want of Food; yea, his L——p and the Council’s Belief is, (you hear) that some have already died for want of Bread.

“What Christian Man or Woman then in Affluence and Plenty, can have an Heart so hard as not to bestow liberally on so great, so sad, so calamitous a Necessity and Misery? and what poorer Christian, who has somewhat, tho’ little above his daily Wants, but will fling his Mite to stop so dread an Evil?

“What Christian Woman, who has young and helpless Children of her own, and Bread to give them, but whose Bowels must yearn and Heart ake to hear, that in these two Parishes are many Infants crying at the empty Breasts of their Mothers, and their Mothers weeping and languishing at the same time for Bread to sustain themselves.

“What compassionate Fathers or Brothers but must grieve to understand, that grown Children too young to work, are now[214] starving in these Parishes, and their Parents and Brothers nothing to relieve them.

“What good Children but must bleed at heart to see their Parents starving? yet such is the Fate of some in these Parishes.

“Christians consider, that one way of keeping Famine from us of this Parish, is to bestow our Charity in a Proportion to their Wants, and our Ability: That is the likeliest Method to move God to give us fruitful Seasons, to renew our Springs, and bring a cheerful Green over the Face of our Plants and Seeds.

The Consequence of this Distress now among the Barbadians, is shifting their old Habitations; several impelled by Necessity, and Wants, (stronger Motives than Religion;) are stealing away to mend it where they can.

The Sufferings of these Islanders, I think, will carry some Similitude to larger Countries; where the remarkable Decay, or Loss of one single Branch of Trade, it’s observed, will sensibly affect Multitudes, not only those immediately concerned in the retailing, who must change Trades, infringing on others, or seek other Countries, but also those not concerned; because as an extraordinary Trade stamps an extraordinary Value on Land, and that on Provisions, when the one fails, or changes hands, as it has and will do, (Venice,[215] the Hans Towns, Antwerp, Holland, and which by the way, shews all Countries bordering on the Sea, within 50°° of Latitude, equally advantageous for Trade) the other ought to give way for the lowering of Provisions, and Charge of Subsistence to the Poor, (some ways of it being supposed now to be cut off or curtailed:) and if Landlords do it slowly, the Law should oblige; because, as publick Virtue is no private Man’s Profession, he will take his Lands into his own hands, tho’ with Loss, rather than submit to the Reduction of his Rents; and because he can afford it, will hoard, and suffer Grain to decay and spoil, before he will fall the Price.

In our Plantations, the inferior sort of Merchants are not unlike Sharpers in Gaming; they by a better Skill, know how to prey on the Wants, the Weakness, and Passions of their Customers (the Planters and Artificers) chaining them down by degrees to their Service; many of the Inconsiderate being ruined without knowing it, till the very Day they want Victuals.

SUGAR-CANES.

In the Wars between Holland and Portugal in Brasil, a Dutch-Man arrived here from thence, who taught them the way of Planting and making Sugars. They are set[216] out between August and December, six Inches deep, and do not come to Maturity until one year and a quarter: when ripe, which is known by their Colour, they cut them up with a Bill, and send them to the Wind-mills, which presses out the Juice so clean, the Canes by being an hour or two in the Sun, become fit for Fuel.

The Liquor must not remain in the Cistern above a day, for fear of souring; it is therefore by a Gutter conveyed to the Copper or Boyler, and in the boiling, the Filth scummed off; thence it’s conveyed into the second and third, and in the last, called the Tack, is boiled to a Consistency, and turned into a Grain by throwing in of Temper, which is only the Infusion of Lime and Water made strong according to the Goodness of the Cane. Nine Pounds of Juice makes one of Muscovado, and one of Molossus.

From hence it is carried to the cooling Cistern, till fit to put in Pots, which have Holes at Bottom to drain off the Molossus.

Of these Molossus again, they sometimes make another worse Sugar, called Paneels. Of the Scum, coarse Molossus, Washings of the Boilers and Pots, fermented together, is made Rum.

To refine Sugar, is to boil it over again, and clarify with the same Lime-Water and Eggs, reckoned better than the clayed Sugars of this Region, made by putting a clayey[217] Earth mixed with Water to the thickness of a Batter upon them, and repeated three or four times according to the degree of Whiteness design’d; both ways carry the Treacle and Molossus downwards, but the former most esteemed, as mixing less, and purging to better purpose. Lime refines from Impurities, and imparts a softer Taste, experienced in throwing it into Wells of hard Water; the best refin’d in Loaves comes back to the Sugar-Colonies from England, sell at 50 or 100 per Cent. Advance, and are of common Use; they must be kept dry, a hot and moist Air dissolving them.

From Molossus, Distillers make a clean Brandy, and it gives a pretty tasted Spirit to Malt Liquors, boiled and worked in the Tun.

Besides Rum and Sugars, they have Quantities of Ginger, Aloes, Tamarinds, Citron, Cassia, Coloquintida, Cassava, Limes, Oranges, Guavas, Pine-Apples, Mastick, Cedar, Cotton and Palmeto Trees, prickled Pear; but our Apples and Pears, nor any of our Shrub-Fruits, Goose-berry or Currant, will thrive. Of the Potato they make a brisk Small-beer, called Mobby.

About two or three years ago, the low Price of Sugars, that had reduced and beggar’d the Planters, brought on a Complaint, and Bill in Parliament in their favour. They urged, according to the best of my Remembrance, that the northern Colonies, especially[218] New-England, being suffered to trade with the French Islands, was in a great part the Occasion of this, and a Loss to the Nation; for they took off all the French Molossus, which before they had no use for, but sold it our Islands at very low Prices.

The French therefore were helped by this Sale, to afford their Sugars cheaper, and still more enabled by a nearer Way of Living; by the Customs being taken off, allowing them to go thence to any Market, and other Encouragements to undersell, and take the foreign Markets from us, who were clogged with all those Inconveniencies.

The New-England People alledged, their Trade seemed the least essential Article in the Injury complained of; for unless our Islands found means to take off the other Impediments, and bring their Sugars to as cheap, or cheaper Price than the French and Dutch, they would be the same in respect to foreign Markets; and if new Grounds are better, or more wanted in Plantations, there are enough at Jamaica, St. Christopher’s, &c. to redress the Evil. But this is not in their View, say they; the more Lands are employed, the less will be the Value of the present Estates, an impolitick Reduction of all prodigal Expences; for every Island singly, reckon their Happiness in part, not from the flourishing Condition of another, but from Casualties, and bad[219] Seasons; the less quantity there is to answer the Demand, the higher the Price.

Barbados formerly used to buy the French and Dutch Sugars, making all that Trade go through their own hands, till in 1715, laying a Duty turned the Channel, and they would now make up that oversight by imposing their own Price on us.

The Northern Colonies deserve Favour, they think, as vastly superior in Number and Trade, take off more of the Manufactures of England for themselves, and their Trade with the Indians, who exchange Furrs and Pelfry to make Hats; for the same Reason, they want more Molossus to manufacture among themselves, than our Islands can sell, or if they could, cannot take off one quarter of the Lumber, Horses, and refuse Fish, with which we trade with the French, not only for Rum and Molossus (which may as well come to us this way, as through their hands) but sometimes also Money; and without which we have no means of purchasing, nor could get rid of our Produce and Industry, which is very unreasonable.

To lay a Tax of six-pence a Gallon on French Molossus, is the same as a Prohibition, which their Country cannot so easily bear. They take 20000 Hogsheads a year (each 100 Gallons) from the Dutch and French, which is 50000l. whereas they have no Specie to pay it, their Currency being all[220] Paper, and that but 30000l. Besides, it would be the first Tax on a charter’d Colony from England, where they have no Representatives.

Lastly, it was said, the French buy their Negroes, and Sugar-Materials (Mills, Coppers, &c.) 40 per Cent. dearer than us; therefore for our Islands to say they cannot afford as cheap, is to say, they will not abate of their Pride and Luxury, but help to maintain it by a Tax on our more humble Industry.

The WEST-INDIES.

For a general Idea of the West-Indies, we may understand by that Term, all the Continent, Sea, and Islands, from Terra Firma to Florida, or from near the Equinoctial to 28°° of N. Latitude; and if you include Bermudas, to 32°°. The main Land in this Circuit divided into Spanish Provinces, is more peculiarly called the Spanish West-Indies, they possessing all, unless to the Southward in Guiana and Paria, where there are a few English, Dutch, and French, interspersed on the Rivers and Coast of Oronoko, Surinam, and Amazons.

They import hence to Europe, besides Rum and Sugars, great quantities of Cocoa,[221] Indigo, Cotton, Logwood, Ginger, Lignum-vitæ, Cochineel, Snuff, Cassia, Aloes, Pimento, Tortoise-shell, Dyers, and other Wood, a Variety of Drugs, and above all, prodigious Quantities of Plate, and some Gold.

The Islands in this Sea are the Charibbees, Sotovento, Antilles, and Bahama.

Charibbees were the lesser Antilles, about 30 in number, whereof the French have Martinico, St. Lucia, Bartholomew, Deseada, Granada, Marigalant, Guadalupe, and Santa Cruz. To the Dutch belong in whole or part, Saba, Eustatia, St. Vincent, and Tobago, or Tobacco Island; so called, from the Plenty of that Weed there, or the Weed so called, as first transplanted thence. The rest are English, and of them Barbados is chief. Others next of Note are Antegoa, Nevis, St. Christopher’s, and Montserrat; which have a separate Governor, stiled General of the Leeward Islands, their principal Produce with us, is Rum and Sugars; but the French, besides these, cultivate Cocoa, and Indigo: and as the managing of more Lands naturally gives Plenty, and makes room for an Increase of People, the French Policy of late years has considerably increased their Colonies at Martinico and Hispaniola; some say 40000 settled there at the French King’s Expence, with the Addition of a year’s Maintenance, to countenance their Mississipi Settlements, and these[222] further Views of drawing over Men’s Affections, by affording Europeans the West-India Commodities, at the cheapest rate, and strengthning themselves against the Resentment of any who dislike it.

In some are found large Caves that run half a Mile under ground, supposed the Dwelling-places of the old Natives, who quickly forsook them to the new Inmates; tho’ Dampier says, he met some of these Charibbees at St. Lucia, and St. Vincent, and others say the like of Curasao: The Name imports Cannibals, an Inhumanity charged on them at the Discovery, as a proper Accusation for Dispossessors.

Sotovento Isles lie E S E. and W N W. along the Terra Firma, called so because the Spaniards in their Voyages to Mexico, make them one after another sub vento (to Leeward.) Of these, the Dutch have Curasao, Oruba, and Berraire. The Spaniard the others, (La Trinidad, and Margarita, chief;) from whence, and the Antilles, they have of late years very much infested this Navigation, with their Guard le Costas, confiscating the English Effects in Reprisal, it is supposed, for the Loss of their Fleet near Messina, 1718.

The greater Antilles are, Cuba, Hispaniola, Portorico, and Jamaica; the three former, Spanish.

Cuba is principal; a very pleasant and flourishing Island, the Spaniard building and improving[223] for Posterity, without dreaming, as the English Planters do, of any other Home. They make the best Sugars in the West-Indies. It was from this Island, (Velasquez Governor,) that Cortez in 1518, made his Expedition and Conquest of Mexico.

The Havana, its chief Port and Town, is esteemed the richest in America; for besides its own valuable Produce, the Spanish Fleets from all parts on the Main, make up here in their return to Europe.

The Islands on the South Side of it, and the Camaines, are resorted to for the largest and best Turtle.

Porto-Rico, and Hispaniola (the diminutive of Hispania) are Islands we make, in our Passage to Jamaica, famous of late for their Guard le Costas. These Privateering Fellows, when they are not acting by lawful Commission, they know the Governor’s Mind, and bring in Ships on a pretence they are trading with the King of Spain’s Subjects in a clandestine and prohibited manner; if they find any Pieces of Eight, it is a Condemnation; an Encouragement in searching a Ship, to deposite some there themselves: Or if this Trick fails, they are yet detained, and on various Pretences lengthned out with Law-suits, till ruined. We called, after weighing from Barbados, at Sancto Domingo, the chief Town of Hispaniola, where we found three English Masters of Ships under[224] these Hardships. They had got the better in Law, but with such Charge and Delay, that it had spoiled their Ships and Voyages; and lest that should not do it effectually, their Damages are against the Captains of the Privateers, who are perhaps the Governor’s servile Dependants, and not worth a Groat.

Sancto Domingo Harbour has 15 Fathom Water at the Bar, and the Entrance defended by several Batteries. The Town is the Residence of an Arch-Bishop, and a President from Spain, who lives in a House that is said to have been built and occupied by Christopher Columbus himself. To this Officer (on account of its prior Settlement) Appeals come from all the Spanish West-India Islands, whose Sentence is definitive, unless called by a particular Commission to Old Spain. They buy their Places, it seems, and consequently execute them oppressively.

The Island is diminished of its Inhabitants, for this, or a securer and better Settlement on the Continent; so that the French now, about Petit Guavas, equal, if not outnumber them, tho’ both together are vastly short of what its Extent and Fertility deserves. A Soil that produces any thing; their Sea and Rivers full of Fish, and the Country spread with Forests of Cabbage and Palm-Trees, in which are prodigious Numbers of wild Hog and Beef, which the Hunters of different Nations at certain Seasons shoot,[225] the latter for their Hides; and the Pork, they jerk (as they call it) that is, strip it from the Bones, and then salting the Flesh a little, dry it in the Sun.

Bahamas, so called from the Principal, or Lucayes from Lucayone (new Providence, the largest of them) where the English have a Governor: They are noted for a dangerous and rapid Chanel, commonly called the Gulph of Florida, through which the Spanish Fleets always take their Passage to Europe, and are frequently shipwrecked.

The Pyrates often take their rise here, or if not, seldom fail in the Course of their Adventures to visit these Seas. There are Multitudes of little Islands and Kays, besides this Division above, that afford Refreshments of wild Hog, Cow, Goat, Sheep, Parrots, Guanas, Turtle, and Fish; many of them uninhabited, and seldom visited but on that account, whereby they are a natural and good Security. The Sailor, when he would express the Intricacy of any Path-way, stiling it the Caribbees.

They commonly make their Beginning here after this manner; when any Spanish Ship is wrecked in Florida, the Jamaicans fit out Vessels to fish upon her, (the best I believe, being always pleas’d with going shares in such Voyages, which may be judged of by their Treatment of the Galleon cast away on Jamaica, a very few Years ago) and dispute[226] a Right of Plunder with the Spaniard himself, who is also fitted from the Havana on these Accidents, to recover what they can; the Contest therefore is with various Fortune, and sometimes turns to a bad account.

Our Logwood-Cutters from Campechy and Honduras, who have been unfortunate by the frequent Visits of the Spaniards to destroy that Trade, remove hither, or those to them, to consult of Reparations to their broken Fortunes. Saunterers also, who are turtling from different Parts, do all together make a considerable Resort sometimes, and being prompted to Revenge for the Injuries sustained, they combine and furnish out a little Sloop perhaps against them at first, who finding little come by confining their Ways and Means to the Spaniards only, who sail in Fleets, they fall at last on any Nation; the Transition being easy from a Buccanier to a Pyrate; from plundering for others, to do it for themselves.

These Logwood-Cutters, (since mentioned) I must observe, were originally settled at the Bay of Campechy, but with a contested Right that made it hazardous, the Spaniard opposing the Legality, and when uppermost, treating them as Pyrates, which our People have frequently returned again with Interest. It was taken 1659, by Sir Christopher Mins. In 1678 again, by the English and French Privateers;[227] and what Licence the Peace of Utrecht gave, I am uncertain, but they are since drove out, and now support themselves with their Arms at the Bay of Honduras.

They are about 500 (Merchants and Slaves,) and have taken up their Residence at a Place called Barcaderas, about 40 Miles up a narrow River full of Alligators; and what is a greater Inconvenience against transporting their Effects, is a strong Current in it from the Freshes up Land, and the Banks being covered with Shrubs, that makes it difficult to walk and tow the Boats; covered also with infinite Numbers of Sand-Flies, and Muskitos. They live in Pavilions; a Servant at their time of lying down to rest, shaking them till cleared of these Vermin, that are an unsufferable Plague and Impediment to Sleep.

At the Season (once a year) they move their Pavilions from the pleasurable Spots, the better to attend the Logwood cutting, which carries them sometimes many Miles from this principal Residence, to follow the Wood, which runs in a Line or Vein (like Minerals in the Earth) of some Miles perhaps, and then as many, without a Stick of it. They cut it into large Pieces, and leave it on the Ground till the Land-Flood favours their bringing it into the River, and then Canoos are laden away with it, to lay in store at Barcaderas, where the Chief are still left residing.

They have all good Arms, and knowing the Spanish Clemency, defend themselves desperately, if attacked; which has happened seldomer than at Campechy, and always by Sea.

A Servant, which is the first Step with Seamen into the Trade, is hired at a Tun of Logwood per Month, and has one Day in seven for himself, making together about 10l. a Month to him; hence, if thoughtful and sober, they in time become Masters, join Stock, and trade independently. They have a King, chose from among their Body, and his Consort is stiled Queen, agreeing to some Laws by common Consent, as a Guide to them.

The Ships that come into the Bay, are on their Guard also, fetch it down in flat-bottomed Boats, each Crew being allowed on the Voyage, a Bottle of Rum and some Sugar, and row generally in the Night, as freest from those stinging Flies, and rest in the Day.

The Exchange with Ships is for Money, Beer, Flower, or any sort of Provisions and Necessaries; these, the cunningest reserve in Store against the Wants and Demands of the Inconsiderate, and so make extraordinary Returns.

It may not be improper to conclude this Head with an Observation or two on the[229] Channel and Current of Florida, which I submit to the more Skilful.

This Gulph is as dangerous a Navigation as any known; the Spaniards often experience it, because it’s an Addition to the Danger, that they have unwieldy Ships, and lubberly Seamen. We commit Errors, I imagine, by our common Charts, which lay down the Channel double the Breadth it is; the most intelligent in the Passage having assured me, it is not above 16 or 18 Leagues over; and therefore when a Storm happens, build on a false Supposition.

The Spaniard is likewise over-careful to be safe; the nicer Observations made on Shoals, Currents, or Winds, either here or in the Bay, when and how to make them advantageous, are from an imagined Security against any maritime Power, committed only to their Admiral (according to common Report) whose Light the Fleet are to follow; and for their better Recovery of any shipwrecked Cargo in the Gulph, (frequent in losing the Admiral,) they have a Garrison at St. Augustine, on the Florida Shore, a barren Spot where they are almost starved, and which would not be worth keeping but for this. Ships and Vessels may, and often have sailed through this Channel from the N End to Cuba, or the Bay of Mexico, notwithstanding the common Opinion, on account of the Current, that is against it. They[230] keep the Bahama shore aboard, Shoals of a great Extent, sprinkled with rocky Islands so low, there is very little Safety to those unhappy Men who are cast away upon them; yet at several, there are anchoring Places, and fresh Water found.

They meet the Wind in Summer, for the greatest part of the Channel, Easterly; which with a counter Current in shore, pushes them through easily; much the better way for any sudden Attack upon the Havana (a glorious Attempt in time of War) because they cannot discover you, like as in the other Path from Jamaica, where by Beacons, they can gain an Intelligence of 150 Leagues in a very short Space of time, and so be the better prepared.

In order to the laying down my Sentiment on the Florida Current, I shall premise the Facts and Observations of our Pilots in relation to this Gulph, and that of Mexico, which have a Dependency as to the Cause of it, with each other.

1. This Stream goes constantly out to the Northward in mid Channel, its Force having some respect (like Tides in other Channels) to the Moon and to the Winds; with a counter Current, or at least a Stillness of the Water in shore, that will enable a Ship to turn through, be the middle Stream never so strong; the same as in the Strait of Gibraltar, where tho’ the Current is continually into[231] the Mediterranean, Ships may work through, keeping the Shore aboard.

2. The Current which goes out here, sets for the most part into the Gulph of Mexico, between the two Capes of Corientes and Catoche, with counter Currents in shore; tho’ not always so, the Pilots having observed them strong to the East, new, and full Moons.

3. As to the Bay of Mexico it self, there are every where Currents round it various and uncertain, as to the Point they run on, or time of Continuance, especially on the Apalachian Side where it is safest stopping in the Night, and up Anchor only, in the Day. That these Currents are less discernible the farther from shore, and for the most part, bend to the Trend of the Lands; that is, when you have rounded Cape Catoche, it sets Westward, open with Campechy Bay to the Southward: From Vera Cruz in 19°° to the Latitude of 28°° it runs to the Northward, and thence round the Bay to the Eastward; more perceptible, I say, the nearer shore, because bounded, and makes the Tides in the Rivers.

4. The Rivers of Georgia, and Carolina (next Coast to Florida Northward) have as regular Tides as the Thames. So again, in the Bay of Honduras Southward, whose Reflux, it must be taken notice, makes a Northern Current.

Now to sum up all, in order to account for the Current of Florida, which seems to me only this, that more of the Flood is propagated into the Bay of Mexico, by that Passage made from the West End of Cuba, and Shore of Yucatan; and more of the Ebb by the Chanel of Florida, and for these Reasons.

The Gulph of Mexico receives many and large Rivers, whose Mouths together carry some proportion with the Chanel of Florida; and consider’d as a little Mediterranean Sea, the Flood in it must have a more remarkable and strong Ebb: which shews it self rather here, first, because the Make of the Lands gives a freer Opening and Tendency of the Waters that way. Second, The Length and Contraction of the Channel, makes it more visible and constant, and is the Continuance of those River-Streams (that disembogue in the Bay) even till it meets with the Tide to the Northward, which checks, like as at them, and produces a counter Current along shore: for we may observe, that altho’ the Current goes constantly out in the Channel, yet at the Isle of Providence contiguous to it almost, the Tides are alternate and regular. Third, The Winds at East are more favourable to the Exit than the Trade, which sets in directly at the other Passage, and while it helps the Flood there, is at the same time an Obstacle to its Return; to which assists also that[233] Northern Current from the Bay of Honduras; nor will it be so perceptible there, because what Reflux is, opens to a wider Sea immediately, and probably had been the same at Florida, if the Gulph of Mexico had open’d without such Restraint to the main Ocean directly.

On this Supposition, the Variety and Uncertainty of Currents in the Bay, and the greater or less Rapidity in the Chanel, will depend much on the Winds without; and as they are dry or wet Seasons at Land, new and full Moons should influence the Strength of the Stream; and hard Gales concurring at N. or N E. among the Bahamas, should slacken it there, and promote an Eastern Current at the other Passage.

JAMAICA.

Jamaica, called St. Jago by Columbus, and was altered by King James II. it being a Compound of his Name, and Ca an Island. The chief Town is called St. Jago de la Vega (by the English, Spanish-Town.) Here the Governor resides; Courts are held, and the Assembly (chose as at Barbados) meet to enact Laws for the civil Government of the Island; which consequently[234] draws the greatest Resort of People, on account either of Business or Pleasure.

It was built about 1590, plunder’d by some English Privateers under one Jackson, in 1638, and in 1657 the whole Island was reduced by Pen and Venables: The favourite Families of those Days, (Bradshaws, Iretons, Axtells,) I believe, sharing the Estates; so warm a Climate with Hurricanes, Earthquakes, and dry Belly-achs, was a due Preparation. This Town of St. Jago is irregular, and low built, to secure it against Storms; even the Governor’s, or what they call the King’s House, is but a Ground Floor, and makes one side of a Quadrangle, with a Parade, where all Gentlemen meet to transact their Business; the Merchants and Factors for distant Planters, and the Officers civil and military, do together make a considerable Number, dividing in the Evenings to Parties of Dancing, Gaming, or Drinking, and generally to a publick House, to avoid the Obligation of Returns and Treats, very costly in this Country.

Kingston, at the upper End of Port-Royal Harbour, the Place of lading and unlading almost all Ships to and from the Island; is in my eye, preferable to the former. The Streets are wide, and more regular, to face the Sea-Breezes, and the cross Streets at right Angles, that the Air may have as little Interruption as possible; a Convenience that cannot be too much meditated in so hot a[235] Climate: for the Land-Breezes failing betimes in the Morning, you have it excessively hot; all Creatures languish and faint till the Sea one succeeds, which will not be till ten a clock, sometimes eleven, or later, and may be esteemed the Life of the Island, dispelling those impure Vapors, continually exhaled from the Mountains, and refreshing and rowsing the animal Nature, from Backgammon or Loitering, to Business.

The Harbour is spacious here, and the Ships lie Land-locked; but the Peninsula that covers them from the Sea being low and narrow, they are not so safe against Storms as one would imagine.

From hence to Spanish-Town, when called on any Law-suit or Business, they take Boat to Passage-Fort on the other side, a small River at the Bottom of the Harbour, where are three or four Houses that furnish Passengers for the Journey (6 Miles) at 20s. a Coach, or 5s. a Horse, and are rarely without Customers; the Calls in Traffick are so frequent.

Port-Royal, which makes up with the former two, all the Towns of Note on the whole Island, is on the Starboard Entrance of the Harbour. The Road before it is reckoned good holding Ground, and fenced from Southerly Winds, by sandy Kays without. The Town it self stands on such a sandy Kay, not much above the Surface of the Water,[236] and contains no more Ground than holds the Buildings, and the Fort contiguous with it on the outer Point; which, with a Line, or Rampart of Guns to the Sea, (together about 100) is their chief Defence. Under the Fort is a little Nook, or Bay, called Chocolato Hole, where we have a Hulk lies for cleaning Ships.

Port-Royal has suffered remarkably every ten years, for thirty past. In 1692, an Earthquake sunk above half the Town; the Rubbish of those Buildings being still seen under Water, in the shallow Channel that now continues to divide it from the Main. In 1702, it was burnt down. In 1712, August 28th, happened a dreadful Hurricane. And now, August 28th, 1722, a more dreadful one, that besides the Damage it spread over most parts of the Island, did here in particular split the Castle, lay the Church and two thirds of the Town flat, burying three or four hundred People in the Ruins; but the Terror and Desolation may deserve a more particular Description.

HURRICANES:

The West-Indians agree, that August and September is the Season to expect them. They are incredible Tempests of Wind, whose Fury, neither Ships, Masts, Trees, or Buildings can resist. They come a Day or two before the full or new Moon next the Autumnal Equinox, and give Warning by a preceding unusual Swell of Water. They are of no great Extent, but blow within a Chanel as it were, one Island feeling it, when the next (within 20 Leagues perhaps) has no Share; and are, if not peculiar, rarely met with out of the West-Indies.

The Cause, as guessed at, is Plenty of elastic Vapors on the Terra Firma (whence they all blow) with which conspire at this time of year, the united Force of the Sun and Moon, to give their Explosion a greater Force; to this also may contribute, subterraneous Heats and Mountains: and if such different Effluvias as constitute the Matter of a Hurricane, can be supplied to the Chanel it blows in, crescit eundo.

This Opinion seems confirmed, first, from the Points of the Compass they blow on (S E. and S S E.) and never without side the Continent[238] at Cape Roque; for that Length the uninterrupted Trade-Wind is a Barrier, and from which these Storms, by the Position of Lands and Mountains, are necessarily a Deflection. Second, Æquinoctial Gales, we know, are every where observed to happen, and ascribed to the greater Agitation of Air, by Heat in a greater Orb; when therefore the Northern Suns have so long together been attracting, and at the same time chopping, and opening the Earth for a freer Emission of nitrous, sulphurous, and elastic Particles, no wonder the conjoined Forces of the Planets there, should now and then put them in execution.

The present Hurricane was a Week after our Arrival; began at eight in the Morning, two Days before the Change of the Moon, gave at least 48 Hours notice, by a noisy breaking of the Waves upon the Kays, very disproportioned to the Breeze, a continued Swell, without Reflux of the Water; and the two Nights preceding, prodigious Lightnings and Thunder; which all the old experienced Men foretold would be a Hurricane; or that one already had happened at no great distance.

I was ashore at Port-Royal, and found all the Pilots returned from the Windward part of the Island, (where they customarily attend the coming down of Ships,) and observing upon the unusual Intumescence of the Water, so great the Day before, and beat so high,[239] that our Boats could not possibly put on shore at Gun Kay to take the Men off that were set there, to the Number of twenty, for trimming up our Cask; themselves making Signals not to attempt it. Betimes next Morning, the Wind began in Flurrys at N E. and flew quickly round to S E. and S S E. where it continued the Stress of the Storm, bringing such Quantities of Water, that our little Island was overflowed 4 foot at least; so that what with the fierce driving of Shingles (wooden Staves used instead of Tiling upon their Houses) about our Ears, and the Water floating their Boats, empty Hogsheads, and Lumber about the Streets, those without doors were every Moment in danger of being knocked on the Head, or carried away by the Stream. Within it was worse, for the Waters sapping the Foundations, gave continual and just Apprehensions of the Houses falling, as in effect half of them did, and buried their Inhabitants: Nor indeed after the Storm had began, was it safe to open a Door, especially such as faced the Wind, lest it should carry the Roofs off; and escaping thence, there was no place of Retreat, we remaining in a very melancholly Scituation both from Wind and Water. The Perils of false Brethren was nothing to it.

It may be worth notice, what became of the Purser in this common Danger; I was regardless at first, as suspecting more of[240] Timidity in the People, till finding my self left alone Proprietor of a shaking old House, the Streets full of Water and Drift, with Shingles flying about like Arrows; I began to meditate a little more seriously upon my Safety, and would have compounded all my Credit in the Victualling, my Hoops, and Bags, for one Acre (as Gonzalo says in the Tempest) of barren Ground, long Heath, or brown Furze, to have trod dry upon.

Our Neighbours had retreated towards the Church, as the strongest Building, and highest Ground, which I was luckily too late to recover; but endeavouring to stem upwards for a safer Station, was taken into a House in the lower Street, with an old Woman wading in the same manner from her ruined Habitation.

We were no sooner in, but new Fears of this also falling, thrust us into the Yard (the Water then at eleven a clock, breast high) where we helped one another upon a low Brick-built Out-house, that being more out of the Wind, and surrounded with others, kept the Waters still. The unhappiness of those who suffered in stronger, was their facing the Wind, which brought the Sea upon them with violence. A Platform of one and twenty Guns and Mortars were drove some of them to the Market-place; the two Lines of Houses next the Sea, with the Church, were undermined and levelled with the Torrent,[241] and in their ruin was our Safety; for altho’ we had a greater Depth, they were by such a Bank made motionless. The whole Rise of the Water was computed at 16 or 18 foot, very admirable at a Place where it is not ordinarily observed to flow above one or two.

At 5 in the Evening the Waters abated, and with so quick a Retreat as to leave the Streets dry before 6; when every one was congratulating his own Safety in Condolancies upon the Loss of their Friends. Of 50 Sail in this Harbour, only 4 Men-of-War and 2 Merchant-Ships rid it out, but with all their Masts and Booms blown away. All the Men we left at Gun Kay were washed off and perished, except one Indian that drove into Harbour upon a broken Gallows that had been there erected. Wrecks, and drowned Men were every where seen along shore; general Complaints of Loss at Land (least at St. Jago) which made it a melancholy Scene, and to finish the Misfortune, the Slackness of the Sea-Breezes, Calms, and Lightning, stagnating Waters, Broods of Insects thence, and a Shock or two of Earthquake that succeeded to the Hurricane, combined to spread a baneful Influence, and brought on a contagious Distemper, fatal for some Months through the Island. There being no Volcanos, the Earthquakes felt here are always after great Rains, on a parched Earth that admits their Penetration; and possibly nigher the Coast,[242] as at Port-Royal, may be from the Sea in a long Process of time undermining in some manner a loose Earth, or finding in its deep Recesses new Caverns; or subterranean Heats working towards them, the dreadful Contest shocks.

In December following, for we were detained some Months in the Repair of Damages received, another or two Shocks were felt; and at the End of the Month, as their proper Season, came on what they call fiery Breezes, strong Gales from Sea, that hold out often against the Land-Breezes, six or seven Days together; they are pre-signified by a hazy Horizon, and portentous of a wholesome Season.

Norths, are counter to these; they blow at uncertain Periods, strong and cool from the Mountains; the People shut their Doors, and button up close against it, and the Impurities the Air has been experienced to be loaded with from that Quarter. We had one of these Gales the latter End of September, and two Days after, quick Shocks of Thunder and Lightning, which split a Sloop’s Mast, and the Flag-Staff at the Castle in pieces.

On Christmas-Day we had a Meteor in this Horizon, that appeared to be a Ball of Fire, trailed along to a quarter of the Compass, from N N E. dropping Balls in the Track, that were suddenly extinguished. The[243] same I believe we call Falling-Stars, unless larger, and a more transverse Descent. Astronomers suppose them sulphurous Bodies, set on fire by the Sun, tho’ eclipsed till he is set.

To Return to the Island: The English Gentlemen are preferable to the Women; for the most part, of a genteel Education, and emulous in a Magnificence of Living, but true Republicans in the Disposition; a Stranger unconcerned in Business, very difficultly tasting any other Hospitality than his Landlady’s.

Ordinaries are filled with a Mixture of Land and Seafaring People, who have three or four sorts of Cookery at Dinner, and each a Pint of Madeira, with a Desart of Guavas, and other insipid or ill-tasted Fruit. One of our Dishes is frequently Turtle, much esteemed in this part of the World, and are supplied to the Market here by Sloops, and sold at a Bitt a Pound, like other Flesh; now also[244] increased to a tolerable Plenty, by the Planters having set apart Servants, Pens, and Pasture-Grounds, for rearing up all kinds of Domestick Animals, in which of late Years they have found their account; our Ships Companies being victualled here twice a Week with fresh Beef, during a stay of 6 Months; and an Hospital on shore provided with lighter Food.

Bartering is the easiest way of Living on shore; or rather, no Man can live long without it: Madeira Wines, refined Sugars, Linnens, and Necessaries of almost all kinds, selling from 100l. to 150 per Cent. Advance. Their Rum to you, 3 Bitts per Gallon; Sugars, from 4 to 7 Dollars a hundred, both superior to Barbados. Other Commodities are Ginger, Piemento, Cocoa, Indigo, Cotton, Tortoise-shell, Dyers Wood, Cedar, Mohogany, and Manchineel-woods, and allow 35 per Cent. Advance on Money.

The Cræoles (those born here) which are properly the Natives of the Island, the ancient ones being all extirpated, or fled the Cruelty of the Spaniard, before our Possession, are a spurious Race; the first Change by a Black and White, they call Mulatto; the second a Mustee, and the third a Castee; the Faces, like a Coat of Arms, discovering their Distinction. They are half Negrish in their Manners, proceeding from the promiscuous and confined Conversation[245] with their Relations, the Servants at the Plantations, and have a Language equally pleasant, a kind of Gypsy Gibberish, that runs smoothest in Swearing.

The English Subjects are computed at 7 or 8000, the Negroes at 80000; a Disproportion, that together with the Severity of their Patrons, renders the whole Colony unsafe; many hundreds of them have at different times run to the Mountains, where they associate and commit little Robberies upon the defenceless and nearest Plantations; and which I imagine they would not have done, but for the Cruelty of their Usage, because they subsist very hard and with Danger, by reason of Parties continually sending out by the Government against them, who have 5l. a Head for every one killed, and their Ears are a sufficient Warrant, for the next Justice to pay it; if the Negro be brought in a Prisoner, he is tormented and burnt alive. Our latest Advices from Jamaica concerning them is, that they have chose a King, daily increase, have some inaccessible Places of Retreat, and are suspected of being encouraged and supplied with Powder and Arms from Cuba.

The natural Remedy against this Evil, is an Increase of Hands. They have large Savannahs both on the North and South Sides, supposed formerly to have been Fields of Indian Wheat, that afford good Pasturage,[246] and breed up a great number of Cattle with a great Waste of Land, still left capable of large Improvements into Sugar Plantations or Tillage; but here lies the Objection to any further Encouragement. If the present Proprietors can export 11000 Hogsheads of Sugar annually, and the Price with that number is kept low at Market, whoever contributes towards making 11000 more, is depreciating his own Estate, lending a Hand to ruin himself. Tillage and Grazing, tho’ not employing the Land to ¹/₁₀ Part its Value in such Colonies, would yet interfere with the present Interest also, by lowering the Price of Provisions; wherefore the Security from such Augmentation of People (the Merchants being Judges) give place to Profit, a Neglect that must be reaped in the End, by Undertakers of more generous Sentiments. This convinces me, that altho’ Trade be Wealth and Power to a Nation, yet if it cannot be put under Restrictions, controlled by a superior and disinterested Power, that Excess and Irregularity will be an Oppression to many, and counter-balance the publick Advantages by increasing the Difficulties of Subsistence, and with it, Men’s Dissaffection.

Here is a distant Evil; the Cure of which lies in an Expence that no body likes; nor for such Dislike will ever blame himself in time of Danger. The Merchant and Planter think, if less Sugars were made, it would be better,[247] provided (every one means) the bad Crop do not happen upon their own Plantations, and this for the same Reason, the Dutch and other Companies burn their Spice, India Goods, Tobacco, &c. viz. to keep up a Price; for rendering things common or cheap, or assisting towards the same Liberty, would border too much on the christian Precepts.

The Sloop-Trade hence to the Spanish West-Indies, under the Protection of our Men-of-War, has been reckoned at 200000l. per Ann. In 1702, Orders came to the Governor to hinder it, on account of a Treaty between us and the Dutch for that purpose, who have since gone into it themselves from Curisao; and in 1716, a yet greater Obstruction was put, by the peculiar Privileges of the Assiento Factors; however, they continue on, and complain of no other Illegalities, than the Spanish Seizures, of late years very frequent, and together with the Decay of this Branch of Trade, their Want of Spanish Wrecks, Privateering, and Fall of Sugars, makes the Island not so flourishing as in times past.

Sir Nicholas Laws a Cræole, gives way as Governor, to the Duke of Portland, who arrived in that Quality (with his Dutchess and Family) about the middle of January this Year. He had put in to Barbadoes in the Passage, and met a generous Reception.

Here they have doubled the Salary, a Compliment to his Nobility, and that too little, it’s said, for his splendid and magnificent way of Living. His Table singly, has already rise the Price of Fowls, from 4 to 6 Bitts.

The Pelican is a great Curiosity among their Birds, as the Alligator in their watry Tribe; it is a common Water-Fowl, that is all day picking up his Living at Sea, and roosts at Night on high Rocks and Clifts, sitting with his Head to the Wind; his Body when skinned, is as large as an ordinary Goose, the Wings will extend to 7 or 8 feet, a short Tail, the Bill 14 Inches long, very hard, and increasing broader towards the End, where it crooks like a Parrot’s; their Necks are a foot and half, with a bay-colour’d Hair instead of Feathers on the back side of them, and from about half way there are membranous Bags or Pouches, which stretch thence to the Extremities of their under Bills, capable, when separated, of holding a couple of Pounds of Tobacco: in these they reserve their Prey when gorged with eating, and in these they are said to transport their young ones, when Danger or Instinct prompts them to change Places. They appear slow and heavy Birds flying, but have a piercing Sight[250] to discern their Prey (the little fishy Fry below) from a considerable Height in Air, whence they fall like a Stone, and catch, or dive after them.

We killed three or four, and in opening their Bodies, met the same Observations, viz.

1. They had double Ventricles, that together reached the length of their Bodies; to the Bottom of which, were connected the Small-Guts, about twice as thick as a Goose-quill.

2. In the first Ventricle or Craw, the Fish they had swallowed (70, 80, or 100) the Bigness of smaller Sprats, lay whole and unaltered.

3. In the lower Ventricle, those little Fish changing to a paler Colour, were nigh the Fund of it mashed and macerated, and (what was principally meant by reciting any Observations) here also the Mass or Pulp had an intimate Mixture of numbers of slender, lively Worms in it; which to me, was a Matter of Speculation, for finding no such Insects in the small Fish above, which I suspected at first might have been their Prey, I concluded it here to be the common Accident of Concoction, a certain Consequence of Heat and Putrefaction, which are conquered by farther Digestion, and pass into insensibility again; for the Small-guts, after a little Distance from the Stomach, had none, or rather[251] made part of a yellow, chylous Substance.

Quære? whether other, or all Creatures have not such a Principle of Concoction, more or less discernible in some, than others, there; tho’ imperceptible, and differently shaped and coloured, as is the Nature of the Food swallowed, and the Strength and Heat of the Animal swallowing. Vercellonius supposes the Thyroide Gland in Man, to be a little Nidus of verminous Eggs, generated there, and transmitted through subtle Ducts to the Oesophagus and Stomach, to impart a vital Character to the Chyle.

I should have proceeded here to some other natural Curiosities, but omit it, as being already more accurately done by Sir Hans Sloan, in 2 Vol. 4to.

The Weymouth and Swallow having now fixed their Jury-masts, and finished their Repairs, weighed from Port-Royal on New-year’s Day, anchoring out at the Kays, where we stayed till the 7th of February, and then left the Island.

There are two Passages used for returning hence to Europe; heavy Sailers, and Fleets, use the Gulph of Florida, because assisted by a constant Current to the Northward, (already spoke to;) lighter, and well-manned Ships, that called the Windward Passage; First, as the safest and shortest Navigation, all the Difficulty being, plying to the East End[252] of Jamaica; for which, Secondly, there succeeds generally a Windward Current, on new or full Moons; or a Course of fiery Breezes, bringing in a fuller Sea, and therefore the Reflux more perceptible. Thirdly, keeping nigh shore, the Land-breezes sometimes favour the Design.

We chose this way in our Return home, and with half Masts worked to Windward of Port Morant, in six or seven Days, a Distance of 12 Leagues, where the Passage is in a manner gained, because the Lee of Hispaniola makes a smooth Water, and deflects the Trade-Wind often, in Flaws to advantage. We indeed met Calms for three or four Days, but on the 17th, got sight of the little Island Navasia, which the Jamaicans use in Boats, to kill Guanas, an amphibious Creature that breed in abundance at the Roots of old Trees, some of them 3 foot long, a Lizard Shape, with sharp, black, and green Scales; the Flesh firm, white, and as Sailors say, makes good Broth.

The same Evening we anchored in Donna Maria Bay, at the West End of Hispaniola, the usual Stop, especially of the King’s Ships in those Parts, for Wood and Water: We filled our Cask at a Valley, a Mile Southward of the two brown Clifts, very good Water, but on some Winds the Sea gets over the Bar. There are two other Places used, nigher those Clifts, and not so easily overflown.[253] Here we bought some jerked Hog’s Flesh from two or three French Hunters, belonging to Petit Guavas.

At leaving the Bay, a strong S W. Wind soon set us between the Capes St. Nicholas and Maize; when we came into small Winds, and a Current in our favour, the old Bahama Strait, and Islands dispers’d here, showing this wherever they contract the Waters, and lessens again, as we open to a larger Sea.

The 26th, nigh the Island of Heneago, recovered the true Trade-Wind, E. half N. The 28th, saw the Rocks called Hogstys by our Observations in 21°° 38 something farther to the Northward than they are set down in the Charts. At Noon, came round Aclin’s Kays (pretty high out of the Water) and before Night, made Crooked or Well-Island. The last, and from which we took our Departure, was Watlin’s Kay, 24°° N. where we may farther remark, that the Trade-Wind continued with us to the Latitude of 32°° but faint and weak, from 27°°; caused, I presume, from the Contest between the Variable and that, as I have already guessed the N E. and S E. Trade does in other Places.

From 26 to 37°° Degrees of Latitude, (as far N. as Virginia) we found every Day large Quantities of what they call Gulph-weed, floating about the Ship, and lessening in proportion to the Distance; it is so called, from a Conviction of its being[254] thrown from the Shoals of Florida; and by being found three or four hundred Leagues N E. a-trend with the Continent, argues I think, a Continuance (tho’ insensible) of some Current, or that it is longer, or more to the Northward than Southward in those Latitudes; and contrarily, in higher North Latitudes the Seas nigh the Continent have a Tendency Southward, demonstrated in those Islands of Ice, that drive all Summer from the North West, along the Coast of Newfoundland, even as far as New-England.

To the Northward of Bermudas, the Winds grew variable, and as we advanced, stronger; A never-failing Gale (N W. to S W.) blowing from the American Coast at this Length and onward, to 60°° of Latitude, and tho’ not invariable like the Trade, yet a Constancy of ¾ or ⁴/₅ of the year, shews it on the same Principle with them; Ours was a very hard Gale at N W. which put us to a reefed Fore-sail for a Fortnight, so great a Sea following, that we could not help dipping it up by Tuns sometimes at our Stern. We arrived in England, April, 1723.

AN
ABSTRACT
Of the foregoing
VOYAGE.

Left Cape 3 Points, and arrived next Day in Cape Corso Road again; it being every where confirmed to us in this Return down, that the Pyrates in August last (the time we were at Princes) had committed great Ravages upon the Merchant Ships.

A. Cape Corso Road, and left it the 10th in pursuit of the Pyrates; the Governor here, having received two or three Expresses, that they had chased and taken a Ship nigh Axim, a Place we had just come from.

ERRATA.

FOOTNOTES:

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Illi Robur & Æs triplex

Circa Pectus erat qui fragilem truci

Commisit Pelago Ratem

Primus ——.

Horat.

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Clio to Strephon, p. 79.

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12. Glossarium Antiquitatum Britannicarum, five Syllabus Etymologicus Antiquitatum veteris Britanniæ atque Iberniæ, temporibus Romanorum. Auctore Willielmo Baxter, Cornavio, Scholæ Merciarium Præfecto. Accedunt Viri Cl. D. Edvardi Lhuidii, Cimeliarchæ Ashmol. Oxon. de Fluviorum, Montium, Urbium, &c. in Britanniâ Nominibus, Adversaria posthuma. Editio Secunda. 8vo. Price 6s.

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25. A General Dictionary, Historical and Critical, in which a new and accurate Translation of that of the Celebrated Mr. Bayle, with the Corrections and Observations printed in the late Edition at Paris, will be included, and interspers’d with several thousand Lives, never before publish’d. The Whole containing the History of the most Illustrious Persons of all Ages and Nations; particularly those of Great-Britain and Ireland, distinguished by their Rank, Actions, Learning, and other Accomplishments. With Reflections on those Passages of Mr. Bayle, which seem to favour Scepticism and the Manichee System. By the Rev. Mr. Bernard, the Rev. Mr. Birch, F. R. S. Mr. John Lockman, and other Hands; and the Articles relating to Oriental History by Mr. George Sale, Editor of the late Edition of the Alcoran in 4to.

N. B. This Work is publish’d Monthly at 3s. per Number, containing 20 Sheets each. Two Volumes are already finish’d, and the Remainer will be publishied in the same Manner, till the Whole is completed.

Proposals for the said Work, with a Specimen annex’d, may be had of C. Ward and R. Chandler, at the Ship between the Temple-Gates in Fleet-Street; and at their Shop at Scarborough: At both which Places Subscriptions are taken in.

	l. s. d.
The Widow of a Captain or Commander,	45 0 0
The Widow of a Lieutenant or Master,	30 0 0
The Widow of a Boatswain,	}
Gunner, Carpenter,	}
Purser, Surgeon,	}
Second Master of	} 20 0 0
a Yacht, or Master of a	}
Naval Vessel warranted	}
by the Navy Board,	}

40	Cowrys make a	Toccy.
5	Toccys —— a	Gallina.
20	Gallinas —— a	Grand Quibess, which answers to 25 Shillings.

At Sierraleon.
	Gold Bars.
1 Piece of Planes	10
7 77lb. Kettles	26
3 Pieces of Chintz	12
1 Piece of Handkerchief Stuff	2
	---
The Price of a Woman Slave	50

7 50lb. Kettles	20
5 Pieces of Brawls	10
1 Piece of Ramal	4
1 Bar of Iron	1
	---
The Price of a Boy Slave	35

At Apollonia.
	Accys.
2 Photees	14
2 Cotton Ramals	8
1 Piece Longee	4
2 Sletias	5
7 Sheets	7
32 Brass Pans	32
	---
A Man Slave	70
[164]
3 Photees	21
41 Sheets	41
2 Longees	8
	---
A Man Slave	70

At Gambia.
	Gold Bars.
9 Gallons of Brandy	9
6 Bars of Iron	6
2 Small Guns	10
1 Cag of Powder	10
2 Strings of Pacato Beads	2
1 Paper Sletia	3
	---
A Woman Slave	40

A
VOYAGE
TO
Guinea, Brasil, and the
West-Indies;

PREFACE

MADEIRA.

CANARIES.

Cape de VERD Islands,

AFRICA in general.

SIERRALEON.

The GRAIN and MALAGUETTA Coasts.

SESTHOS.

Cape APOLLONIA.

Cabo TRES PUNTAS.

Cabo CORSO.

The Coast from Cabo CORSO to WHYDAH.

WHYDAH.

Currents on the Coast of GUINEA.

RAINS.

WINDS.

The GUINEA Trade.

SLAVES.

IVORY.

GOLD.

Our Return upon the Gold Coast.

PYRATES.

St. George de ELMINA.

Cape LOPEZ.

A
VOYAGE
TO
Brasil, and the West-Indies.

BARBADOS.

A Charity Sermon at Bridgetown,
for the two Parishes, St. Philip, and Christ-Church.

SUGAR-CANES.

The WEST-INDIES.

JAMAICA.

HURRICANES:

AN
ABSTRACT
Of the foregoing
VOYAGE.

ERRATA.

FOOTNOTES:

	l. s. d.			l. s. d.
10 Cotton Ramalls at	0	11	0	5	10	0
10 Silk D^o	1	00	0	10	00	0
20 Herba-longees	0	10	0	10	00	0
20 Photees	0	17	6	17	10	0
30 Tapseils	0	12	0	18	00	0
20 Blue swaft Bafts	1	02	0	22	00	0
20 Chintz	0	12	6	12	10	0
50 Nichanees	0	13	0	32	10	0
176 Blue Paper Sletias	0	7	6	66	00	0
650 Crystal Beads N^o 221 per Mill.	2	00	0	13	00	0
2500 D^o — N^o 30	2	12	0	6	10	—
4500 D^o — N^o 36	2	18	0	13	01	0
2000 Rangos per Cwt.	0	11	0	11	00	0
4 Cases and Chests	—	—	—	1	15	0
Charges and Entry at Custom-house	—	—	—	3	12	6
	Ct. q. l.
20 Brass Kettles qt.	2	0	02
28 D^o	2	0	04
25 D^o	2	0	06
251 Guinea Pans	3	0	18
	-------------
	9	1	02
per Cwt. 7l. 7s. 0d.				68	02	5
				-------------
				311	00	11
[161]
4 Casks				1	03	00
20 Chests of old Sheets each qt. 65, at	0	1	10½	121	17	06
130 2lb. Guinea Basins.
73 3 — D^o
13 4 — D^o
In all 4Cwt. 1q. 11l.				18	04	09
Box of Scales, Weights and blue Pans.				—	19	00
Cartage, Portage, Wharfage, &c.				4	10	00
84 Quart Tankards at 2s. 2d.				9	02	00
96 Pint D^o at 1 8				8	00	00
A Cask				—	14	09
11 Groce of slope-pointed Knives at 1l. 6s.				14	06	00
200 Blue Ranters at	0	08	00	80	00	00
50 Narrow green D^o	0	08	00	20	00	00
50 Broad blue D^o	0	11	06	28	15	00
25 Says at	1	15	06	44	09	06
8 Cases with Carriage				2	10	06
150 Trading Guns at	0	08	03	61	17	06
50 D^o dock Locks	0	08	06	21	05	00
150 Cags	0	00	07	02	10	06
21 Cwt. Tallow	2	01	00	43	01	00
For melting and putting up per Cwt.	—	00	02	2	03	00
Cartage, and 10 large Cags	—	00	11	00	16	08
				-------------
				797	06	07
[162]
35 Small Cags at	0	00	08	1	03	04
10 Barrels of Powder	3	05	00	32	10	00
Wateridge and shifting the Powder				00	08	06
50 Wickered Bottles	0	03	02	9	03	04
172 Gall. malt Spirits	0	02	00	17	04	00
40 Cases of Spirits	0	07	00	14	00	00
Freight of a Vessel to Portsmouth				5	10	00
Expences and Postage of Letters				0	11	00
Commission at 2½ per Cent.				22	03	03
				-------------
				900	00	00
10 Cwt. of Cowrys at 5l.				50	00	00
				-------------
Total				950	00	00

At Assinee.
8 Trading Guns	32
1 Wicker Bottle	4
2 Cases of Spirits	6
28 Sheets	28
	---
A Man Slave	70

At Anamaboo and Cape Palmas.
	Accys.
A Cag of Tallow	2½
A quart Pewter Tankard	1
A Pint Do	½
4lb. Pewter Basin	1
2lb. Pewter Basin[165]	½
Sealing-Wax	3
A qr. Barrel of Powder	8
A gallon Cag of Musket-Shot	6
A gallon Cag of small Shot	8

At Whydah,
Cowrys sell per Cwt.—— 12l. 10s. or in their way of reckoning, 10 grand Quibesses.

At Angola, the Duties are about 100l. Sterl. every Ship; and Goods sell, viz.
	Pieces.
A Gun	1
A Cag of Powder	1
A deep blue Baft	3
A Culgee	3
A Tapseil	2
A Nicanee	2
A Cutchalee	1½
A red Chintz	1½
A Bundle of Anabasses qt. 10lb.	1
10 Brass Pans small and large	1
4 2lb. Pewter Basins	1
1½ Case of Spirits	1
A whole Case Do	1½
4 Cutlasses	1
A Guinea Stuff	½
2 Bunches of Beads	1
4 King’s Cloths	1
4 Looking-Glasses[166]	1
10 Pint Mugs	1
A Brawl	½
9 Foot of black Bays	1
16 Inches of Scarlet Cloth	1
16 Do of blue Cloth	1
1 Photee	2
1 Pair Cotton Ramal	1½

	l.	s.	d.
26 Days Attendance, at 30s. per Diem, for which at home ⅓ was deducted	26	00	0
The Provost, 7s. 6d. per Diem	9	15	0

Bought,
Rum	at	1s.	2d.	per Gallon.
Citron Water		40	0
Pickled Pepper		10	0
Preserved Ginger		5	0	per lb.
Sugar, twenty Shillings a hundred; and before our Improvements (says Gee) the Portuguese sold for 7 and 8l. a hundred.
Cocoa, 3 or 4l.
Aloes			4d.	per lb.

Sold,
Salt Beef and Pork, 40 Shillings for a Cask of 2 Cwt.
Bisket, 17s. per hundred
Candles, 6½ per lb. &c.
Exchange 30 per Cent. or more.

Bitts of 7½d
Dinner	5
A Bottle of Small-Beer	1
A Bottle of Ale	4
Coffee per Dish	1
A Quart of Rum Punch	4
Lodging per Night	8

The Jamaica Chronology.
	A. D.
Columbus discovered the Island May 3d.	1494
Sir Anth. Shirley routed the Spaniard	1596
Pen and Venables did the same	1655
Geo. Fortescue Sedwick Doyley	1660
Ld. Windsor, Governor	1662
Sir Charles Littleton	1663
Sir Thomas Muddiford	1664
Col. Thomas Linch, President	1671
Lord Vaughan, Governor	1675
E. of Carlisle	1679
Sir Henry Morgan	1680
Sir Thomas Linch	1682
Hender Molesworth	1684
D. of Albemarle	1687
Sir Francis Watson, President	1688
E. of Inchiquin, Governor	1690
Earthquake June 7th	1692
John White, President	1692
Col. John Bowden	1692
Sir William Beeston, Governor	1693
French landed at Withy-Wood	1694
William Selwin, Governor	1702
Col. Peter Beckford, President[249]	1703
Col. Tho. Handaside, Governor	1704
Ld. Archibald Hamilton	1711
A Hurricane, August 28th	1712
Peter Haywood, Governor	1716
Sir Nicholas Laws	1718
A Hurricane August 28th	1722
D. of Portland, Governor	1722

P.	line
32	19	for to r. too.
67	22	for he r. they.
72	27	After r. Aft.
75	24	and will be paid not only &c.
115	4	Ch. x.
115	5	Ezion
125	16	r. some other Parts.

Sold 2 half-worn Suits for a	Pipe of Wine.
3 Second-hand Wigs — —	Ditto.
Loaf-Sugar sells	20d. per lib.
Cheshire-Cheese,	8.
Bisket,	2.
Beef per piece	10.
Bought Citron at	15d.
Lemons per C.	20.

A VOYAGE TO Guinea, Brasil, and the West-Indies;

PREFACE

MADEIRA.

CANARIES.

Cape de VERD Islands,

AFRICA in general.

SIERRALEON.

The GRAIN and MALAGUETTA Coasts.

SESTHOS.

Cape APOLLONIA.

Cabo TRES PUNTAS.

Cabo CORSO.

The Coast from Cabo CORSO to WHYDAH.

WHYDAH.

Currents on the Coast of GUINEA.

RAINS.

WINDS.

The GUINEA Trade.

SLAVES.

IVORY.

GOLD.

Our Return upon the Gold Coast.

PYRATES.

St. George de ELMINA.

Cape LOPEZ.

AVOYAGETO Brasil, and the West-Indies.

BARBADOS.

A Charity Sermon at Bridgetown, for the two Parishes, St. Philip, and Christ-Church.

SUGAR-CANES.

The WEST-INDIES.

JAMAICA.

HURRICANES:

AN ABSTRACT Of the foregoing VOYAGE.

ERRATA.

FOOTNOTES:

A
VOYAGE
TO
Guinea, Brasil, and the
West-Indies;

A
VOYAGE
TO
Brasil, and the West-Indies.

A Charity Sermon at Bridgetown,
for the two Parishes, St. Philip, and Christ-Church.

AN
ABSTRACT
Of the foregoing
VOYAGE.